William Howard Taft
William Howard Taft | |
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27th President of the United States | |
In office March 4, 1909 – March 4, 1913 | |
Vice President |
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Preceded by | Theodore Roosevelt |
Succeeded by | Woodrow Wilson |
10th Chief Justice of the United States | |
In office July 11, 1921 – February 3, 1930 | |
Nominated by | Warren G. Harding |
Preceded by | Edward Douglass White |
Succeeded by | Charles Evans Hughes |
42nd United States Secretary of War | |
In office February 1, 1904 – June 30, 1908 | |
President | Theodore Roosevelt |
Preceded by | Elihu Root |
Succeeded by | Luke Edward Wright |
1st Provisional Governor of Cuba | |
In office September 29, 1906 – October 13, 1906 | |
Appointed by | Theodore Roosevelt |
Preceded by | Tomás Estrada Palma (as President) |
Succeeded by | Charles Edward Magoon |
Governor-General of the Philippines | |
In office July 4, 1901 – December 23, 1903 | |
Appointed by | William McKinley |
Preceded by | Arthur MacArthur Jr. (as Military Governor) |
Succeeded by | Luke Edward Wright |
Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit | |
In office March 17, 1892 – March 15, 1900 | |
Appointed by | Benjamin Harrison |
Preceded by | Seat established |
Succeeded by | Henry Franklin Severens |
6th Solicitor General of the United States | |
In office February 4, 1890 – March 20, 1892[1] | |
President | Benjamin Harrison |
Preceded by | Orlow W. Chapman |
Succeeded by | Charles H. Aldrich |
Personal details | |
Born | Washington, District of Columbia, U.S. | September 15, 1857
Resting place | Arlington National Cemetery |
Political party | Republican |
Spouse | |
Children | |
Parents | |
Relatives | Taft family |
Education | |
Occupation |
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Signature | |
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27th President of the United States
Presidential campaigns
10th Chief Justice of the United States
Post-presidency
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William Howard Taft (September 15, 1857 – March 8, 1930) was the 27th
Taft was born in
With Roosevelt's help, Taft had little opposition for the Republican nomination for president in 1908 and easily defeated
After leaving office, Taft returned to Yale as a professor, continuing his political activity and working against war through the League to Enforce Peace. In 1921, Harding appointed Taft chief justice, an office he had long sought. Chief Justice Taft was a conservative on business issues, and under him there were advances in individual rights. In poor health, he resigned in February 1930, and died the following month. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery, the first president and first Supreme Court justice to be interred there. Taft is generally listed near the middle in historians' rankings of U.S. presidents.
Early life and education
William Howard Taft was born September 15, 1857, in Cincinnati, Ohio, to Alphonso Taft and Louise Torrey.[2] The Taft family was not wealthy, living in a modest home in the suburb of Mount Auburn. Alphonso served as a judge and an ambassador, and was U.S. Secretary of War and Attorney General under President Ulysses S. Grant.[3]
William Taft was not seen as brilliant as a child, but was a hard worker; his demanding parents pushed him and his four brothers toward success, tolerating nothing less. He attended Woodward High School in Cincinnati. At Yale College, which he entered in 1874, the heavyset, jovial Taft was popular and an intramural heavyweight wrestling champion. One classmate said he succeeded through hard work rather than by being the smartest, and had integrity.[4][5] He was elected a member of Skull and Bones, the Yale secret society co-founded by his father, one of three future presidents (with George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush) to be a member.[6] In 1878, Taft graduated second in his class of 121.[7] He attended Cincinnati Law School,[8] and graduated with a Bachelor of Laws in 1880. While in law school, he worked on The Cincinnati Commercial newspaper,[7] edited by Murat Halstead. Taft was assigned to cover the local courts, and also spent time reading law in his father's office; both activities gave him practical knowledge of the law that was not taught in class. Shortly before graduating from law school, Taft went to Columbus to take the bar examination and easily passed.[9]
Rise in government (1880–1908)
Ohio lawyer and judge
After admission to the Ohio bar, Taft devoted himself to his job at the Commercial full-time. Halstead was willing to take him on permanently at an increased salary if he would give up the law, but Taft declined. In October 1880, Taft was appointed assistant prosecutor for Hamilton County (where Cincinnati is located), and took office the following January. Taft served for a year as assistant prosecutor, trying his share of routine cases.[10] He resigned in January 1882 after President Chester A. Arthur appointed him Collector of Internal Revenue for Ohio's First District, an area centered on Cincinnati.[11] Taft refused to dismiss competent employees who were politically out of favor, and resigned effective in March 1883, writing to Arthur that he wished to begin private practice in Cincinnati.[12] In 1884, Taft campaigned for the Republican candidate for president, Maine Senator James G. Blaine, who lost to New York Governor Grover Cleveland.[13]
In 1887, Taft, then aged 29, was appointed to a vacancy on the Superior Court of Cincinnati by Governor
It is not clear when Taft met Helen Herron (often called Nellie), but it was no later than 1880, when she mentioned in her diary receiving an invitation to a party from him. By 1884, they were meeting regularly, and in 1885, after an initial rejection, she agreed to marry him. The wedding took place at the Herron home on June 19, 1886. William Taft remained devoted to his wife throughout their almost 44 years of marriage. Nellie Taft pushed her husband much as his parents had, and she could be very frank with her criticisms.[15][16] The couple had three children, of whom the eldest, Robert, became a U.S. senator.[2]
Solicitor General
There was a seat vacant on the
New York Senator William M. Evarts, a former Secretary of State, had been a classmate of Alphonso Taft at Yale.[c] Evarts called to see his friend's son as soon as Taft took office, and William and Nellie Taft were launched into Washington society. Nellie Taft was ambitious for herself and her husband, and was annoyed when the people he socialized with most were mainly Supreme Court justices, rather than the arbiters of Washington society such as Theodore Roosevelt, John Hay, Henry Cabot Lodge and their wives.[18]
In 1891, Taft introduced a new policy: confession of error, by which the U.S. government would concede a case in the Supreme Court that it had won in the court below but that the solicitor general thought it should have lost. At Taft's request, the Supreme Court reversed a murder conviction that Taft said had been based on inadmissible evidence. The policy continues to this day.[19]
Although Taft was successful as Solicitor General, winning 15 of the 18 cases he argued before the Supreme Court,
Federal judge
Taft's
According to historian Louis L. Gould, "while Taft shared the fears about social unrest that dominated the middle classes during the 1890s, he was not as conservative as his critics believed. He supported the right of labor to organize and strike, and he ruled against employers in several negligence cases."
