William Howe, 5th Viscount Howe

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General
PC
Engraving by Henry Bryan Hall
Commander-in-Chief of British land forces
In office
September 1775 – May 1778
MonarchGeorge III
Preceded byThomas Gage
Succeeded byHenry Clinton
Member of Parliament
for Nottingham
In office
1758–1780
Serving with Willoughby Aston (1758–1761)
Serving with John Plumptre (1761–1774)
Serving with Charles Sedley (1774–1778)
Serving with Abel Smith (1778–1779)
Serving with Robert Smith (1779–1780)
Preceded byGeorge Howe
Succeeded byDaniel Coke
Personal details
Born(1729-08-10)10 August 1729
England
Died12 July 1814(1814-07-12) (aged 84)
Twickenham, United Kingdom
Resting placeTwickenham
Political partyWhig
Spouse
Frances Connolly
(m. 1765)
Military service
Allegiance Great Britain
Branch/service British Army
Years of service1746–1814
RankGeneral
CommandsColonel, 60th (later 58th) Regiment of Foot
Colonel, 46th Regiment of Foot
Commander-in-Chief of British land forces
Colonel, 19th Light Dragoons
Northern District
Battles/wars
See battles

William Howe, 5th Viscount Howe,

PC (10 August 1729 – 12 July 1814), was a British Army officer who rose to become Commander-in-Chief of British land forces in the Colonies during the American War of Independence. Howe was one of three brothers who had distinguished military careers. In historiography of the American war he is usually referred to as Sir William Howe to distinguish him from his brother Richard
, who was 4th Viscount Howe at that time.

Having joined the army in 1746, Howe saw extensive service in the

Lieutenant-Governor of the Isle of Wight
, a post he held until 1795.

Howe was sent to North America in March 1775, arriving in May after the American War of Independence broke out. After leading British troops to a costly victory in the Battle of Bunker Hill, Howe took command of all British forces in America from Thomas Gage in September of that year. Howe's record in North America was marked by the successful capture of both New York City and Philadelphia. However, poor campaign planning for 1777 contributed to the failure of John Burgoyne's Saratoga campaign, which played a major role in the entry of France into the war. Howe's role in developing those plans and the degree to which he was responsible for British failures that year (despite his personal success at Philadelphia) have both been subjects of contemporary and historic debate.

He was

Viscountcy of Howe upon the death of his brother Richard
in 1799. He married, but had no children, and the viscountcy became extinct with his death in 1814.

Early life and career

William Howe was born in England, the third son of

Governor of Barbados where he died in 1735.[1] William's eldest brother, General George Howe, was killed just before the 1758 Battle of Carillon at Fort Ticonderoga. Another brother, Admiral Richard Howe, rose to become one of Britain's leading naval commanders.[4] A third brother, Thomas, commanded ships for the East India Company, Winchelsea in 1762–1764 and Nottingham in 1766, and made observations on Madeira[5] and on the Comoro Islands.[6]

William entered the army when he was 17 by buying a

20th Regiment of Foot, where he became a friend of James Wolfe.[8]

Seven Years' War

During the Seven Years' War Howe's service first brought him to America, and did much to raise his reputation. Promoted to the rank of major in 1756,[7] he joined the newly formed 58th (Rutlandshire) Regiment of Foot in February 1757, and was promoted to lieutenant colonel in December of that year.[9] He commanded the regiment at the Siege of Louisbourg in 1758, leading an amphibious landing under heavy enemy fire. This action won the attackers a flanking position and earned Howe a commendation from Wolfe.[10]

Howe commanded a

captured Havana in 1762, playing a part in a skirmish at Guanabacoa.[12]

Engraving from contemporary sketch depicting the British ascent to the Plains of Abraham in 1759

In 1758, Howe was elected a member of parliament for Nottingham, succeeding to the seat vacated by his brother George's death. His election was assisted by the influence of his mother, who campaigned on behalf of her son while he was away at war,[9] and may very well have been undertaken because service in Parliament was seen as a common way to improve one's prospects for advancement in the military.[13] In 1764 he was promoted to colonel of the 46th (South Devonshire) Regiment of Foot, and in 1768 he was appointed lieutenant governor of the Isle of Wight.[9] As tensions rose between Britain and the colonies in the 1770s, Howe continued to rise through the ranks, and came to be widely regarded as one of the best officers in the army.[11] He was promoted to major general in 1772, and in 1774 introduced new training drills for light infantry companies.[9]

