William Bonville, 1st Baron Bonville
William Bonville | |
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1st Margaret Grey Elizabeth Courtenay | |
Issue Detail |
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Father | Sir John Bonville |
Mother | Elizabeth Fitzroger |
William Bonville, 1st Baron Bonville
In 1437, King
Bonville generally seems to have remained loyal to the king, although his guiding motivation was to support whoever would aid him in his struggle against Courtenay. Their feud was part of a broader breakdown in law and order which eventually evolved into the
Background and early life
The Bonvilles were one of the major
William Bonville was born on either 12 or 31 August 1392
Bonville's father died when his son was four,
Marriages and children
In 1414 he married
- William Bonville, who around 1443 married Elizabeth Harington, only daughter of William Harington, 5th Baron Harington.[13]
- Margaret Bonville, who married Sir William Courtenay, of Powderham.
- Philippa Bonville,[note 1]who married Sir William Grenville, of Stowe, whose mother was from a branch of the Courtenay family.
- Elizabeth Bonville,[2]who by November 1446 married an important Midlands landowner, Sir William Tailboys.[14]
These marriages further enhanced Bonville's aristocratic and political connections.[2]
After Margaret died, sometime between April 1426 and October 1427,
With Elizabeth he had no known children, but with Isabel Kirkby he had an illegitimate son:[2]
- John Bonville (died 1491), who married Alice Dennis. His father granted him a financial endowment in 1453,[17] and at death bequeathed him "substantial" property.[2]
Estates and wealth
Bonville's father and grandfather had both had successful careers.[7] As such, when Bonville came of age in 1414[10] he inherited an income of approximately £900 per annum; for context, the historian Martin Cherry says this was "a figure not far short of that enjoyed by the fifteenth-century earls of Devon themselves".[8] His lands—comprising 18 manors[10]—were situated all over England, although concentrated in Devon, particularly around Shute in the south-east of the county, and Somerset.[8] These lands encompassed his grandfather's patrimony, with manors in Devon, Somerset, Dorset and Wiltshire. The Fitzroger estates were mainly in Leicestershire, the East Midlands, and the south-east of England in Kent and Sussex.[2]
Owing to the deaths of their husbands in 1396 and 1408, respectively,
Political career and royal service
Bonville undertook
In 1421, Bonville acted as one of the Duke of Clarence's
On his return to England, much of Bonville's time was occupied with the administration of his estates. Extensive as they were, there was occasional friction—some of it violent—with his neighbours.
In 1437 King Henry VI's minority ended, and he began his personal rule. Bonville was appointed to the
Feud with the Earl of Devon
1437–1440
In 1437, Bonville was appointed Steward of the county of Cornwall for life, for which he received a salary of 40 marks yearly.[25] This immediately made him an enemy of the young Earl of Devon, Thomas Courtenay;[28] Courtenay's wealth was already reduced by his mother's dower,[29][note 9] and so granting Bonville the stewardship was not only a blow to the regional hegemony the Courtenays traditionally enjoyed but reduced the earl's income further.[8] The stewardship was a significant source of patronage to whoever held it in its own right.[30] During the Earl's minority, Courtenay influence in Devon waned and shifted towards the county's upper gentry ("among whom Bonville was pre-eminent", argues Cherry).[8] The historian Hannes Kleineke has argued that the minority created a power vacuum in the county which the regional gentry, such as Bonville, had helped fill. This enabled them to find new areas of profit[31] in the absence of traditional Courtenay patronage.[32] Bonville's (and other local gentry's) pre-eminence in Devon was found to be almost unassailable by the Earl, who wished to regain the regional authority that his ancestors had held.[31] This friction between Bonville and Courtenay soon turned violent.[33]
The grant of the stewardship has been described by Carpenter as "the immediate catalyst for the Courtenay–Bonville feud, which had been threatening for some time".