In 1896, Taft became dean and Professor of
From the 1890s until his death, Taft played a major role in the international legal community. He was active in many organizations, was a leader in the worldwide arbitration movement, and taught international law at the Yale Law School.[27] Taft advocated the establishment of a world court of arbitration supported by an international police force and is considered a major proponent of "world peace through law" movement.[28][29] One of the reasons for his bitter break with Roosevelt in 1910–12 was Roosevelt's insistence that arbitration was naïve and that only war could decide major international disputes.[30]
Philippine years
In January 1900, Taft was called to Washington to meet with McKinley. Taft hoped a Supreme Court appointment was in the works, but instead McKinley wanted to place Taft on the commission to organize a civilian government in the Philippines. The appointment would require Taft's resignation from the bench; the president assured him that if he fulfilled this task, McKinley would appoint him to the next vacancy on the high court. Taft accepted on condition he was made head of the commission, with responsibility for success or failure; McKinley agreed, and Taft sailed for the islands in April 1900.[31]
The American takeover meant the
Taft sought to make the Filipinos partners in a venture that would lead to their self-government; he saw independence as something decades off. Many Americans in the Philippines viewed the locals as racial inferiors, but Taft wrote soon before his arrival, "we propose to banish this idea from their minds".[39] Taft did not impose racial segregation at official events, and treated the Filipinos as social equals.[40] Nellie Taft recalled that "neither politics nor race should influence our hospitality in any way".[41]
McKinley was assassinated in September 1901, and was succeeded by Theodore Roosevelt. Taft and Roosevelt had first become friends around 1890 while Taft was Solicitor General and Roosevelt a member of the United States Civil Service Commission. Taft had, after McKinley's election, urged the appointment of Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and watched as Roosevelt became a war hero, Governor of New York, and Vice President of the United States. They met again when Taft went to Washington in January 1902 to recuperate after two operations caused by an infection.[42] There, Taft testified before the Senate Committee on the Philippines. Taft wanted Filipino farmers to have a stake in the new government through land ownership, but much of the arable land was held by Catholic religious orders of mostly Spanish priests, which were often resented by the Filipinos. Roosevelt had Taft go to Rome to negotiate with Pope Leo XIII, to purchase the lands and to arrange the withdrawal of the Spanish priests, with Americans replacing them and training locals as clergy. Taft did not succeed in resolving these issues on his visit to Rome, but an agreement on both points was made in 1903.[43]
In late 1902, Taft had heard from Roosevelt that a seat on the Supreme Court would soon fall vacant on the resignation of Justice
Secretary of War
When Taft took office as Secretary of War in January 1904, he was not called upon to spend much time administering the army, which the president was content to do himself—Roosevelt wanted Taft as a troubleshooter in difficult situations, as a legal adviser, and to be able to give campaign speeches as he sought election in his own right. Taft strongly defended Roosevelt's record in his addresses, and wrote of the president's successful but strenuous efforts to gain election, "I would not run for president if you guaranteed the office. It is awful to be afraid of one's shadow."[46][47]
Between 1905 and 1907, Taft came to terms with the likelihood he would be the next Republican nominee for president, though he did not plan to actively campaign for it. When Justice Henry Billings Brown resigned in 1906, Taft would not accept the seat although Roosevelt offered it, a position Taft held to when another seat opened in 1906.[48] Edith Roosevelt, the First Lady, disliked the growing closeness between the two men, feeling that they were too much alike and that the president did not gain much from the advice of someone who rarely contradicted him.[49]
Alternatively, Taft wanted to be chief justice, and kept a close eye on the health of the aging incumbent,
Through the 1903
Another colony lost by Spain in 1898 was Cuba, but as freedom for Cuba had been a major purpose of the war, it was not annexed by the U.S., but was, after a period of occupation, given independence in 1902. Election fraud and corruption followed, as did factional conflict. In September 1906, President Tomás Estrada Palma asked for U.S. intervention. Taft traveled to Cuba with a small American force, and on September 29, 1906, under the terms of the Cuban–American Treaty of Relations of 1903, declared himself Provisional Governor of Cuba, a post he held for two weeks before being succeeded by Charles Edward Magoon. In his time in Cuba, Taft worked to persuade Cubans that the U.S. intended stability, not occupation.[52]
Taft remained involved in Philippine affairs. During Roosevelt's election campaign in 1904, he urged that Philippine agricultural products be admitted to the U.S. without duty. This caused growers of U.S. sugar and tobacco to complain to Roosevelt, who remonstrated with his Secretary of War. Taft expressed unwillingness to change his position, and threatened to resign;[53] Roosevelt hastily dropped the matter.[54] Taft returned to the islands in 1905, leading a delegation of congressmen, and again in 1907, to open the first Philippine Assembly.[55]
On both of his Philippine trips as
Presidential election of 1908
Gaining the nomination
Roosevelt had served almost three and a half years of McKinley's term. On the night of his own election in 1904, Roosevelt publicly declared that he would not run for reelection in 1908, a pledge he quickly regretted. But he felt bound by his word. Roosevelt believed Taft was his logical successor, although the War Secretary had initially been reluctant to run.[59] Roosevelt used his control of the party machinery to aid his heir apparent.[59] On pain of the loss of their jobs, political appointees were required to support Taft or remain silent.[60]
A number of Republican politicians, such as
Assistant
General election campaign
Taft's opponent in the general election was Bryan, the Democratic nominee for the third time in four presidential elections. As many of Roosevelt's reforms stemmed from proposals by Bryan, the Democrat argued that he was the true heir to Roosevelt's mantle. Corporate contributions to federal political campaigns had been outlawed by the 1907
Taft began the campaign on the wrong foot, fueling the arguments of those who said he was not his own man by traveling to Roosevelt's home at Sagamore Hill for advice on his acceptance speech, saying that he needed "the President's judgment and criticism".[67] Taft supported most of Roosevelt's policies. He argued that labor had a right to organize, but not boycott, and that corporations and the wealthy must also obey the law. Bryan wanted the railroads to be owned by the government, but Taft preferred that they remain in the private sector, with their maximum rates set by the Interstate Commerce Commission, subject to judicial review. Taft attributed blame for the recent recession, the Panic of 1907, to stock speculation and other abuses, and felt some reform of the currency (the U.S. was on the gold standard) was needed to allow flexibility in the government's response to poor economic times, that specific legislation on trusts was needed to supplement the Sherman Antitrust Act, and that the constitution should be amended to allow for an income tax, thus overruling decisions of the Supreme Court striking such a tax down. Roosevelt's expansive use of executive power had been controversial; Taft proposed to continue his policies, but place them on more solid legal underpinnings through the passage of legislation.[68]
Taft upset some progressives by choosing Hitchcock as Chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC), placing him in charge of the presidential campaign. Hitchcock was quick to bring in men closely allied with big business.[69] Taft took an August vacation in Hot Springs, Virginia, where he irritated political advisors by spending more time on golf than strategy. After seeing a newspaper photo of Taft taking a large swing at a golf ball, Roosevelt warned him against candid shots.[70]
Roosevelt, frustrated by his own relative inaction, showered Taft with advice, fearing that the electorate would not appreciate Taft's qualities, and that Bryan would win. Roosevelt's supporters spread rumors that the president was in effect running Taft's campaign. This annoyed Nellie Taft, who never trusted the Roosevelts.[71] Nevertheless, Roosevelt supported the Republican nominee with such enthusiasm that humorists suggested "TAFT" stood for "Take advice from Theodore".[72]
Bryan urged a system of bank guarantees, so that depositors could be repaid if banks failed, but Taft opposed this, offering a
In the end, Taft won by a comfortable margin. Taft defeated Bryan by 321 electoral votes to 162; however, he garnered just 51.6 percent of the popular vote.[74] Nellie Taft said regarding the campaign, "There was nothing to criticize, except his not knowing or caring about the way the game of politics is played."[75] Longtime White House usher Ike Hoover recalled that Taft came often to see Roosevelt during the campaign, but seldom between the election and Inauguration Day, March 4, 1909.[76]
Presidency (1909–1913)
Inauguration and appointments
Taft was sworn in as president on March 4, 1909. Due to a winter storm that coated Washington with ice, Taft was inaugurated within the Senate Chamber rather than outside the Capitol as is customary. The new president stated in his inaugural address that he had been honored to have been "one of the advisers of my distinguished predecessor" and to have had a part "in the reforms he has initiated. I should be untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of the party platform on which I was elected if I did not make the maintenance and enforcement of those reforms a most important feature of my administration".[77] He pledged to make those reforms long-lasting, ensuring that honest businessmen did not suffer uncertainty through change of policy. He spoke of the need to reduce the 1897 Dingley tariff, of the need for antitrust reform, and for continued advancement of the Philippines toward full self-government.[78] Roosevelt left office with regret that his tenure in the position he enjoyed so much was over and, to keep out of Taft's way, arranged for a year-long hunting trip to Africa.[79]
