West Ukrainian People's Republic
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West Ukrainian People's Republic Західноукраїнська Народна Республіка (Ukrainian) | |||||||||||||||||
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1918–1919 | |||||||||||||||||
Anthem: Ще не вмерла України Shche ne vmerla Ukrainy " Act Zluky | 22 January 1919 | ||||||||||||||||
• Exile | 16 July 1919 | ||||||||||||||||
• Government-in-exile dissolved | 15 March 1923 | ||||||||||||||||
Currency | Krone | ||||||||||||||||
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Today part of | Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, Romania |
History of Ukraine |
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Ukraine portal |
The West Ukrainian People's Republic or West Ukrainian National Republic (
The ZUNR emerged as a breakaway state amid the
The coat of arms of the ZUNR was azure, a golden lion rampant. The colours of the flag were blue and yellow, with the blue in a much lighter shade than in the modern Ukrainian Flag.
History
Background
Background According to the Austro-Hungarian census of 1910, the territory claimed by the West Ukrainian People's Republic had about 5.4 million people. Of these, 3,291,000 (approximately 60%) were Ukrainians, 1,351,000 (approximately 25%) were Poles, 660,000 (approximately 12%) were Jews, and the rest included Rusyns, Germans, Hungarians, Romanians, Czechs, Slovaks, Romani, Armenians and others.[2]/ Of this region's 44 territorial divisions, Poles were a majority in only one - the city of Lviv. [3] The cities and towns of this largely rural region were mostly populated by Poles and Jews, while the Ukrainians dominated the countryside. This would prove problematic for the Ukrainians, because the largest city, Lviv (Polish: Lwów, German: Lemberg), had a majority Polish population and was considered by Poland to be one of its most important cities.[4]
The oil reserves near Lviv at
Independence and struggle for existence
The West Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed on 1 November 1918.
The Polish population was hostile to the newly formed West Ukrainian state. They considered it a rule "by bayonet, cudgel, and axe".[8] Polish officials resigned en masse, which undermined the Republic's ability to lead an effective administration. Poles dominated the urban areas and started an uprising against the Ukrainian rule not only in Lviv, but also in Drohobych, Przemyśl, Sambir and Jarosław.[9] This made the West Ukrainian government unable to exert control over the western half of its territory, and made the Polish offensive possible.[citation needed]
Two smaller states west of the West Ukrainian People's Republic also declared independence as result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
An agreement to unite western Ukraine with the rest of Ukraine was made as early as 1 December 1918. The government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic officially united with the
Since western Ukraine had a different tradition in its legal, social and political norms, it was to be autonomous within a united Ukraine.
Relations between the western Ukrainian polity and the Kyiv-based Ukrainian People's Republic were at times strained. The leadership of the former tended to be more conservative in orientation.[15] Well-versed in the culture of the Austrian parliamentary system and an orderly approach to government, they looked upon the socialist revolutionary attitude of their Kyiv-based peers with some dismay and with the concern that the social unrest in the East would spread to Galicia.[16] Likewise, the West Ukrainian troops were more disciplined while those of Kyiv's Ukrainian People's Army were more chaotic and prone to committing pogroms,[17] something actively opposed by the western Ukrainians.[18] The poor discipline in Kyiv's army and the insubordination of its officers shocked the Galician delegates sent to Kyiv.[16]
The national movement in western Ukraine was as strong as in other eastern European countries,[19] and the Ukrainian government was able to mobilize over 100,000 men, 40,000 of whom were battle-ready.[20] Despite the strength of the Ukrainian nationalist forces, they received little support and enthusiasm from the local Ukrainian population; in general, the attitude was often that of indifference, and the male Ukrainian population often tried to avoid service in its military.[21]
Exile and diplomacy
Part of the defeated army found refuge in Czechoslovakia and became known there under the name Ukrajinská brigáda (Czech).[citation needed] On 16 July 1919,[22] the remaining army consisting of about 50,000 soldiers,[citation needed] crossed into the territory of the Ukrainian People's Republic and continued the struggle for Ukrainian independence there.
The same month, the Western Oblast established a government-in-exile in the city of
In talks with
Barthelemy Line
In at attempt to stop the
In 1918, the
On 19 January 1919, by the order of General Franchet d'Esperey, a peacekeeping mission under the command of General Joseph Barthelemy arrived in Kraków. Initially, the mission familiarised itself with the Polish position, which opted for the Bug-Świca line. It then travelled to Lviv, meeting with the Ukrainian delegation. The Ukrainians opted for the San line as a future demarcation line.