Bonville antagonised Courtenay by going out of his way to recruit men to his retinue who had traditionally been retained by the Earl.[26] An arbitration took place;[45] or, at least, a decision was imposed upon them,[46] even if an "unworkable" one, according to the historian John Watts.[47] Bonville was by now fifty years old and had not been abroad for nearly 20 years,[41] but in 1443 the council—probably hoping another stint in France would "divert his ample energies from the West Country"[48]—appointed him seneschal of Gascony.[25][note 12] He was not the government's only option for the post:[41] his own retainer Sir Philip Chetwynd had been governing Guyenne since the previous November.[51][note 13] The council intended that Courtenay should also help relieve Avranches, although in the event he did not do so.[44] Accompanied by Sir John Popham—a "reliable and experienced" soldier[53]—Bonville sailed in March the following year.[41] He had indentured to provide 20 men-at-arms and 600 archers[53] as an advance-guard to a larger expeditionary force.[54] King Henry presented him with a personal gift of £100 towards his campaign expenses. Yet it is almost certain that their fleet did not leave Plymouth for many more months.[53] Griffiths has suggested that by now, "the time had passed when a modest-sized army like Bonville's would do".[55] Its size had been limited by the fact that the vast majority of the men raised by the Crown were despatched to Normandy, which was considered more important.[56] At least one ship[2] and men (possibly amounting to a third of his army)[57] and materiel was lost en route.[2] Bonville focussed on assaulting the harbour, fleet and town of La Rochelle itself (French chroniclers referred to Bonville as a corsair).[58] His campaign achieved little, and Bonville himself was seriously injured in a skirmish.[2]
1440–1453
Bonville was absent from England for slightly over two years and returned in April 1445. During his absence, Courtenay had become increasingly powerful in Devon. The King, though, was revealing himself to be a weak-willed monarch, unwilling—or unable—to impose the
Bonville's association with Suffolk was not to last. In early 1450, the duke was
The Earl of Devon's continuing alliance with York brought Courtenay further problems in 1452. By then, York felt excluded from the government as the King had a new favourite,
Henry's illness and Yorkist government
In August 1453, King Henry suffered a period of illness and mental collapse during which he was unable to respond to people or stimulus. He was, therefore, unable to carry out his royal duties. The Lancastrian regime, already weakened by factionalism, was paralysed,[81] and the national political scene became increasingly tense. Bonville attended a council at Westminster in early 1454. This, a Paston correspondent reported, was only after he had "maken all the puissance they can and may to come hider [to Westminster] with theym".[82] It was rumoured that Bonville was planning to join up with other lords—those of Beaumont, Poynings, Clifford and Egremont—and march on London itself, although in the event this did not occur.[83][note 17] Everyone, including Bonville, was preparing for war on a national scale.[87]
The House of Lords eventually appointed the Duke of York as protector of the realm during the King's incapacitation, and York appointed Salisbury chancellor. Although Courtenay was nominally York's ally, the Earl did not see any major benefits from this relationship. (York's other allies, argues John Watts, the Nevilles, received York's assistance in their on-going feud with the Percies in Yorkshire.) Bonville experienced no lessening of his position during the protectorate;[88] indeed, he had committed flagrant acts of piracy against foreign shipping off the south-west coast, which went unpunished. The most prominent victims of Bonville's actions were the Duke of Burgundy's merchants; Burgundy was England's ally on the continent, a position which Bonville's ships endangered.[89]
Battle of St Albans and Bonville's ascendancy
In early 1455 King Henry made a sudden recovery. York and Salisbury were removed from their positions in government and retired to their estates. National politics, already heavily partisan, was tense. The King summoned a great council to be held in Leicester in May. Several chroniclers of the day suggest that Somerset was poisoning the King's mind against York.