Soon after the Republican convention, Taft and Roosevelt had discussed which cabinet officers would stay on. Taft kept only
Taft did not enjoy the easy relationship with the press that Roosevelt had, choosing not to offer himself for interviews or photo opportunities as often as his predecessor had.[82] His administration marked a change in style from the charismatic leadership of Roosevelt to Taft's quieter passion for the rule of law.[83]
First Lady's illness
Early in Taft's term, in May 1909, his wife Nellie had a severe stroke that left her paralysed in one arm and one leg and deprived her of the power of speech. Taft spent several hours each day looking after her and teaching her to speak again, which took a year.[84]
Foreign policy
Organization and principles
Taft made it a priority to restructure the State Department, noting, "it is organized on the basis of the needs of the government in 1800 instead of 1900."[85] The department was for the first time organized into geographical divisions, including desks for the Far East, Latin America and Western Europe.[86] The department's first in-service training program was established, and appointees spent a month in Washington before going to their posts.[87] Taft and Secretary of State Knox had a strong relationship, and the president listened to his counsel on matters foreign and domestic. According to historian Paolo E. Coletta, Knox was not a good diplomat, and had poor relations with the Senate, press, and many foreign leaders, especially those from Latin America.[88]
There was broad agreement between Taft and Knox on major foreign policy goals; the U.S. would not interfere in European affairs, and would use force if necessary to enforce the
Tariffs and reciprocity
At the time of Taft's presidency, protectionism through the use of tariffs was a fundamental position of the Republican Party.[90] The Dingley Act tariff had been enacted to protect American industry from foreign competition. The 1908 party platform had supported unspecified revisions to the Dingley Act, and Taft interpreted this to mean reduction. Taft called a special session of Congress to convene on March 15, 1909, to deal with the tariff question.[91]
When opponents sought to modify the tariff bill to allow for an income tax, Taft opposed it on the ground that the Supreme Court would likely strike it down as unconstitutional, as it had before. Instead, they proposed a constitutional amendment, which passed both houses in early July, was sent to the states, and by 1913 was ratified as the
In Taft's
Latin America
Taft and his Secretary of State, Philander Knox, instituted a policy of
When Taft entered office, Mexico was increasingly restless under the grip of longtime dictator
Nicaragua's president, José Santos Zelaya, wanted to revoke commercial concessions granted to American companies,[j] and American diplomats quietly favored rebel forces under Juan Estrada.[102] Nicaragua was in debt to foreign powers, and the U.S. was unwilling to let an alternate canal route fall into the hands of Europeans. Zelaya's elected successor, José Madriz, could not put down the rebellion as U.S. forces interfered, and in August 1910, the Estrada forces took Managua, the capital. The U.S. compelled Nicaragua to accept a loan, and sent officials to ensure it was repaid from government revenues. The country remained unstable, and after another coup in 1911 and more disturbances in 1912, Taft sent troops to begin the United States occupation of Nicaragua, which lasted until 1933.[103][104]
Treaties among Panama, Colombia, and the United States to resolve disputes arising from the Panamanian Revolution of 1903 had been signed by the lame-duck Roosevelt administration in early 1909, and were approved by the Senate and also ratified by Panama. Colombia, however, declined to ratify the treaties, and after the 1912 elections, Knox offered $10 million to the Colombians (later raised to $25 million). The Colombians felt the amount inadequate, and requested arbitration; the matter was not settled under the Taft administration.[105]
East Asia
Due to his years in the Philippines, Taft was keenly interested as president in East Asian affairs.
In 1898, an American company had gained a concession for a railroad between
After the revolution broke out, the revolt's leaders chose
Europe
Taft was opposed to the traditional practice of rewarding wealthy supporters with key ambassadorial posts, preferring that diplomats not live in a lavish lifestyle and selecting men who, as Taft put it, would recognize an American when they saw one. High on his list for dismissal was the ambassador to France, Henry White, whom Taft knew and disliked from his visits to Europe. White's ousting caused other career State Department employees to fear that their jobs might be lost to politics. Taft also wanted to replace the Roosevelt-appointed ambassador in London, Whitelaw Reid, but Reid, owner of the New-York Tribune, had backed Taft during the campaign, and both William and Nellie Taft enjoyed his gossipy reports. Reid remained in place until his 1912 death.[115]
Taft was a supporter of settling international disputes by arbitration, and he negotiated treaties with Great Britain and with France providing that differences be arbitrated. These were signed in August 1911. Neither Taft nor Knox (a former senator) consulted with members of the Senate during the negotiating process. By then many Republicans were opposed to Taft and the president felt that lobbying too hard for the treaties might cause their defeat. He made some speeches supporting the treaties in October, but the Senate added amendments Taft could not accept, killing the agreements.[116]
Although no general arbitration treaty was entered into, Taft's administration settled several disputes with Great Britain by peaceful means, often involving arbitration. These included a settlement of the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick, a long-running dispute over seal hunting in the Bering Sea that also involved Japan, and a similar disagreement regarding fishing off Newfoundland. The sealing convention remained in force until abrogated by Japan in 1940.[117]
Domestic policies and politics
Antitrust
Taft continued and expanded Roosevelt's efforts to break up business combinations through lawsuits brought under the
In October 1911, Taft's Justice Department brought suit against U.S. Steel, demanding that over a hundred of its subsidiaries be granted corporate independence, and naming as defendants many prominent business executives and financiers. The pleadings in the case had not been reviewed by Taft, and alleged that Roosevelt "had fostered monopoly, and had been duped by clever industrialists".[119] Roosevelt was offended by the references to him and his administration in the pleadings, and felt that Taft could not evade command responsibility by saying he did not know of them.[121]
Taft sent a special message to Congress on the need for a revamped antitrust statute when it convened its regular session in December 1911, but it took no action. Another antitrust case that had political repercussions for Taft was that brought against the
Ballinger–Pinchot affair
Roosevelt was an ardent conservationist, assisted in this by like-minded appointees, including Interior Secretary James R. Garfield[k] and Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot. Taft agreed with the need for conservation, but felt it should be accomplished by legislation rather than executive order. He did not retain Garfield, an Ohioan, as secretary, choosing instead a westerner, former Seattle mayor Richard A. Ballinger. Roosevelt was surprised at the replacement, believing that Taft had promised to keep Garfield, and this change was one of the events that caused Roosevelt to realize that Taft would choose different policies.[123]
Roosevelt had withdrawn much land from the public domain, including some in Alaska thought rich in coal. In 1902, Clarence Cunningham, an Idaho entrepreneur, had found coal deposits in Alaska, and made mining claims, and the government investigated their legality. This dragged on for the remainder of the Roosevelt administration, including during the year (1907–1908) when Ballinger served as head of the United States General Land Office.[124] A special agent for the Land Office, Louis Glavis, investigated the Cunningham claims, and when Secretary Ballinger in 1909 approved them, Glavis broke governmental protocol by going outside the Interior Department to seek help from Pinchot.[125]
In September 1909, Glavis made his allegations public in a magazine article, disclosing that Ballinger had acted as an attorney for Cunningham between his two periods of government service. This violated conflict of interest rules forbidding a former government official from advocacy on a matter he had been responsible for.[126] On September 13, 1909, Taft dismissed Glavis from government service, relying on a report from Attorney General George W. Wickersham dated two days previously.[127] Pinchot was determined to dramatize the issue by forcing his own dismissal, which Taft tried to avoid, fearing that it might cause a break with Roosevelt (still overseas). Taft asked Elihu Root (by then a senator) to look into the matter, and Root urged the firing of Pinchot.[126]
Taft had ordered government officials not to comment on the fracas.
Civil rights
Taft announced in his inaugural address that he would not appoint African Americans to federal jobs, such as postmaster, where this would cause racial friction. This differed from Roosevelt, who would not remove or replace black officeholders with whom local whites would not deal. Termed Taft's "Southern Policy", this stance effectively invited white protests against black appointees. Taft followed through, removing most black office holders in the South, and made few appointments of African Americans in the North.[132]
At the time Taft was inaugurated, the way forward for African Americans was debated by their leaders.