In this situation, General Barthelemy presented his compromise proposal on 28 January 1919. The armistice line was to run along the Bug River to
The Polish side accepted this solution,
The commission succeeded in getting the armistice treaty signed on 24 February 1919, and presented its proposals to the parties on 28 February, which was rejected by the West Ukrainian side. As a result of the failure to agree on the demarcation line, Polish-Ukrainian hostilities resumed on 2 March.
Treaty of Warsaw (1920)
In April 1920,
Neither the Polish government in Warsaw nor the exiled Western Ukrainian government agreed to this treaty.
Autonomous status
The Western Ukrainians continued pressing their interests during the negotiations following World War I at the
After a long series of further negotiations, on 14 March 1923 it was decided that eastern Galicia would be incorporated into Poland "taking into consideration that Poland has recognized that in regard to the eastern part of Galicia ethnographic conditions fully deserve its autonomous status."[34] The following day, the government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic disbanded.[35] The Polish government reneged on its promise of autonomy for eastern Galicia.[citation needed]
The Entente powers and the issue of Eastern Galicia
The
Following the consolidation of Soviet power in Russia and the restoration of non-Bolshevik Russia becoming unachievable, the Council of Ambassadors recognised the sovereignty of the Second Polish Republic over the territory of Eastern Galicia on 15 March 1923, with the reservation that Poland introduce autonomous status for this territory, a surrogate for which was the Act on Provincial Self-Government of September 1922, stating in its very title the special character of the territory of Eastern Galicia within the Polish state.[39]
Following a decision by the Council of Ambassadors, the West Ukrainian government in exile led by Sydir Holubovych in Vienna dissolved on 15 March 1923, and most of its members returned to Poland, being actively involved in the political and social life of the Ukrainian minority in the Second Polish Republic.
Government
From 22 to 25 November elections took place in Ukrainian-controlled territory for the 150-member Ukrainian National Council that was to serve as the legislative body.
The West Ukrainian People's Republic governed an area with a population of approximately 4 million people for much of its nine-month existence.
Of the 100 types of postage stamps issued by the republic, all but two were overprints of existing stamps produced by Austria, Austria-Hungary or Bosnia.[44]
Although ethnic Poles represented only a small minority in the rural areas, they dominated the urban areas and almost 39% of eastern Galician lands had been in the hands of large Polish landowners prior to World War I.[24] The Western Ukrainian People's Republic passed laws that confiscated vast manorial estates from private landlords and distributed this land to landless peasants. Other than in those limited cases, the right to private property was made fundamental and expropriation of lands was forbidden. This differentiated the policies of the West Ukrainian People's Republic from those of the socialistic Kyiv-based Ukrainian government.[41]
The territory of the West Ukrainian People's Republic comprised 12 military districts, whose commanders were responsible for conscripting soldiers. The government was able to mobilize 100,000 soldiers in the spring of 1919, but due to a lack of military supplies, only 40,000 were battle-ready.
In general, the government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic was orderly and well-organized. This contrasted with the chaotic state of the Ukrainian governments that arose on the territory of the former Russian Empire.
Policies towards national minorities and inter-ethnic relations
Historian
Treatment of the Polish population
Polish historian Rafał Galuba writes that Polish population was treated as second class citizens by West Ukrainian authorities [47] After 1 November several members of Polish associations were arrested or interned by Ukrainian authorities; similar fate awaited officials who refused to swear an oath of loyalty to Ukrainian state.[48] On 6 November a ban on Polish press and publications was issued in Lviv by Ukrainian authorities and printing presses demolished [49] (Poles had similarly banned Ukrainian publications in territories they controlled [50]) Ukrainian authorities tried to intimidate Polish population in Lviv by sending soldiers and armed trucks into the streets and dispersed crowds that could turn to Polish demonstrations.[51] Christoph Mick states that initially, the Ukrainian government refused to take Polish hostages[52] but as both the Polish civilian and military resistance to Ukrainian forces grew, Polish civilians were threatened with summary executions by Ukrainian commander in chief for alleged attacks and shots on Ukrainian soldiers. In response, the Polish side proposed a peaceful solution of the conflict and joint Polish-Ukrainian militia to oversee the public safety in the city.[52]
In Zloczow 17 Poles were executed by Ukrainian authorities[53] In Brzuchowice Polish railwaymen who refused to comply with Ukrainian orders to work were executed[54]
On 29 May 1919 the archbishop Jozef Bilczewski sent a message to
Poles didn't support the Ukrainian authorities and set up an underground resistance movement that engaged in acts of sabotage.