In Parliament he was generally sympathetic to the American colonies. He publicly opposed the collection of legislation intended to punish the

Henry Clinton and John Burgoyne.[17] In May 1775 his colonelcy was transferred to the 23rd Fusiliers.[18]

American War of Independence

Howe was first sent to Boston. Privately, he did not agree with the policy of the government towards the colonists, and regretted in particular that he was sent to Boston, where the memory of his brother George was still cherished by the inhabitants, and General Gage, in whom he had no confidence, was commander-in-chief.[7] Along with fellow

Bunker Hill on the Charlestown peninsula across the Charles River from Boston on the night of 16–17 June,[21]
forcing the British leadership to rethink their strategy.

Bunker Hill and Boston

In a war council held early on 17 June, the generals developed a plan calling for a direct assault on the colonial fortification, and Gage gave Howe command of the operation. Despite a sense of urgency (the colonists were still working on the fortifications at the time of the council), the attack, now known as the Battle of Bunker Hill, did not begin until that afternoon.[22] With Howe personally leading the right wing of the attack, the first two assaults were firmly repulsed by the colonial defenders. Howe's third assault gained the objective, but the cost of the day's battle was appallingly heavy.[23] The British casualties, more than 1,000 killed or wounded, were the highest of any engagement in the war.[24] Howe described it as a "success ... too dearly bought."[25] Although Howe exhibited courage on the battlefield, his tactics and overwhelming confidence were criticised. One subordinate wrote that Howe's "absurd and destructive confidence" played a role in the number of casualties incurred.[25]

Percy Moran
, 1909

Although Howe was not injured in the battle, it had a pronounced effect on his spirit. According to British historian

George Otto Trevelyan, the battle "exercised a permanent and most potent influence" especially on Howe's behaviour, and that Howe's military skills thereafter "were apt to fail him at the very moment when they were especially wanted."[26] Despite an outward appearance of confidence and popularity with his troops, the "genial six-footer with a face some people described as 'coarse'", privately often exhibited a lack of self-confidence, and in later campaigns became somewhat dependent on his older brother Richard (the admiral in the Royal Navy, also on station in the Colonies) for advice and approval.[27]

On 11 October 1775, General Gage sailed for England, and Howe took over as Commander-in-Chief of British land forces in America.[28] British military planners in London had, with the outbreak of hostilities, begun planning a massive reinforcement of the troops in North America. Their plans, made with recommendations from Howe, called for the abandonment of Boston and the establishment of bases in New York and Newport, Rhode Island in an attempt to isolate the rebellion to New England.[29] When orders arrived in November to execute these plans, Howe opted to remain in Boston for the winter and begin the campaign in 1776.[25] As a result, the remainder of the Siege of Boston was largely a stalemate. Howe never attempted a major engagement with the Continental Army, which had come under the command of Major General George Washington.[30] He did, however, spend a fair amount of time at the gambling tables, and allegedly established a relationship with Elizabeth Lloyd Loring, the wife of Loyalist Joshua Loring, Jr. Loring apparently acquiesced to this arrangement, and was rewarded by Howe with the position of commissary of prisoners.[31] Contemporaries and historians have criticised Howe for both his gambling and the amount of time he supposedly spent with Mrs. Loring, with some going so far as to level accusations that this behaviour interfered with his military activities; historian John Alden does not give these ideas credence.[32] The alleged relationship is also mentioned in The Battle of the Kegs, an American propaganda ballad written by Francis Hopkinson. In January 1776 Howe's role as commander in chief was cemented with a promotion to full general in North America.[33]

The siege was broken in March 1776 when Continental Army Colonel

Halifax, Nova Scotia.[30]

New York campaign

A period map depicting the British Army movements in Westchester County, New York

Howe and his troops began to arrive outside

East River on the night of 29–30 August, aided by a thick morning fog.[41] Historian George Bilias notes that had Howe attacked Brooklyn Heights, the capture of even half of Washington's army, and possibly Washington himself, might have had a significant effect on the rebellion.[39] Some officers, notably General Clinton, were critical of Howe's decision not to storm the American works.[42] Howe was knighted as a reward for his victory on Long Island.[33]

Howe and his brother Richard had, as part of their instructions, been assigned roles as peace commissioners, with limited authority to treat with the rebels. After Long Island, they pursued an attempt at reconciliation, sending the captured General