Taft, a Unitarian, was a leader in the early 20th century of the favorable reappraisal of Catholicism's historic role. It tended to neutralize anti-Catholic sentiments, especially in the Far West where Protestantism was a weak force. In 1904 Taft gave a speech at the University of Notre Dame. He praised the "enterprise, courage, and fidelity to duty that distinguished those heroes of Spain who braved the then frightful dangers of the deep to carry Christianity and European civilization into" the Philippines. In 1909 he praised Junípero Serra as an "apostle, legislator, [and] builder" who advanced "the beginning of civilization in California."[134]
A supporter of free immigration, Taft vetoed a bill passed by Congress and supported by labor unions that would have restricted unskilled laborers by imposing a literacy test.[135]
Judicial appointments
Taft made six appointments to the Supreme Court; only
Justice
With the death of Justice Harlan in October 1911, Taft got to fill a sixth seat on the Supreme Court. After Secretary Knox declined appointment, Taft named
Taft appointed 13 judges to the federal courts of appeal and 38 to the
1912 presidential campaign and election
Moving apart from Roosevelt
During Roosevelt's fifteen months beyond the Atlantic, from March 1909 to June 1910, neither man wrote much to the other. Taft biographer Lurie suggested that each expected the other to make the first move to re-establish their relationship on a new footing. Upon Roosevelt's triumphant return, Taft invited him to stay at the White House. The former president declined, and in private letters to friends expressed dissatisfaction at Taft's performance. Taft and Roosevelt met twice in 1910; the meetings, though outwardly cordial, did not display their former closeness.[143] Nevertheless, he wrote that he expected Taft to be renominated by the Republicans in 1912, and did not speak of himself as a candidate.[144]
Roosevelt gave a series of speeches in the West in the late summer and early fall of 1910 in which he severely criticized the nation's judiciary. He not only attacked the Supreme Court's 1905 decision Lochner v. New York, he accused the federal courts of undermining democracy, branding the suspect jurists "fossilized judges", and comparing their tendency to strike down progressive reform legislation to Justice Roger Taney's ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). To ensure that the constitution served the public interest, Roosevelt joined other progressives, including the Democrat William Jennings Bryan, in calling for "judicial recall", which would theoretically enable popular majorities to remove judges from office by referendum and, in some cases, reverse unpopular judicial decisions. This attack horrified Taft, who, though he privately agreed that Lochner and other decisions had been poorly decided, adamantly believed in the importance of judicial authority to constitutional government. His personal horror was shared by other prominent members of the nation's elite legal community, like Elihu Root and Alton B. Parker, and solidified in Taft's mind that Roosevelt must not be permitted to regain the presidency, whatever the cost.[145]
In addition to the judicial issue, Roosevelt called for "elimination of corporate expenditures for political purposes, physical valuation of railroad properties, regulation of industrial combinations, establishment of an export tariff commission, a graduated income tax", and "workmen's compensation laws, state and national legislation to regulate the [labor] of women and children, and complete publicity of campaign expenditure".[146] According to John Murphy, "As Roosevelt began to move to the left, Taft veered to the right."[146]
During the 1910 midterm election campaign, Roosevelt involved himself in New York politics. With donations and influence, Taft meanwhile tried to secure the election of Ohio's Republican gubernatorial nominee, former lieutenant governor Warren G. Harding. The Republicans suffered losses in the 1910 elections as the Democrats took control of the House and slashed the Republican majority in the Senate. In New Jersey, Democrat Woodrow Wilson was elected governor, and Harding lost in Ohio.[143]
After the election, Roosevelt continued to promote progressive ideals, a New Nationalism, much to Taft's dismay. Roosevelt attacked his successor's administration, arguing that its guiding principles were not those of the party of Lincoln, but those of the Gilded Age.[147] The feud continued on and off through 1911, a year in which there were few elections of significance. Senator Robert La Follette announced a presidential run as a Republican, and was backed by a convention of progressives. Roosevelt began to move into a position for a run in late 1911, writing that the tradition that presidents not run for a third term applied only to consecutive terms.[148]
Roosevelt received many letters from supporters urging him to run, and Republican office-holders were organizing on his behalf. Thwarted on many policies by an unwilling Congress and courts in his full term in the White House, he saw manifestations of public support he believed would sweep him to the White House with a mandate for progressive policies that would brook no opposition.[149] In February, Roosevelt announced he would accept the Republican nomination if it was offered to him. Taft felt that if he lost in November, it would be a repudiation of the party, but if he lost renomination, it would be a rejection of himself.[150] He was reluctant to oppose Roosevelt, who helped make him president, but having become president, he was determined to be president, and that meant not standing aside to allow Roosevelt to gain another term.[151]
Primaries and convention
As Roosevelt became more radical in his progressivism, Taft was hardened in his resolve to achieve re-nomination, as he was convinced that the progressives threatened the very foundation of the government.[152] One blow to Taft was the loss of Archibald Butt, one of the last links between the previous and present presidents, as Butt had formerly served Roosevelt. Ambivalent between his loyalties, Butt went to Europe on vacation; he died in the sinking of the RMS Titanic.[153]
Roosevelt dominated the primaries, winning 278 of the 362 delegates to the Republican National Convention in Chicago decided in that manner. Taft had control of the party machinery, and it came as no surprise that he gained the bulk of the delegates decided at district or state conventions.[154] Taft did not have a majority, but was likely to have one once southern delegations committed to him. Roosevelt challenged the election of these delegates, but the RNC overruled most objections. Roosevelt's sole remaining chance was with a friendly convention chairman, who might make rulings on the seating of delegates that favored his side. Taft followed custom and remained in Washington, but Roosevelt went to Chicago to run his campaign[155] and told his supporters in a speech, "we stand at Armageddon, and we battle for the Lord".[156][157]
Taft had won over Root, who agreed to run for temporary chairman of the convention, and the delegates elected Root over Roosevelt's candidate.[156] The Roosevelt forces moved to substitute the delegates they supported for the ones they argued should not be seated. Root made a crucial ruling, that although the contested delegates could not vote on their own seating, they could vote on the other contested delegates, a ruling that assured Taft's nomination, as the motion offered by the Roosevelt forces failed, 567–507.[158] As it became clear Roosevelt would bolt the party if not nominated, some Republicans sought a compromise candidate to avert electoral disaster; they failed.[159] Taft's name was placed in nomination by Warren Harding, whose attempts to praise Taft and unify the party were met with angry interruptions from progressives.[160] Taft was nominated on the first ballot, though most Roosevelt delegates refused to vote.[158]
Campaign and defeat
Alleging Taft had stolen the nomination, Roosevelt and his followers formed the
Reverting to the pre-1888 custom that presidents seeking reelection did not campaign, Taft spoke publicly only once, making his nomination acceptance speech on August 1.[166] He had difficulty in financing the campaign, as many industrialists had concluded he could not win, and would support Wilson to block Roosevelt. The president issued a confident statement in September after the Republicans narrowly won Vermont's state elections in a three-way fight, but had no illusions he would win his race.[167] He had hoped to send his cabinet officers out on the campaign trail, but found them reluctant to go. Senator Root agreed to give a single speech for him.[168]
Vice President Sherman had been renominated at Chicago; seriously ill during the campaign, he died six days before the election,[o] and was replaced on the ticket by the president of Columbia University, Nicholas Murray Butler. But few electors chose Taft and Butler, who won only Utah and Vermont, for a total of eight electoral votes.[p] Roosevelt won 88, and Wilson 435. Wilson won with a plurality—not a majority—of the popular vote. Taft finished with just under 3.5 million, over 600,000 less than the former president.[169] Taft was not on the ballot in California, due to the actions of local Progressives, nor in South Dakota.[170]
Return to Yale (1913–1921)