According to historian Christopher Mick, the Ukrainian government in general treated the Polish population under its control no worse than the Polish government treated the Ukrainians under its control.,[50] writing that Ukrainian authorities didn't treat the Polish population "gently" and that Ukrainian authorities mirrored Polish authorities by making speaking in Polish unwelcome.[58] Mick acknowledges that Ukrainian side during the siege of Lviv stopped caring about supplies reaching the city and attempted to disrupt water supply to city. Its fierce artillery fire killed many civilians, including women and children.[50]
In a report that he submitted to the Polish Foreign Ministry in early 1920, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Lviv Józef Bilczewski stated that the anti-Polish violence under Ukrainian governance was widespread and organised by the government, rather than being spontaneous. He headed a rescue committee that provided food to the poorest, and along with the Greek Catholic Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky he tried to negotiate a peace between the Polish and Ukrainian populace.[8]
Treatment of the Jewish minority
Although relations between Poles and the West Ukrainian People's Republic were antagonistic, those between the Republic and its Jewish citizens was generally neutral or positive. Deep-seated rivalries existed between the Jewish and Polish communities, and anti-Semitism, particularly supported by the Polish National Democratic Party, became a feature of Polish national ideology. As a result, many[quantify] Jews came to consider Polish independence as the least desirable option following the First World War. In contrast to the antagonistic position taken by Polish authorities towards Jews, the Ukrainian government actively supported Jewish cultural and political autonomy as a way of promoting its own legitimacy.
The Western Ukrainian government guaranteed Jewish cultural and national autonomy, provided Jewish communities with self-governing status, and promoted the formation of Jewish national councils which, with the approval of the Western Ukrainian government, established the Central Jewish National Council in December 1918 to represent Jewish interests in relation to the Ukrainian government and to the Western allies.
Reflecting the republic's demographics, approximately one-third of the seats in the national parliament were reserved for the national minorities (Poles, Jews, Slovaks and others). The Poles boycotted the elections, while the Jews, despite declaring their neutrality in the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, participated and were represented by approximately 10 percent of the delegates. Localized anti-Jewish assaults and robberies by Ukrainian peasants and soldiers, while far fewer in number and less brutal than similar actions by Poles, occurred between January and April 1919. The government publicly condemned such actions and intervened in defence of the Jewish community, imprisoning and even executing perpetrators of such crimes.[59] The government also respected Jewish declared neutrality during the Polish-Ukrainian conflict. By the orders of Yevhen Petrushevych it was forbidden to mobilize Jews against their will or to otherwise force them to contribute to the Ukrainian military effort.[18] In an effort to aid Western Ukraine's economy, the Western Ukrainian government granted concessions to Jewish merchants.[59]
The West Ukrainian government's friendly attitude towards Jews was reciprocated by many members of the Jewish community. Although Jewish political organizations officially declared their neutrality in the Polish-Ukrainian struggle, many individual Jews offered their support or sympathized with the West Ukrainian government in its conflict with Poland. Jewish officers of the defunct Austro-Hungarian army joined the West Ukrainian military, and Jewish judges, lawyers, doctors and railroad employees joined the West Ukrainian civil service.[60] From November 1918, ethnic Poles in the civil service who refused to pledge loyalty to the West Ukrainian government either quit en masse or were fired; their positions were filled by large numbers of Jews who were willing to support the Ukrainian state. Jews served as judges and legal consultants in the courts in Ternopil, Stanislaviv, and Kolomyia.[59] Jews were also able to create their own police units,[61] and in some locations the Ukrainian government gave local Jewish militias responsibility for the maintenance of security and order. In the regions of Sambir and Radekhiv approximately a third of the police force was Jewish.[59] Jews fielded their own battalion in the army of the Western Ukrainian National Republic,[62] and Jewish youths worked as scouts for the West Ukrainian military.[59] Most of the Jews cooperating with and serving in the West Ukrainian military were Zionists.[43] In general, Jews made up the largest group of non-ethnic Ukrainians who participated in all branches of the West Ukrainian government.[59]
The liberal attitude taken towards Jews by the Western Ukrainian government could be attributed[by whom?] to the Habsburg tradition of inter-ethnic tolerance and cooperation leaving its mark on the intelligentsia and military officers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.[59] The friendly attitude towards Jews that the Galician Ukrainians had was in stark contrast to the Directorate of Ukraine, which enjoyed no sympathy amongst the Jewish population.