Throgs Neck, intending to flank Washington's position at Harlem Heights. However, the narrow causeway between the beach and the mainland was well-defended, and he ended up withdrawing the troops.[47] He made a successful landing of troops at Pell's Point in Westchester County, but Washington managed to avoid being flanked, retreating to White Plains.[48] Howe successfully forced Washington out of the New York area in the 28 October Battle of White Plains, and then turned his attention to consolidate British hold on Manhattan.[49] In November he attacked the remaining Continental Army stronghold in the Battle of Fort Washington, taking several thousand prisoners.[50]

Charles Wilson Peale
1776

Washington then retreated across New Jersey, followed by Howe's advance forces under Charles Cornwallis.[51] At this point, Howe prepared troops under the command of General Clinton for embarkation to occupy Newport, the other major goal of his plan. Clinton proposed that these troops instead be landed in New Jersey, either opposite Staten Island or on the Delaware River, trapping Washington or even capturing the seat of the Continental Congress, Philadelphia.[52] Howe rejected these proposals, despatching Clinton and General Hugh, Earl Percy, two vocal critics of his leadership, to take Newport.[53] In early December, Howe came to Trenton, New Jersey to arrange the disposition of his troops for the winter. Washington had retreated all the way across the Delaware, and Howe returned to New York, believing the campaign to be ended for the season.[54] When Washington attacked the Hessian quarters at Trenton on 26 December 1776, Howe sent Cornwallis to reform the army in New Jersey and chase after Washington.[55] Cornwallis was frustrated in this, with Washington gaining a second victory at Trenton and a third at Princeton. Howe recalled the army to positions much closer to New York for the winter.[56]

Howe has been criticised by contemporaries and historians for failing to decisively defeat the Continental Army during the New York campaign. Contemporaries complained that his landing in Westchester failed to trap Washington, but failed to understand that his goal in the campaign was to secure Manhattan, and not necessarily to defeat Washington.[57] However, historian George Billias observes that Howe's overly rigid adherence to his plans meant that he was unable to capitalise on the opportunities that arose during the campaign for a decisive action.[58]

Philadelphia campaign

On 30 November 1776, as Washington was retreating across New Jersey, Howe had written to Germain with plans for the 1777 campaign season. He proposed to send a 10,000-man force up the

Province of Quebec. He again wrote to Germain on 20 December 1776 with more elaborate proposals for 1777. These again included operations to gain control of the Hudson River, and included expanded operations from the base at Newport, and an expedition to take Philadelphia. The latter Howe saw as attractive, since Washington was then just north of the city: Howe wrote that he was "persuaded the Principal Army should act offensively [against Philadelphia], where the enemy's chief strength lies."[59] Germain acknowledged that this plan was particularly "well digested", but it called for more men that Germain was prepared to provide.[60] After the setbacks in New Jersey, Howe in mid-January 1777 proposed operations against Philadelphia that included an overland expedition and a sea-based attack, thinking this might lead to a decisive victory over the Continental Army.[61] This plan was developed to the extent that in April, Howe's army was seen constructing pontoon bridges; Washington, lodged in his winter quarters at Morristown, New Jersey, thought they were for eventual use on the Delaware River.[62] However, by mid-May Howe had apparently abandoned the idea of an overland expedition: "I propose to invade Pennsylvania by sea ... we must probably abandon the Jersies."[63]

A 1777 mezzotint of Howe

When the campaign season opened in May 1777, General Washington moved most of his army from its winter quarters in Morristown, New Jersey to a strongly fortified position in the Watchung Mountains.[64] In June 1777, Howe began a series of odd moves in New Jersey, apparently in an attempt to draw Washington and his army out of that position onto terrain more favourable for a general engagement.[65] His motives for this are uncertain; historian John Buchanan argues that Howe was determined to attempt to draw Washington into a major engagement while both were in northern New Jersey, writing that "Washington's shift in position had whetted Howe's appetite for a major action when, if everything went right, he would finally accomplish what he and his brother's policies had denied him the previous year: the destruction of the Continental Army",[66] but that Howe's underlying campaign goal for the season was Philadelphia.[67] One British major wrote that "[t]he report circulated by those in power is that it was thought necessary to march to Hilsborough [sic] to offer Washington battle."[68] Americans like Henry Knox were perplexed but also concluded that was its purpose: "It was unaccountable that [the British] should stop short when they had gone only nine miles ... In the course of a day or two [we] discovered that they ... had come out with an intention of drawing us into the plain."[68] Washington had intelligence that Howe had moved without taking the heavy river-crossing equipment, and was apparently not fooled at all.[69]