With no pension or other compensation to expect from the government after leaving the White House, Taft contemplated a return to the practice of law, from which he had long been absent. Given that Taft had appointed many federal judges, including a majority of the Supreme Court, this would raise questions of conflict of interest at every federal court appearance and he was saved from this by an offer for him to become Kent Professor of Law and Legal History at Yale Law School. He accepted, and after a month's vacation in Georgia, arrived in New Haven on April 1, 1913, to a rapturous reception. As it was too late in the semester for him to give an academic course, he instead prepared eight lectures on "Questions of Modern Government", which he delivered in May.[171] He earned money with paid speeches and with articles for magazines, and would end his eight years out of office having increased his savings.[172] While at Yale, he wrote the treatise, Our Chief Magistrate and His Powers (1916).[173]
Taft had been made president of the
Taft maintained a cordial relationship with Wilson. The former president privately criticized his successor on a number of issues, but made his views known publicly only on Philippine policy. Taft was appalled when, after Justice Lamar's death in January 1916, Wilson nominated Brandeis, whom the former president had never forgiven for his role in the Ballinger–Pinchot affair. When hearings led to nothing discreditable about Brandeis, Taft intervened with a letter signed by himself and other former ABA presidents, stating that Brandeis was not fit to serve on the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, the Democratic-controlled Senate confirmed Brandeis.[176] Taft and Roosevelt remained embittered; they met only once in the first three years of the Wilson presidency, at a funeral at Yale. They spoke only for a moment, politely but formally.[177]
As president of the League to Enforce Peace, Taft hoped to prevent war through an international association of nations. With World War I raging in Europe, Taft sent Wilson a note of support for his foreign policy in 1915.[178] President Wilson accepted Taft's invitation to address the league, and spoke in May 1916 of a postwar international organization that could prevent a repetition.[179] Taft supported the effort to get Justice Hughes to resign from the bench and accept the Republican presidential nomination. Once this was done, Hughes tried to get Roosevelt and Taft to reconcile, as a united effort was needed to defeat Wilson. This occurred on October 3 in New York, but Roosevelt allowed only a handshake, and no words were exchanged. This was one of many difficulties for the Republicans in the campaign, and Wilson narrowly won reelection.[180]
In March 1917, Taft demonstrated public support for the war effort by joining the Connecticut State Guard, a
During the war, Taft took leave from Yale in order to serve as co-chairman of the
When Wilson proposed establishment of a League of Nations, Taft expressed public support. He was the leader of his party's activist wing, and was opposed by a small group of senators who vigorously opposed the League. Taft's flip-flop on whether reservations to the Versailles Treaty were necessary angered both sides, causing some Republicans to call him a Wilson supporter and a traitor to his party. The Senate refused to ratify the Versailles pact.[187]
Chief Justice (1921–1930)
Appointment
During the 1920 election campaign, Taft supported the Republican ticket—Harding (by then a senator) and Massachusetts Governor
White by then was in failing health, but made no move to resign when Harding was sworn in on March 4, 1921.[190] Taft called on the chief justice on March 26, and found White ill, but still carrying on his work and not talking of retiring.[191] White did not retire, dying in office on May 19, 1921. Taft issued a tribute to the man he had appointed to the center seat and waited and worried if he would be White's successor. Despite widespread speculation that Taft would be the pick, Harding made no quick announcement.[192] Taft was lobbying for himself behind the scenes, especially with the Ohio politicians who formed Harding's inner circle.[193]
It later emerged that Harding had also promised former Utah senator
Jurisprudence
Commerce Clause
The Supreme Court under Taft compiled a conservative record in
The White Court had, in 1918, struck down an attempt by Congress to regulate child labor in Hammer v. Dagenhart.[s][197] Congress thereafter attempted to end child labor by imposing a tax on certain corporations making use of it. That law was overturned by the Supreme Court in 1922 in Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Co., with Taft writing the court's opinion for an 8–1 majority.[t] He held that the tax was not intended to raise revenue, but rather was an attempt to regulate matters reserved to the states under the Tenth Amendment,[198] and that allowing such taxation would eliminate the power of the states.[2] One case in which Taft and his court upheld federal regulation was Stafford v. Wallace. Taft ruled for a 7–1 majority[u] that the processing of animals in stockyards was so closely tied to interstate commerce as to bring it within the ambit of Congress's power to regulate.[199]
A case in which the Taft Court struck down regulation that generated a dissent from the chief justice was Adkins v. Children's Hospital.[v] Congress had decreed a minimum wage for women in the District of Columbia. A 5–3 majority of the Supreme Court struck it down. Justice Sutherland wrote for the majority that the recently ratified Nineteenth Amendment, guaranteeing women the vote, meant that the sexes were equal when it came to bargaining power over working conditions; Taft, in dissent, deemed this unrealistic.[200] Taft's dissent in Adkins was rare both because he authored few dissents, and because it was one of the few times he took an expansive view of the police power of the government.[201]
Powers of government
In 1922, Taft ruled for a unanimous court in Balzac v. Porto Rico.[w] One of the Insular Cases, Balzac involved a Puerto Rico newspaper publisher who was prosecuted for libel but denied a jury trial, a Sixth Amendment protection under the constitution. Taft held that as Puerto Rico was not a territory designated for statehood, only such constitutional protections as Congress decreed would apply to its residents.[202]
In 1926, Taft wrote for a 6–3 majority in Myers v. United States[x] that Congress could not require the president to get Senate approval before removing an appointee. Taft noted that there is no restriction of the president's power to remove officials in the Constitution. Although Myers involved the removal of a postmaster,[203] Taft in his opinion found invalid the repealed Tenure of Office Act, for violation of which his presidential predecessor, Andrew Johnson, had been impeached, though acquitted by the Senate.[204] Taft valued Myers as his most important opinion.[205]
The following year, the court decided
Individual and civil rights
In 1925, the Taft Court laid the groundwork for the
United States v. Lanza
In the 1927 case
Administration and political influence
Taft exercised the power of his position to influence the decisions of his colleagues, urging unanimity and discouraging dissents. Alpheus Mason, in his article on Chief Justice Taft for the
Believing that the Chief Justice should be responsible for the federal courts, Taft felt that he should have an administrative staff to assist him, and the chief justice should be empowered to temporarily reassign judges.[213] He also believed the federal courts had been ill-run. Many of the lower courts had lengthy backlogs, as did the Supreme Court.[214] Immediately on taking office, Taft made it a priority to confer with Attorney General Daugherty as to new legislation,[215] and made his case before congressional hearings, in legal periodicals and in speeches across the country.[216] When Congress convened in December 1921, a bill was introduced for 24 new judges, to empower the Chief Justice to move judges temporarily to eliminate the delays, and to have him chair a body consisting of the senior appellate judge of each circuit. Congress objected to some aspects, requiring Taft to get the agreement of the senior judge of each involved circuit before assigning a judge, but it passed the bill in September 1922, and the Judicial Conference of Senior Circuit Judges held its first meeting that December.[217]
The Supreme Court's docket was congested, swelled by war litigation and laws that allowed a party defeated in the circuit court of appeals to have the case decided by the Supreme Court if a constitutional question was involved. Taft believed an appeal should usually be settled by the circuit court, with only cases of major import decided by the justices. He and other Supreme Court members proposed legislation to make most of the Court's docket discretionary, with a case getting full consideration by the justices only if they granted a writ of certiorari. To Taft's frustration, Congress took three years to consider the matter. Taft and other members of the Court lobbied for the bill in Congress, and the Judges' Bill became law in February 1925. By late the following year, Taft was able to show that the backlog was shrinking.[218]
When Taft became Chief Justice, the Court did not have its own building and met in the Capitol. Its offices were cluttered and overcrowded, but Fuller and White had been opposed to proposals to move the Court to its own building. In 1925, Taft began a fight to get the Court a building, and two years later Congress appropriated money to purchase the land, to the east of the Capitol. Cass Gilbert had prepared plans for the building, and was hired by the government as architect. Taft had hoped to see the Court move into the new building, but it did not do so until 1935, after Taft's death.[219]