Economy
Currency
The republic did not have its own currency, but rather used the
Along with these official issues, some cities printed their local contingency banknotes (Notgeld) since 1914.
Gallery
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Map of the areas claimed by the West Ukrainian National Republic
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Rail lines of Galicia before 1897
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Territorial claims of Ukraine in 1918
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The West Ukrainian People's Republic in 1919
See also
- Ukrainian Galician Army or UHA, the military forces of the West Ukrainian National Republic.
- Galician Soviet Socialist Republic, revolutionary government installed by Soviet Russia in 1920.
- 1918 Russia–Ukraine negotiations
Notes
- ^ It was later a disputed autonomous region of the Ukrainian People's Republic (1919). The Government-in-exile existed from 1919 to 1923).[citation needed]
- ^ The Styr River valley had seen significant fighting between Russia and the Central Powers during World War I.[citation needed]
References
- ^ Armstrong, John (1963). Ukrainian Nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 18–19.
- ISBN 978-0-7656-0665-5
- ^ Timothy Snyder. (2003). The Reconstruction of Nations. New Haven: Yale University Press, p. 134
- ^ https://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CU%5CK%5CUkrainian6PolishWarinGalicia1918hD719.htm
- ^ ISBN 0-7735-2234-4.
- ^ Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 5, 1993 entry written by Andrzej Chojnowski
- ^ Frank, Alison Fleig (2005). Oil empire: visions of prosperity in Austrian Galicia. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. pp. 207–228.
- ^ ISBN 9781442686847.
- ^ A. Chojnowski. "Ukrainian-Polish War in Galicia Archived 2012-10-12 at the Wayback Machine, 1918–19." Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Vol. 5 1993.
- S2CID 154943090.
- ISBN 9788323387947.
The political fate of the western Lemko region took a different direction. The political involvement of Lemkos in Gorlice, Grybów, Jasło, and Nowy Sącz were influenced to a considerably higher degree than in the eastern region by Austro-Hungarian repressions and the ensuing legend of Thalerhof, which fostered the spread of anti-Ukrainian attitudes. Those feelings also led to the rise of the Florynka Republic.
- ^ Lytvyn, Mykola Romanovych (2005). Західна область Української Народної Республіки (ЗО УНР) [Western Oblast of the Ukrainian People's Republic (WOUPR)]. Енциклопедія історії України [Encyclopedia of the History of Ukraine] (in Ukrainian). Institute of History of Ukraine at the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Retrieved 21 January 2021.
- ^ a b c d Palij, Michael (1995). The Ukrainian-Polish defensive alliance, 1919–1921: an aspect of the Ukrainian revolution. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at University of Alberta. pp. 48–58.
- ^ Subtelny 2000, p. 362.
- ^ a b Anna Procyk. (1995). Russian nationalism and Ukraine: the nationality policy of the volunteer army during the Civil War. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Alberta, pp. 134–144.
- ^ a b Peter J. Potichnyj. (1992). Ukraine and Russia in their historical encounter. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, University of Alberta pg. 148: Dr. Lonhyn Tsehelsky, the western Ukrainian negotiator with the Kyiv government and primary author of the Union between the West Ukrainian Republic and the Kyiv-based Ukrainian People's Republic, expressed shock at the actions of the "rabble" (holota) when the Ukrainian People's Republic came to power.
- ^ Andrew Wilson (1997). Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s: a minority faith. Cambridge University Press pg. 13
- ^ a b Myroslav Shkandrij (2009). Jews in Ukrainian literature: representation and identity. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 94–95
- ^ Subtelny 2000, p. 378.
- ^ Subtelny 2000, p. 369.
- ^ Spór o Galicję Wschodnią 1914–1923 Ludwik Mroczka. Wydawnictwo Naukowe WSP, January 1998 page 106-108
- ^ Subtelny 2000, p. 370.