When Washington refused to take the bait, Howe withdrew the army to

Perth Amboy, under harassment by Colonel Daniel Morgan's skirmisher unit, Morgan's Riflemen, who used their superior weapons to snipe at and harry his forces as they moved. Washington moved down to a more exposed position, assuming Howe was going to embark his army on ships. Howe then launched a lightning strike designed to cut Washington's retreat off. This attempt was foiled by the Battle of Short Hills, which gave Washington time to retreat to a more secure position. Howe then did in fact embark his army and sailed south with his brother's fleet. Howe maintained an effective secrecy surrounding the fleet's destination: not only did Washington not know where it was going, neither did many British rank and file.[70]

Howe's campaign for Philadelphia began with an amphibious landing at

Brandywine Creek in the Battle of Brandywine. Howe established his headquarters at the Gilpin Homestead, where it stayed until the morning of 16 September.[72] In a reprise of earlier battles, Howe once again flanked the Continental Army position and forced Washington to retreat after inflicting heavy casualties.[73]

After two weeks of manoeuvre and engagements (including The Battle of the Clouds, The Battle of Paoli, and an engagement at Valley Forge where Alexander Hamilton was nearly killed in action), Howe triumphantly entered the city on 26 September.[74] The reception Howe received was not quite what he had expected, however. He had been led to believe that "Friends thicker than Woods" would greet him upon his arrival; he instead was greeted by women, children, and many deserted houses.[75] Despite Howe's best attempts to minimise any misconduct by his troops (he authorised the execution of violators of his orders against it), marauding soldiers greatly impacted the public opinion of his army.[76]

One week after Howe entered Philadelphia, on 4 October, Washington made a

Francis Reynolds.[78]

Impact on Burgoyne's campaign

presidential mansion of George Washington and John Adams
, 1790–1800.

Concomitant with Howe's campaign, General Burgoyne led

Burgoyne made his advance under the assumption that he would be met in Albany by Howe or troops sent by Howe.[79] Burgoyne was apparently not aware that Howe's plans had evolved as they had. Although Germain knew what Howe's plans were, whether he communicated them to Burgoyne is unclear. Some sources claim he did[84] while others state that Burgoyne was not notified of the changes until the campaign was well underway.[79] Whether Germain, Howe and Burgoyne had the same expectations about the degree to which Howe was supposed to support the invasion from Quebec is also unclear. Some historians argue that Howe failed to follow instructions and essentially abandoned Burgoyne's army, while others suggest that Burgoyne failed on his own and then tried to shift the blame to Howe and Clinton.[85]

Howe's decision to focus his own activity on an expedition to Philadelphia may have been motivated by competition with General Burgoyne, who was given command of the northern force despite lobbying by Howe for its command to be given to Clinton.[86] John Alden notes the jealousies among the British leaders, saying, "It is likely that [Howe] was as jealous of Burgoyne as Burgoyne was of him and that he was not eager to do anything which might assist his junior up the ladder of military renown."[87] Along the same lines historian Don Higginbotham concludes that in Howe's view, "It [the northern campaign] was Burgoyne's whole show, and consequently he [Howe] wanted little to do with it. With regard to Burgoyne's army, he would do only what was required of him (virtually nothing)."[88]

Howe himself wrote to Burgoyne on 17 July that he intended to stay close to Washington: "My intention is for Pennsylvania, where I expect to meet Washington, but if he goes to the northward contrary to my expectations, and you can keep him at bay, be assured I shall soon be after him to relieve you." This suggested that Howe would follow Washington if he went north to assist in the defence of the Hudson.[89] Howe, however, sailed from New York on 23 July.[90] On 30 August, shortly after his arrival at Head of Elk, Howe wrote to Germain that he would be unable to assist Burgoyne, citing a lack of Loyalist support in the Philadelphia area.[91] A small force sent north from New York by General Clinton in early October was also unable to assist Burgoyne.[92]

Resignation

Artwork on the tickets to the Mischianza

In October 1777 Howe sent his letter of resignation to London, complaining that he had been inadequately supported in that year's campaigns.