Declining health and death
Taft is remembered as the heaviest president; he was 5 feet 11 inches (1.80 m) tall and his weight peaked at 335–340 pounds (152–154 kg) toward the end of his presidency,
Taft followed a weight loss program and hired the British doctor N. E. Yorke-Davies as a dietary advisor. The two men corresponded regularly for over twenty years, and Taft kept a daily record of his weight, food intake, and physical activity.[222]
At Hoover's inauguration on March 4, 1929, Taft recited part of the oath incorrectly, later writing, "my memory is not always accurate and one sometimes becomes a little uncertain", misquoting again in that letter, differently.[223] His health gradually declined over the near-decade of his chief justiceship. Worried that if he retired his replacement would be chosen by President Herbert Hoover, whom he considered too progressive, he wrote his brother Horace in 1929, "I am older and slower and less acute and more confused. However, as long as things continue as they are, and I am able to answer to my place, I must stay on the court in order to prevent the Bolsheviki from getting control".[224]
Taft insisted on going to Cincinnati to attend the funeral of his brother Charles, who died on December 31, 1929; the strain did not improve his own health. When the court reconvened on January 6, 1930, Taft had not returned to Washington, and two opinions were delivered by Van Devanter that Taft had drafted but had been unable to complete because of his illness. Taft went to Asheville, North Carolina, for a rest, but by the end of January, he could barely speak and was hallucinating.[225] Taft was afraid that Stone would be made chief justice; he did not resign until he had secured assurances from Hoover that Hughes would be chosen.[ad][226] Taft resigned as chief justice on February 3, 1930. Returning to Washington after his resignation, Taft had barely enough physical or emotional strength to sign a reply to a letter of tribute from the eight associate justices. He died at his home in Washington, D.C., on March 8, 1930, at age 72, likely of heart disease, inflammation of the liver, and high blood pressure.[225][227]
Taft lay in state at the United States Capitol rotunda.[228] On March 11, he became the first president and first member of the Supreme Court to be buried at Arlington National Cemetery.[229][230] James Earle Fraser sculpted his grave marker out of Stony Creek granite.[229]
Legacy and historical view
Lurie argued that Taft did not receive the public credit for his policies that he should have. Few trusts had been broken up under Roosevelt (although the lawsuits received much publicity). Taft, more quietly than his predecessor, filed many more cases than did Roosevelt, and rejected his predecessor's contention that there was such a thing as a "good" trust. This lack of flair marred Taft's presidency; according to Lurie, Taft "was boring—honest, likable, but boring".[231] Scott Bomboy for the National Constitution Center wrote that despite being "one of the most interesting, intellectual, and versatile presidents ... a chief justice of the United States, a wrestler at Yale, a reformer, a peace activist, and a baseball fan ... today, Taft is best remembered as the president who was so large that he got stuck in the White House bathtub", a story that is not true.[163][232] Taft similarly remains known for another physical characteristic—as the last president with facial hair to date.[233]
Mason called Taft's years in the White House "undistinguished".[213] Coletta deemed Taft to have had a solid record of bills passed by Congress, but felt he could have accomplished more with political skill.[234] Anderson noted that Taft's prepresidential federal service was entirely in appointed posts, and that he had never run for an important executive or legislative position, which would have allowed him to develop the skills to manipulate public opinion, as "the presidency is no place for on-the-job training".[173] According to Coletta, "in troubled times in which the people demanded progressive change, he saw the existing order as good."[235]
Inevitably linked with Roosevelt, who chose him to be president and took it away, Taft generally falls in the former's shadow.[236] Yet, a portrait of Taft as a victim of betrayal by his best friend is incomplete: as Coletta put it, "Was he a poor politician because he was victimized or because he lacked the foresight and imagination to notice the storm brewing in the political sky until it broke and swamped him?"[237] Adept at using the levers of power in a way his successor could not, Roosevelt generally got what was politically possible out of a situation. Taft was generally slow to act, and when he did, his actions often generated enemies, as in the Ballinger–Pinchot affair. Roosevelt was able to secure positive coverage in the newspapers; Taft was reticent talking to reporters, and, with no comment from the White House, hostile journalists filled the gaps with quotes from Taft opponents.[238] Roosevelt engraved in public memory the image of Taft as a James Buchanan-like figure, with a narrow view of the presidency that made him unwilling to act for the public good. Anderson noted that Roosevelt's Autobiography (which placed this view in enduring form) was published after both men had left the presidency (in 1913), was intended in part to justify Roosevelt's splitting of the Republican Party, and contains not a single positive reference to the man Roosevelt had hand-picked as his successor. While Roosevelt was biased,[239] he was not alone: every major newspaper reporter of that time who left reminiscences of Taft's presidency was critical of him.[240] Taft replied to his predecessor's criticism with his constitutional treatise on the powers of the presidency.[239]
Taft was convinced history would vindicate him. After he left office, he was estimated to be in the middle of U.S. presidents by greatness, and subsequent rankings by historians have largely sustained that verdict. Coletta noted that this places Taft alongside James Madison, John Quincy Adams and McKinley.[242] Lurie catalogued progressive innovations that took place under Taft, and argued that historians have overlooked them because Taft was not an effective political writer or speaker.[243] According to Gould, "the clichés about Taft's weight, his maladroitness in the White House, and his conservatism of thought and doctrine have an element of truth, but they fail to do justice to a shrewd commentator on the political scene, a man of consummate ambition, and a resourceful practitioner of the internal politics of his party."[244] Anderson deemed Taft's success in becoming both president and chief justice "an astounding feat of inside judicial and Republican party politics, played out over years, the likes of which we are not likely to see again in American history".[193]
Taft has been rated among the greatest of the chief justices;[245] later Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia noted that this was "not so much on the basis of his opinions, perhaps because many of them ran counter to the ultimate sweep of history".[246] A successor as chief justice, Earl Warren, concurred: "In Taft's case, the symbol, the tag, the label usually attached to him is 'conservative.' It is certainly not of itself a term of opprobrium even when bandied by the critics, but its use is too often confused with 'reactionary.'"[186] Most commentators agree that Taft's most significant contribution as chief justice was his advocacy for reform of the high court, urging and ultimately gaining improvement in the Court's procedures and facilities.[186][197][247] Mason cited enactment of the Judges' Bill of 1925 as Taft's major achievement on the Court.[197] According to Anderson, as chief justice, Taft "was as aggressive in the pursuit of his agenda in the judicial realm as Theodore Roosevelt was in the presidential".[248]
The house in Cincinnati in which Taft was born is now the
Lurie concluded his account of William Taft's career:
While the fabled cherry trees in Washington represent a suitable monument for Nellie Taft, there is no memorial to her husband, except perhaps the magnificent home for his Court—one for which he eagerly planned. But he died even before ground was broken for the structure. As he reacted to his overwhelming defeat for reelection in 1912, Taft had written that "I must wait for years if I would be vindicated by the people ... I am content to wait." Perhaps he has waited long enough.[252]
Media
See also
Notes
- ^ Vice President Sherman died in office. As this was prior to the adoption of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967, a vacancy in the office of vice president was not filled until the next election and inauguration.
- ^ 1889 Ohio Misc. Lexis 119, 10 Ohio Dec. reprint 181
- ^ Alphonso Taft died in 1891 in California, retired because of illness contracted during his diplomatic postings. See Pringle vol 1, p. 119.
- ^ 79 F. 561 (6th Cir. 1897)
- ^ Baltimore & Ohio Southwestern Railway Co. v. Voight, 176 U.S. 498 (1900). Only Justice Harlan dissented from the opinion for the Court written by Justice George Shiras. See Lurie, pp. 33–34.
- ^ 85 F. 271 (6th Cir. 1898)
- ^ 175 U.S. 211 (1899)
- ^ His son, Douglas MacArthur, would also become a general and famously fight in the Philippines.