In the south-west, Bonville and his ally,
Devon had committed such offences, so Bonville said, falsely, cowardly and traitourously, in breach of his faith as a knight, his prowess and honour, his allegiance, the common good, and the standards "that should pertain to thy estate" as an earl. So damaging were these charges to the Earl's good name that they could not be ignored.[102]
Michael Hicks, historian
Bonville's challenge and Courtenay's ascendancy
Radford's murder marked the beginning of a brief campaign[103]—a "range war"[38]—between the two sides, even more violent than had gone before; which, says Griffiths, turned the region "periodically into a private jousting-field".[103] Edmund Lacey, the Bishop of Exeter, complained that his tenants "dared not occupy the land".[104] Bonville retaliated against Courtenay by looting the Earl's Colcombe manor;[2] says the historian John Gillingham, "on both sides houses were pllaged, cattle driven off, and plenty of plunder taken".[105] Determined to "bring Devon [Courtenay] out into the open on as equal terms as possible", says the historian Michael Hicks, and believing himself to have the "backing of God, the law, and the commonweal",[102] on 22 November 1455 Bonville challenged Courtenay to a duel, albeit for both men to be accompanied by their retainers.[106] He may also have been attempting to draw the Earl out of the city of Exeter, which Courtenay had been occupying for over a fortnight, or to distract him from his siege of Powderham Castle,[107] which Bonville had already twice attempted unsuccessfully to lift.[105] Courtenay had no choice but to take up Bonville's challenge,[102] which openly informed the Earl that "all due salutacions of friendlihode [were now] laide aparte".[106][note 18] On 15 December the two sides met in battle near Clyst St Mary, to the east of Exeter.[110] "Moche people wer sleyn":[2] Although the engagement appears to have been somewhat inconclusive,[111] if anyone lost, it was Bonville,[102][112] who managed to escape alive,[10] although, suggests Hicks, dishonoured, as he had been the challenger.[108] Two days later, Courtenay attacked Bonville's Shute residence, pillaging it thoroughly and carrying away much booty.[2] Courtenay continued his campaign against Bonville for two months.[104]
Neither party had sufficient military or political weight to crush their opponent, and, "nasty as they were, there was little danger of the fights spreading geographically".
Wars of the Roses
Within a few months, say Roskell and Woodger, Bonville "revealed his true colours"
Second Battle of St Albans
The Lancastrians proceeded to march south; Salisbury's son,
Aftermath
Bonville's household was almost immediately dissolved, although some of his staff remained with his widow. He had left no
Although executed for treason, Bonville escaped attainder due to the victory a few weeks later of Edward of York—son of Richard of York—at the Battle of Towton on 29 March 1461. The Lancastrian army was destroyed: Queen Margaret escaped to Scotland, Henry went on the run in the north, and Edward claimed the throne as King Edward IV. Following the battle, the Earl of Devon was captured and beheaded at York.[137][note 22] Edward IV's cousin and chancellor, Archbishop of York George Neville, later called Bonville a "strenuous cavalier",[2] and the 1461 attainder of ex-King Henry referred to Bonville's "prowesse of knyghthode".[139] In recognition of the contribution that Bonville and his family had made to the House of York, Edward granted Bonville's widow Elizabeth a large dower. She died 18 October 1471 having never remarried.[135]
Notes
- ^ a b There is conflicting evidence regarding Philippa's relationship to William Bonville. See Margaret Grey (Bonville's first wife) for details.
- ^ Occasionally spelt Bonneville.[3]
- ^ A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound.[12]
- ^ The legal concept of dower had existed since the late twelfth century as a means of protecting a woman from being left landless if her husband died first. He would, when they married, assign certain estates to her—a dos nominata, or dower—usually a third of everything he was seised of. By the fifteenth century, the widow was deemed entitled to her dower;[18] the historian Rowena Archer argues that this made it "one of the most destructive of baronial incidents" on account of how a long-lived dowager could reduce an inheritance over generations.[19]
- ^ Also spelled Styuecle.[20]
- ^ It is unknown, however, whether Bonville fought in the Battle of Agincourt itself. The historian Clifford J. Rogers notes that the numbers known to have begun the campaign had been reduced by early losses, sickness and those otherwise invalided to England after the siege of Harfleur in particular.[21]
- ^ Clarence had predeceased King Henry, having been killed at the Battle of Baugé the previous year.[23]
- ^ Prior to the 1430s, he was only appointed to commissions of array for Dorset in April 1418 and March 1419.[2]