- ^ Paul Robert Magocsi. (2002). The roots of Ukrainian nationalism: Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pg. 28
- ^ a b c Christopher Gilley (2006). A Simple Question of ‘Pragmatism’? Sovietophilism in the West Ukrainian Emigration in the 1920s Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine Working Paper: Koszalin Institute of Comparative European Studies pp.6–16
- ^ a b c Stakhiv, Matvii (1993). "Western Province of the Ukrainian National Republic". Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Vol. 5. Retrieved 20 May 2021.
- ^ Bilorusets, Hanna (19 January 2020). Акт Злуки: на шляху до створення Української держави. Радіо Свобода (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 14 July 2022.
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5p.99.
- ISBN 83-85130-29-2, pp.300-302.
- ^ "According to a member of the Ukrainian delegation in Lviv, Dr. Michael Lozynsky the French representative on the commission, warned the Ukrainians that their military advantage could disappear quickly once General Haller's Polish Army arrived from France." John Stephen Reshetar. The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917–1920: A Study of Nationalism. Princeton University Press. 1952. pp. 273, 176.
- ^ The Rebirth of Poland Archived 5 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine. University of Kansas, lecture notes by professor Anna M. Cienciala, 2004.
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5p. 108.
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5pp.101-102.
- ^ "Warsaw, Treaty of". www.encyclopediaofukraine.com. Retrieved 16 September 2019.
- ^ Kubijovic, V. (1963). Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
- ^ Lytvyn, Mykola Romanovych; Rubliov, Oleksandr Serhiyovych (2005). Smoliy, V.A. (ed.). Західноукраїнська Народна Республіка (ЗУНР) [West Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR)]. Енциклопедія історії України (in Ukrainian). Vol. 3. Naukova Dumka. Retrieved 23 May 2021.
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ignored (help) - ISBN 83-7177-281-5, p. 284.
- ^ With regard to the area of eastern Galicia, the major powers opted for the so-called Mandate Concept on 20 November 1919. Poland would be given a mandate for East Galicia for twenty-five years, after which its further fate would be decided by the League of Nations. The matter did not continue. Poland exercised (with the exception of the period of the Soviet offensive in the summer of 1920) administrative functions in the area. This was attempted to be countered by the exiled Cabinet of Yevhen Petrushevich His policy was not changed by the statement of the Council of Ambassadors on 12 July 1921 not to recognise the ZURL government as representing East Galicia. Karol Grünberg, Bolesław Sprenger, Difficult Neighbourhood, Warsaw 2005, pp. 264-265.
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5, pp. 285-286.
- ^ 'In view of the fact that it has been recognised by Poland that, as regards the eastern part of Galicia, the ethnographic conditions make autonomous regime necessary'. - the official Polish text of the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors appearing in the Polish Journal of Laws of 20 April 1923 (Journal of Laws - 1923/49/333), Odbudowa państwowości polskiej. Most important documents 1912-1924 edited by Kazimierz W. Kumaniecki, Warsaw-Krakow 1924, p. 676 ('Considerant qu'il est reconnu par la Pologne, qu'en ce qui concerne la partie orientale de la Galicie, les conditions ethnographiques necessitent un regime d'autonomie'. - French text).
- ^ State Secretariat of the Western Ukrainian National Republic Encyclopedia of Ukraine, (1993) vol. 5
- ^ a b c d e Jarosław Hrycak. (1996). Нариси Історії України: Формування модерної української нації XIX-XX ст Archived 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine (Ukrainian; Essays on the History of Ukraine: the Formation of the Modern Ukrainian Nation). Kyiv, Ukraine: Chapter 3.
- ^ Social-Political Portrait of the Ukrainian Leadership of Galicia and Bokovyna during the Reovlutionary Years of 1918–1919 Archived 18 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine Oleh Pavlyshyn (2000). Modern Ukraine Archived 24 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine, volume 4–5
- ^ a b Christoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 177–184
- ^ Michel Europa-Katalog Ost 1985/86, Westukraine
- ^ Bandera – romantyczny terrorysta "Bandera – Romantic Terrorist, interview with Jarosław Hrycak. Gazeta Wyborcza, May 10, 2008. Hrytsak, a history professor at Central European University states: "Before the First World War Ukrainian nationalism under Austrian rule was neither very xenophobic nor aggressive. It was anti-Polish, which was understandable, but not antisemitic."