- ^ Fuller's longevity was a source of frustration and some humor in the Roosevelt White House. Secretary Root originated a running joke that Fuller would be found alive and clinging to his seat on the Day of Judgment, and would then have to be shot. See Anderson 2000, p. 328.
- ^ In one of which Secretary Knox was said to be a major stockholder. See Coletta 1973, p. 188.
- ^ Son of the late president
- ^ Hughes was 67 when he began his second period on the court, as chief justice succeeding Taft.
- Harlan Fiske Stone and William Rehnquist.
- ^ The "Bull Moose Party", named by Roosevelt's comment he felt as strong as a young bull moose
- ^ Sherman was the last American vice president to die in office.
- ^ Taft's eight electoral votes set a record for futility by a Republican candidate matched by Alf Landon in 1936.
- ^ Sutherland was appointed to the high court in 1922.
- William E. Borah of Idaho and La Follette of Wisconsin. The Democrat was Thomas E. Watsonof Georgia.
- ^ 247 U.S. 251 (1918)
- ^ 259 U.S. 20 (1922). Justice John H. Clarke dissented without opinion.
- James C. McReynoldsdissented without opinion.
- ^ 261 U.S. 525 (1923)
- ^ 258 U.S. 298 (1922)
- ^ 272 U.S. 52 (1926)
- ^ 273 U.S. 135 (1927)
- ^ 268 U.S. 652 (1925)
- ^ 268 U.S. 510 (1925)
- ^ 260 U.S. 377 (1922)
- ^ 275 U.S. 78 (1927)
- ^ Stone was made chief justice in 1941 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
- Dwight Eisenhowerin 1952
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- ^ Pringle vol 2, p. 949.
- ^ Gould 2014, pp. 166–168.
- ^ Gould 2014, p. 168.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, p. 956.
- ^ a b Pringle vol 2, pp. 957–959.
- ^ a b Anderson 2000, p. 345.
- ^ Trani & Wilson, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Gould 2014, pp. 170–171.
- ^ a b Mason, pp. 37–38.
- ^ a b c Mason, p. 37.
- ^ Regan, pp. 90–91.
- ^ Regan, pp. 91–92.
- ^ Regan, p. 92.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, p. 1049.
- ISBN 978-0-8477-3019-3.
- ^ Regan, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Myers, 272 U.S. at 166, 176
- ^ Pringle vol 2, p. 1025.
- ^ Regan, pp. 95–96.
- ^ a b Regan, p. 96.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 985–986.
- ^ White, G. Edward (2015). "The lost episode of Gong Lum v. Rice" (PDF). Green Bag. 18 (2): 191–205. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 2, 2021. Retrieved April 5, 2021.
- ^ Mason, p. 38.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 1057–1064.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, p. 969.
- ^ a b Mason, p. 36.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 973–974.
- ^ Warren, p. 359.
- ^ Scalia, pp. 849–850.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 995–996.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 996–1000.
- ^ Warren, pp. 361–362.
- PMID 12970047. Archived from the originalon January 31, 2013.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 963–964, 1072.
- PMID 27956758.
- ISBN 978-1-935278-48-1. Archivedfrom the original on April 7, 2015. Retrieved October 17, 2015.
- ^ Pringle vol 2, pp. 963, 967.
- ^ a b Pringle vol 2, pp. 1077–1079.
- ^ Anderson 2000, pp. 349–350.
- ^ "William Taft: Life After the Presidency | Miller Center". millercenter.org. October 4, 2016. Archived from the original on September 20, 2021. Retrieved September 20, 2021.
- ^ "Lying in State or in Honor". US Architect of the Capitol (AOC). Archived from the original on May 18, 2019. Retrieved September 1, 2018.
- ^ a b "Biography of William Howard Taft, President of the United States and Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court". Historical Information. Arlington National Cemetery. Archived from the original on December 6, 2006. Retrieved February 24, 2016.
- ^ Gresko, Jessica (May 25, 2011). "Supreme Court at Arlington: Justices are Chummy Even in Death". The Huffington Post. Archived from the original on August 6, 2010. Retrieved February 24, 2016.
- ^ Lurie, pp. 196–197.
- ^ Coe, Alexis (September 15, 2017). "William Howard Taft Is Still Stuck in the Tub". Opinion. The New York Times. Archived from the original on November 3, 2020. Retrieved December 28, 2017.
- ISBN 9781551521077. Archivedfrom the original on March 7, 2021. Retrieved November 16, 2016.
- ^ Coletta 1973, pp. 259, 264–265.
- ^ Coletta 1973, p. 266.
- ^ Coletta 1973, p. 260.
- ^ Coletta 1973, p. 265.
- ^ Coletta 1973, pp. 262–263.
- ^ a b Anderson 1982, pp. 30–32.
- ^ Coletta 1973, p. 290.
- ^ Scott Specialized Catologue of U.S. Stamps, 2024, pp.90, 108-109
- ^ Coletta 1973, pp. 255–256.
- ^ Lurie, p. 198.
- ^ Gould 2014, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Coletta 1989, p. xviii.
- ^ Scalia, p. 849.
- ^ Coletta 1989, p. 201.
- ^ Anderson 2000, p. 352.
- ^ Lee, Antoinette J. (December 1986). "Chapter 1: The Property: Its Development and Historical Associations". William Howard Taft National Historic Site: An Administrative History. National Park Service. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
- ^ "Gold Medal Honorees". National Institute of Social Sciences. Archived from the original on July 2, 2019. Retrieved April 23, 2020.
- )
- ^ Lurie, p. 200.
Sources and further reading
- Anderson, Donald F. (1973). William Howard Taft: A Conservative's Conception of the Presidency. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-0786-4.
- Anderson, Donald F. (Winter 1982). "The Legacy of William Howard Taft". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 12 (1): 26–33. JSTOR 27547774.
- Anderson, Judith Icke. William Howard Taft, an Intimate History (1981)
- Ballard, Rene N. "The Administrative Theory of William Howard Taft." Western Political Quarterly 7.1 (1954): 65–74 online.
- Burns, Adam David. "Imperial vision: William Howard Taft and the Philippines, 1900–1921.". (PhD dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 2010) online
- ISBN 978-0-916101-51-0.
- Burton, David H. Taft, Roosevelt, and the limits of friendship (2005) [1].
- Butt, Archibald W. Taft and Roosevelt: The Intimate Letters of Archie Butt, Military Aide (2 vols. 1930), valuable primary source. vol 1 online also vol 2 online
- Coletta, Paolo E. "William Howard Taft." in The Presidents: A Reference History (1997)
- Coletta, Paolo E. "The Election of 1908" in Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and Fred L Israel, eds., History of American Presidential Elections: 1789–1968 (1971) 3: 2049–2131. online
- Coletta, Paolo E. "The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft", in Gerald K. Haines and J. Samuel Walker, eds., American Foreign Relations: A Historiographical Review (Greenwood, 1981)
- Coletta, Paolo Enrico (1989). William Howard Taft: A Bibliography. Westport, Connecticut: Meckler Corporation.
- Coletta, Paolo Enrico (1973). The Presidency of William Howard Taft. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700600960.
- Collin, Richard H. "Symbiosis versus Hegemony: New Directions in the Foreign Relations Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft." Diplomatic History 19#3 (1995): 473–497 online.
- ISBN 978-0-8050-6956-3.
- Delahaye, Claire. "The New Nationalism and Progressive Issues: The Break with Taft and the 1912 Campaign", in Serge Ricard, ed., A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp 452–67. online Archived December 14, 2020, at the Wayback Machine
- Ellis, L. Ethan. Reciprocity, 1911: A Study in Canadian-American Relations (Yale UP, 1939)
- Goodwin, Doris Kearns. The bully pulpit: Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and the Golden Age of journalism (2013) online
- Gould, Lewis L. The William Howard Taft Presidency (University Press of Kansas, 2009).