- ^ Courtenay had been born in 1414, had come of age in 1425, but his mother, Anne Talbot, survived until 1441. During this time she controlled,[9] through both her dower and jointures, approximately two-thirds of the Courtenay inheritance. Furthermore, she had set up a council to manage the estate. This, says Archer, severely mismanaged it.[29]
- Nibley Green which saw Viscount Lisle killed in action, the feud over the Berkeley inheritance in Gloucestershire.[38]
- ^ The historian Christine Carpenter has described this "double grant" as the "most famous instance" of what she has termed the "deskilling" of governmental administrative departments in the early years of Henry VI's personal rule, which resulted in, as Bonville and Courtenay discovered, not only a "lack of control over grants, but outright confusion and contradiction".[42]
- ^ The Seneschal of Gascony, with four sub-seneschals, headed the military, judicial and administrative framework of the Duchy of Gascony on behalf of its lord.[49][50]
- ^ The governor worked alongside Guyenne's seneschal and was responsible for assembling the ducal parlement, overseeing security and general provisioning for the region. It was his political knowledge and experience, says the medievalist Malcolm Vale, "that ultimately determined his importance".[52]
- ^ William Tailboys has been described by the historian Roger Virgoe as "exceptionally violent and unscrupulous even for that age". Tailboys was involved in a long-running and increasingly violent feud with Lord Cromwell throughout the 1440s and 1450s, and, Virgoe suggests, probably found Bonville and the latter's connections at court of particular assistance against Cromwell.[61]
- ^ Translated to English, Worcester described it as "the greatest disturbance".[25]
- ^ The office of lieutenant of Aquitaine went back to at least 1278,[3] and since the Duke of Aquitaine was also King of England, the lieutenant ruled directly on the King's behalf. It was a royal appointment, usually to a close relative of the King, although it was a sporadic one, being mostly filled during periods of war or civil disturbance.[76] It was not a particularly profitable office, notes the economist Michael Postan, and indeed was "as likely to be a source of loss as gain" for the appointee, and the King was regularly forced to provide financial inducements to those he wished to take up the post.[77]
- ^ In other words, it was rumoured that Bonville ordered the gathering of the largest force of men (a puissaunce[84]) that he could, and that having done so, he brought them (hider[85]) to Westminster with him; from a letter of 19 January 1454 from John Studley to John Paston.[86]
- ^ The following day, 23 November 1455, Courtenay replied in much the same spirit, informing Bonville that, for Courtenay, "all frendly greting stonde for nougt". The Earl then informs Bonville that he would refute Bonville's slurs "upon thy fals body prove at time and place by me appoynted".[108] Martin Cherry has noted how their antagonistic greetings "neatly parodied" the usual form of greetings that contemporary letters began with.[109]
- ^ Further illustrating the favour Courtenay was in with the Queen, suggests Griffiths, was the fact that the wedding gowns for his son's marriage to Marie were paid for out of the King's own Great Wardrobe.[118]
- ^ Recent scholarship has cast an element of doubt on this story, as it would dovetail neatly into the Yorkist narrative as propaganda. As has been said, "both Bonville and Kyriel were experienced military commanders, and it is unlikely that their role in the battle would have been limited to looking after King Henry".[127] The story presented by the (Yorkist) chroniclers was that the Prince of Wales, encouraged by Queen Margaret, personally passed Bonville's and Kyriel's death sentences. Supposedly she asked him, "Fair son, what manner of death shall these knights, whom you see here, die?", to which the Prince replied, "Let them have their heads taken off". To the Prince, Kyriel is said to have retorted, "May God destroy those who have taught thee this manner of speech!"[127]This stage of the civil wars saw frequent post-battlefield beheadings by the victor. Two months previously, captured Yorkists (including the Earl of Salisbury) had been executed after Wakefield; earlier in February, Lancastrians were killed after the Battle of Mortimer's Cross, including Owen Tudor; Bonville and Kyriel two weeks later at St Albans;[128] and two months later, in April 1461, the Earl of Devon ("who was sick in York and could not get away", commented John Leland).[129] Over 40 other knights and nobles were beheaded by the victorious Yorkists after the Battle of Towton.[129]
- ^ Apart from the Bonville and Courtenay families, K. B. McFarlane has identified only three other noble families whose ultimate extinction in the main line was directly attributable to the Wars of the Roses: those of Welles, Hungerford and Talbot. [138]
References
- ^ Burke 1864, p. 99.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av Roskell & Woodger 1993.