Marquis de Lafayette out with a small force on the night of the party to determine British movements. This movement was noticed by alert British troops, and Howe ordered a column out to entrap the marquis. In the Battle of Barren Hill, Lafayette escaped the trap with minimal casualties.[94]

On 24 May, the day Howe sailed for England, General Clinton took over as commander-in-chief of British armies in America, and made preparations for an overland march to New York.[95] Howe arrived back in England on 1 July,[96] where he and his brother faced censure for their actions in North America. It is likely that the resignation of both William and his brother Richard was due to their desire to hurry home to vindicate their conduct during the campaign.[97] In 1779 Howe and his brother demanded a parliamentary inquiry into their actions. The inquiry that followed was unable to confirm any charges of impropriety or mismanagement levelled against either of them.[9] Because of the inconclusive nature of the inquiry, attacks continued to be made against Howe in pamphlets and the press, and in 1780 he published a response to accusations levelled by Loyalist Joseph Galloway,[98] who issued a reply that harshly criticized the general's conduct and accused him of deliberately undermining the war effort for the benefit of the anti-war Whig faction in Parliament.[99]

Later life

In 1780, Howe lost in his bid to be re-elected to the House of Commons.

Berwick-on-Tweed.[100]

When his brother Richard died in 1799 without surviving male issue, Howe inherited the Irish titles and became the 5th

governor of Plymouth. He died at Twickenham in 1814 after a long illness.[9][a]

Howe had married Frances Connolly, often referred to as Fanny,[103] in 1765. Their marriage was childless. Therefore, his titles died with him.[9] His wife survived him by three years. Both are buried in Twickenham.[104]

In popular culture

Howe appears as an antagonist in the supernatural television series Sleepy Hollow, played in flashbacks by Nicholas Guest and depicted as a ruthless, cruel leader who was acquainted with protagonist Ichabod Crane (Tom Mison) before Crane defected to the United States during the War of Independence; he is later resurrected in the present as a zombie, but is destroyed by Crane using Greek fire.[105]

Howe's remains are a plot point in the Bones episode "The Resurrection in the Remains", a crossover with Sleepy Hollow, in which Howe's decapitated skull is used as a murder weapon. The series also establishes that he was buried beneath an American church instead of Twickenham.[106]

Howe is also featured in "Howe's Masquerade" and "Old Esther Dudley", two of the stories that make up

Legends of the Province House
, a quartet of tales that first appeared in 1838–1839.

Notes

  1. ^ Many sources, including the DNB, presume that he was at Plymouth when he died. This frequent error is probably based on an early misreading of his obituary, published in The Gentleman's Magazine in 1814 (The Gentleman's Magazine, Volume 116, p. 93). The obituary does not state that he died there, however. Furthermore, an annual register records his death at Twickenham, as do the editors of Hadden's Journal (Edinburgh Annual Register, for 1814, p. cdxlvii; Hadden, p. 380).