- Gould, Lewis L. (2014). Chief Executive to Chief Justice:Taft Betwixt the White House and Supreme Court. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-2001-2.
- Gould, Lewis L. (2008). Four Hats in the Ring: The 1912 Election and the Birth of Modern American Politics. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1564-3.
- Gould, Lewis L. "Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and the Disputed Delegates in 1912: Texas as a Test Case." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 80.1 (1976): 33–56 online.
- Hahn, Harlan. "The Republican Party Convention of 1912 and the Role of Herbert S. Hadley in National Politics." Missouri Historical Review 59.4 (1965): 407–423. Taft was willing to compromise with Missouri Governor Herbert S. Hadley as presidential nominee; TR said no.
- Harris, Charles H. III; Sadler, Louis R. (2009). The Secret War in El Paso: Mexican Revolutionary Intrigue, 1906–1920. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 978-0-8263-4652-0.
- Hawley, Joshua David (2008). Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-14514-4.
- Hechler, Kenneth W. Insurgency: Personalities and Politics of the Taft Era (1940), on Taft's Republican enemies in 1910.
- Hindman, E. James. "The General Arbitration Treaties of William Howard Taft." The Historian 36.1 (1973): 52–65 online.
- Istre, Logan Stagg. “Bench over Ballot: The Fight for Judicial Supremacy and the New Constitutional Politics, 1910–1916.” The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no. 1 (2021): 2–23. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781420000079.
- Korzi, Michael J., "William Howard Taft, the 1908 Election, and the Future of the American Presidency", Congress and the Presidency, 43 (May–August 2016), 227–54.
- Lurie, Jonathan (2011). William Howard Taft: Progressive Conservative. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-51421-7.
- Manners, William. TR and Will: A Friendship That Split the Republican Party (1969) covers 1910 to 1912.
- Mason, Alpheus T. Bureaucracy Convicts Itself: The Ballinger-Pinchot Controversy of 1910 (1941)
- Minger, Ralph Eldin (August 1961). "Taft's Missions to Japan: A Study in Personal Diplomacy". Pacific Historical Review. 30 (3): 279–294. JSTOR 3636924.
- ISBN 978-0-394-55509-6.
- Murphy, John (1995). "'Back to the Constitution': Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft and Republican Party Division 1910–1912". Irish Journal of American Studies. 4: 109–126. JSTOR 30003333.
- Noyes, John E. "William Howard Taft and the Taft Arbitration Treaties." Villanova Law Review 56 (2011): 535+ online covers his career in international law and arbitration.
- Pavord, Andrew C. (Summer 1996). "The Gamble for Power: Theodore Roosevelt's Decision to Run for the Presidency in 1912". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 26 (3): 633–647. JSTOR 27551622.
- Ponder, Stephen. "'Nonpublicity' and the Unmaking of a President: William Howard Taft and the Ballinger-Pinchot Controversy of 1909–1910." Journalism History 19.4 (1994): 111–120.
- Pringle, Henry F. (1939). The Life and Times of William Howard Taft: A Biography. Vol. 1., detailed coverage, to 1910
- Pringle, Henry F. (1939). The Life and Times of William Howard Taft: A Biography. Vol. 2. vol 2 covers the presidency after 1910 & Supreme Court
- Republican campaign text-book 1912 (1912) online
- Rosen, Jeffrey (2018). William Howard Taft: The American Presidents Series. New York: Time Books, Henry Holt & Co.
- Schambra, William. "The Election of 1912 and the Origins of Constitutional Conservatism." in Toward an American Conservatism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). 95–119.
- Scholes, Walter V; Scholes, Marie V. (1970). The Foreign Policies of the Taft Administration. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press. ISBN 978-0-8262-0094-5.
- Schultz, L. Peter. "William Howard Taft: A constitutionalist's view of the presidency." Presidential Studies Quarterly 9#4 (1979): 402–414 online.
- Solvick, Stanley D. "William Howard Taft and the Payne-Aldrich Tariff." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 50#3 (1963): 424–442 online.
- Taft, William Howard. The Collected Works of William Howard Taft (8 vol. Ohio University Press, 20012004) excerpts.
- Taft, William H. Four Aspects of Civic Duty; and, Present Day Problems ed. by David H. Burton and A. E. Campbell (Ohio UP, 2000).
- Taft, William Howard. Present Day Problems: A Collection of Addresses Delivered on Various Occasions (Best Books, 1908) online.
- Trani, Eugene P.; Wilson, David L. (1977). The Presidency of Warren G. Harding. American Presidency. The Regents Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0152-3.
Supreme Court
- Anderson, Donald F. (Winter 2000). "Building National Consensus: The Career of William Howard Taft". University of Cincinnati Law Review. 68: 323–356.
- Crowe, Justin. "The forging of judicial autonomy: Political entrepreneurship and the reforms of William Howard Taft." Journal of Politics 69.1 (2007): 73–87 online
- Fish, Peter G. "William Howard Taft and Charles Evans Hughes: Conservative Politicians as Chief Judicial Reformers." The Supreme Court Review 1975 (1975): 123–145 online.
- Lurie, Jonathan. The Chief Justiceship of William Howard Taft, 1921–1930 (U of South Carolina Press, 2019).
- Mason, Alpheus T. The Supreme Court From Taft to Burger (2nd ed. 1980)
- Mason, Alpheus Thomas (January 1969). "President by Chance, Chief Justice by Choice". American Bar Association Journal. 55 (1): 35–39. JSTOR 25724643.
- Post, Robert. "Judicial Management and Judicial Disinterest: The Achievements and Perils of Chief Justice William Howard Taft." Journal of Supreme Court History (1998) 1: 50–78. online.
- Post, Robert C. "Chief Justice William Howard Taft and the concept of federalism." Constitutional Commentary 9 (1992): 199+ online.
- Regan, Richard J. (2015). A Constitutional History of the U.S. Supreme Court. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-2721-4.
- Rooney, William H., and Timothy G. Fleming. "William Howard Taft, the Origin of the Rule of Reason, and the Actavis Challenge." Columbia Business Law Review (2018) 1#1: 1–24. online.
- Scalia, Antonin (1989). "Originalism: The Lesser Evil". University of Cincinnati Law Review. 57: 849–864.
- Starr, Kenneth W. "The Supreme Court and Its Shrinking Docket: The Ghost of William Howard Taft." Minnesota Law Review 90 (2005): 1363–1385 online.
- Starr, Kenneth W. "William Howard Taft: The Chief Justice as Judicial Architect." U. of Cincinnati Law Review 60 (1991): 963+.
- Taft, William Howard. "The Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court Under the Act of February 13, 1925." The Yale Law Journal 35.1 (1925): 1–12.
- JSTOR 793882.
- Wilensky, Norman N. (1965). Conservatives in the Progressive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912. Gainesville: University of Florida Press.
External links
Official
- William Taft National Historic Site Archived April 25, 2006, at the Wayback Machine
Speeches
- Text of a number of Taft speeches Archived January 30, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Miller Center of Public Affairs
- Audio clips of Taft's speeches, Michigan State University Libraries
- William Taft Edison Recordings Campaign - 1912, audio recording
Media coverage
- William Howard Taft collected news and commentary at The New York Times
Other
- William Howard Taft: A Resource Guide Archived March 7, 2021, at the Wayback Machine from the Library of Congress
- Extensive essay on William Howard Taft and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and the First Lady – Miller Center of Public Affairs
- "Life Portrait of William Howard Taft" Archived December 25, 2018, at the Wayback Machine, from C-SPAN's American Presidents: Life Portraits, September 6, 1999
- "Growing into Public Service: William Howard Taft's Boyhood Home", a National Park Service Teaching with Historic Places (TwHP) lesson plan Archived April 8, 2015, at the Wayback Machine
- Works by William Howard Taft at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about William Howard Taft at Internet Archive
- Works by William Howard Taft at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- William Howard Taft at IMDb