- ^ a b c Gascon Rolls 2014.
- ^ Carpenter 2012, p. 76.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 16.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Cokayne 1912, p. 218.
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Cherry 2004.
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Roskell 1954, p. 153.
- ^ Roskell 1983, p. 111.
- ^ Harding 2002, p. xiv.
- ^ a b Kleineke 2015, p. 121.
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- ^ Matusiak 2012, p. 218.
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- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 601 n.79.
- ^ Vale 1970, p. 24.
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- ^ Virgoe 1997, p. 291.
- ^ Virgoe 1997, p. 295.
- ^ Watts 1996, p. 239.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 353.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 356.
- ^ a b Radford 1912, p. 254.
- ^ Hicks 1998, p. 93.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 692.
- ^ Gillingham 1993, p. 72.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 596.
- ^ Radford 1912, p. 255.
- ^ Goodman 1981, p. 20.
- ^ Carpenter 1997, p. 128.
- ^ Pollard 2000, p. 136.
- ^ Cherry 1981b, p. 132.
- ^ Wolffe 1981, p. 259.
- ^ Gribit 2016, p. 13.
- ^ Postan 1973, p. 74.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 165.
- ^ Wolffe 1981, p. 262.
- ^ Wolffe 1981, pp. 259–260.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 715.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 723.
- ^ Jacob 1993, p. 508.
- ^ MED 2014a.
- ^ MED 2014b.
- ^ Gairdner 1986, p. 299.
- ^ Tuck 1999, p. 271.
- ^ Watts 1996, pp. 324 + n.274, 338 n.328.
- ^ Johnson 1988, p. 151.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 740.
- ^ a b c d e f Roskell 1954, p. 155.
- ^ Hicks 1998, p. 94.
- ^ Grummitt 2013, p. 59.
- ^ Griffiths 1984, p. 78.
- ^ Pollard 2000, p. 149.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 770 n.202.
- ^ Grummitt 2013, p. 36.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 166.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 167.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 168.
- ^ Carpenter 1997, p. 139.
- ^ a b c d Hicks 2002, p. 60.
- ^ a b Griffiths 1965, p. 221.
- ^ a b Fryde 1996, p. 193.
- ^ a b Gillingham 1993, p. 96.
- ^ a b Hicks 1991, p. 48.
- ^ Vale 1995, p. 263.
- ^ a b Hicks 1991, p. 49.
- ^ Cherry 1981b, p. 123.
- ^ Radford 1912, p. 260.
- ^ Kleineke 2007, p. 143.
- ^ Orme 1999, pp. 41–44.
- ^ Rosenthal 1976, p. 83.
- ^ Kleineke 2007, p. 141.
- ^ Cherry 1981a, p. 303.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 173.
- ^ Hicks 1998, p. 128.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 841 n.175.
- ^ Mirrer 1992, p. 150.
- ^ a b Ross 1994, p. 142.
- ^ Burley, Elliott & Watson 2007, p. 57.
- ^ Scofield 1923, p. 140.
- ^ Hicks 1998, p. 216.
- ^ Cherry 1981b, pp. 138–139.
- ^ a b Storey 1999, pp. 174–175.
- ^ Lewis 2013, p. 240.
- ^ a b Burley, Elliott & Watson 2007, p. 79.
- ^ Boardman 1998, p. 55.
- ^ a b Haigh 2002, p. 92.
- ^ Grummitt 2013, p. 76.
- ^ Wedgwood & Holt 1936, p. 92.
- ^ Pollard 2001, p. 39.
- ^ Kleineke 2015, p. 123.
- ^ Rosenthal 1996, p. 86.
- ^ a b Cokayne 1912, p. 219.
- ^ Kleineke 2015, pp. 124–125.
- ^ Cherry 1981b, p. 138.
- ^ McFarlane 1973, p. 148.
- ^ Collins 1996, p. 171.
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