- ^ "Wojna na mapy" – "wojna na słowa". Onomastyczne i międzykulturowe aspekty polityki językowej II Rzeczpospolitej w stosunku do mniejszości ukraińskiej w Galicji Wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym page 106 Katarzyna Hibel LIT Verlag 2014
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5, pages 145–146, 159–160
- ^ Wojna polsko-ukraińska 1918–1919: działania bojowe, aspekty polityczne, kalendarium Grzegorz Łukomski, Czesław Partacz, Bogusław Polak Wydawn. Wyższej Szkoły Inżynierskiej w Koszalinie; Warszawa, 1994 page 95-96
- ^ Spór o Galicję Wschodnią 1914–1923 Ludwik Mroczka. Wydawnictwo Naukowe WSP, January 1998 page 102
- ^ a b c d Christoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 175
- ^ Lwów 1918–1919 Michał Klimecki Dom Wydawniczy Bellona, 1998, page 99
- ^ a b Christoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 150
- ^ Konflikt polsko-ukraiński w prasie Polski Zachodniej w latach 1918–1923 Marek Figura Wydawn. Poznańskie, page 120, 2001
- ^ Wojna polsko-ukraińska 1918–1919: działania bojowe, aspekty polityczne, kalendarium Grzegorz Łukomski, Czesław Partacz, Bogusław Polak Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Inżynierskiej w Koszalinie; Warszawa, 1994 – 285 page 96 Kiedy w Brzuchowicach kolejarze polscy odmówili pracy, zostali rozstrzelani
- ^ Udział duchowieństwa w polskim życiu politycznym w latach 1914–1924 page 300 Michał Piela RW KUL, 1994 – 359
- ^ Czesław Partacz – Wojna polsko-ukraińska o Lwów i Galicję Wschodnią 1918–1919 Przemyskie Zapiski Historyczne – Studia i materiały poświęcone historii Polski Południowo-Wschodniej. 2006–09 R. XVI-XVII (2010) page 70
- ISBN 83-7177-281-5.)
Let the sword and the blood judge us...
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ^ Christoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 180
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Alexander Victor Prusin. (2005). Nationalizing a Borderland: War, ethnicity, and anti-Jewish violence in Eastern Galicia, 1914–1920. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, pp.97–101.
- ^ Alexander V. Prusin. (2010). The Lands Between: Conflict in the East European Borderlands, 1870–1992. Oxford: Oxford University Press pg. 93
- ^ Aharon Weiss. (1990). Jewish-Ukrainian Relations During the Holocaust. In Peter J. Potichnyj, Howard Aster (eds.) Ukrainian-Jewish relations in historical perspective. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, pp.409–420.
- ^ "Jewish Battalion of the Ukrainian Galician Army | Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 2". encyclopediaofukraine.com. 1989. Retrieved 18 June 2017.
Sources
- John Bulat, Illustrated Postage Stamp History of Western Ukrainian Republic 1918–1919 (Yonkers, NY: Philatelic Publications, 1973).
- Kubijovic, V. (Ed.), Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, University of Toronto Press: Toronto, Canada, 1963.
- ISBN 0802083900. Retrieved 22 May 2021.
- ISBN 0-8020-0830-5.
- Tomasz J. Kopański, Wojna polsko-ukraińska 1918––1919 i jej bohaterowie, Wojskowe Centrum Edukacji Obywatelskiej, Warsaw 2013
External links
- Vasyl Markus, Matvii Stakhiv, Western Ukrainian National Republic in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 5 (1993)
- Dictatorship of the Western Province of the Ukrainian National Republic in the Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 1 (1984)
- Short mention of ZUNR history
- Introduction to Ukrainian Philately Archived 31 January 2010 at the Wayback Machine
- People's war 1917–1932 by Kyiv city organization "Memorial"
- Західно-Українська Народна Республіка 1918–1923. Енциклопедія. Т. 1: А–Ж. Івано-Франківськ : Манускрипт-Львів, 2018. 688 с. ISBN 978-966-2067-44-6
- Західно-Українська Народна Республіка 1918–1923. Енциклопедія. Т. 2: З–О. Івано-Франківськ : Манускрипт-Львів, 2019. 832 с. ISBN 978-966-2067-61-3
- Західно-Українська Народна Республіка 1918-1923. Енциклопедія. Т. 3: П - С. Івано-Франківськ: Манускрипт-Львів, 2020.576 с. ISBN 978-966-2067-65-1
- Західно-Українська Народна Республіка 1918-1923. Енциклопедія. Т. 4: Т - Я. Івано-Франківськ: Манускрипт-Львів, 2021.688 с. ISBN 978-966-2067-72-9