References

  1. ^ a b Alden (1989), p. 222.
  2. ^ a b Fischer, p. 67.
  3. ^ Gruber, pp. 45–47.
  4. ^ Alden (1989), p. 223.
  5. ^ Madeira. [Signed: T. H., i.e. the Hon. Thomas Howe. Edited by A. Dalrymple.]
  6. ^ Memoir of a Chart of the N.W. Coast of Madagascar by Capt. David Inverarity.
  7. ^ a b c d e Chisholm 1911.
  8. ^ a b Billias, p. 43.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Chichester
  10. ^ Leckie, p. 145.
  11. ^ a b Gruber, p. 56.
  12. ^ Pocock, p. 208.
  13. ^ Billias, p. 44.
  14. ^ Fischer, pp. 70–71.
  15. ^ Gruber, p. 58.
  16. ^ Billias, p. 45.
  17. ^ a b Ketchum (1999), p. 2.
  18. ^ Mainwaring, p. 346.
  19. ^ a b Kathy Abbass; Rod Mather. "The History of the HMS Cerberus and HMS Lark". Retrieved 9 November 2013.
  20. ^ Ketchum (1999), p. 46.
  21. ^ Ketchum (1999), pp. 110–111.
  22. ^ Willcox, p. 48.
  23. ^ Ketchum (1999), pp. 151–183.
  24. ^ Brooks, p. 237.
  25. ^ a b c Billias, p. 47.
  26. ^ Trevelyan, p. 1:338.
  27. ^ Fleming, p. 44.
  28. ^ Ketchum (1999), p. 213.
  29. ^ Gruber, p. 82.
  30. ^ a b Billias, p. 48.
  31. ^ Fischer, p. 72.
  32. ^ Alden (1989), p. 504.
  33. ^ a b Hadden, p. 375.
  34. ^ Ketchum (1999), pp. 214–217.
  35. ^ Ketchum (1999), p. 218.
  36. ^ Fischer, p. 32.
  37. ^ Gruber, p. 84.
  38. ^ a b Billias, p. 51.
  39. ^ a b Billias, p. 53.
  40. ^ Fischer, p. 99.
  41. ^ Fischer, pp. 100–101.
  42. ^ Gruber, p. 114.
  43. ^ Gruber, pp. 116–119.
  44. ^ Leckie, pp. 277–278.
  45. ^ Gruber, p. 127.
  46. ^ Fischer, pp. 106–108.
  47. ^ Gruber, pp. 129–131.
  48. ^ Gruber, pp. 131–132.
  49. ^ Fischer, pp. 110–111.
  50. ^ Fischer, p. 113.
  51. ^ Fischer, pp. 117–132.
  52. ^ Gruber, p. 135.
  53. ^ Fredriksen, p. 386.
  54. ^ Gruber, pp. 137–138.
  55. ^ Fischer, pp. 259–295.
  56. ^ Gruber, pp. 154–156.
  57. ^ Gruber, p. 133.
  58. ^ Billias, p. 55.
  59. ^ Ketchum (1997), p. 81.
  60. ^ Martin, p. 11.
  61. ^ Gruber, p. 183.
  62. ^ Ketchum (1997), p. 61.
  63. ^ Mintz, p. 117.
  64. ^ Martin, p. 22.
  65. ^ Martin, pp. 23–27.
  66. ^ Buchanan, p. 206.
  67. ^ Buchanan, pp. 198–199.
  68. ^ a b McGuire, p. 39.
  69. ^ Martin, p. 23.
  70. ^ Martin, pp. 24–31.
  71. ^ Billias, pp. 60–61.
  72. ^ "National Historic Landmarks & National Register of Historic Places in Pennsylvania". CRGIS: Cultural Resources Geographic Information System. Archived from the original (Searchable database) on 21 July 2007. Retrieved 6 January 2012. Note: This includes Pennsylvania Register of Historic Sites and Landmarks (August 1971). "National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination Form: Gilpin Homestead" (PDF). Retrieved 6 January 2012.
  73. ^ Gruber, pp. 240–241.
  74. ^ Gruber, p. 241.
  75. ^ Gruber, p. 242.
  76. ^ Gruber, p. 243.
  77. ^ Martin, pp. 99–120.
  78. ^ Gruber, pp. 247–260.
  79. ^ a b c Griffith, p. 369.
  80. ^ Mintz, p. 234
  81. ^ Trevelyan, p. 3:249
  82. ^ Ketchum (1997), pp. 446–447.
  83. ^ Ketchum (1997), p. 442.
  84. ^ Ketchum (1997), p. 84.
  85. ^ Boatner, pp. 134–135.
  86. ^ Mintz, p. 124.
  87. ^ Alden (1954), p. 118.
  88. ^ Higginbotham, p. 180.
  89. ^ Mintz, p. 164.
  90. ^ Martin, p. 31.
  91. ^ Pancake, p. 167.
  92. ^ Ketchum (1997), p. 385.
  93. ^ Martin, p. 181.
  94. ^ Martin, pp. 182–186.
  95. ^ Martin, p. 198.
  96. ^ Gruber, p. 325.
  97. ^ Syrett, p. 74.
  98. ^ Billias, p. 62.
  99. ^ Galloway, Joseph. A reply to the observations of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe (1780).
  100. ^ a b Billias, p. 63.
  101. ^ Hadden, p. 379.
  102. ^ Hadden, p. 380.
  103. ^ Flavell, Julie, What an Englishwoman’s Letters Reveal About Life in Britain During the American Revolution, Smithsonian, 16 August 2021.
  104. ^ Cokayne, p. 269.
  105. ^ "Dead Men Tell No Tales". The Futon Critic. Futon Media. Retrieved 14 March 2016.
  106. ^ Frith, Vanessa (5 October 2015). "'Sleepy Hollow' Season 3: Bones Crossover Plot Revealed! How Will Science & The Supernatural Mix" (video). Enstarz. Retrieved 14 March 2016.

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