Women in ancient Rome

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The educated and well-traveled Vibia Sabina (c. 136 AD) was a grand-niece of the emperor Trajan and became the wife of his successor Hadrian; unlike some empresses, she played little role in court politics and remained independent in private life, having no children and seeking emotional gratification in love affairs[1]

Helena (c.250–330 AD), a driving force in promoting Christianity.[5]

putting on makeup, practicing magic, worrying about pregnancy—all, however, through male eyes.[6] The published letters of Cicero, for instance, reveal informally how the self-proclaimed great man interacted on the domestic front with his wife Terentia and daughter Tullia, as his speeches demonstrate through disparagement the various ways Roman women could enjoy a free-spirited sexual and social life.[7]

The one major public role reserved solely for women was in the sphere of

Vestals. Forbidden from marriage or sex for a period of thirty years, the Vestals devoted themselves to the study and correct observance of rituals which were deemed necessary for the security and survival of Rome but which could not be performed by the male colleges of priests.[8]

Childhood and education

Roman girls playing a game

Childhood and upbringing in ancient Rome were determined by social status. Roman children played a number of games, and their toys are known from archaeology and literary sources. Animal figures were popular, and some children kept live animals and birds as pets.

Caecilia Attica to Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa when she was 14.[13]

Bronze statuette of the 1st century depicting a girl reading

Girls were expected to safeguard their chastity, modesty and reputation, in preparation for eventual marriage.[14] The light regulation of marriage by the law with regards to minimum age (12) and consent to marriage was designed to leave families, primarily fathers, with much freedom to propel girls into marriage whenever and with whomever they saw fit. Marriage facilitated a partnership between the father and prospective husbands, and enabled the formation of a mutually beneficial alliance with both political and economic incentives at heart.[15] The girls would leave their own families and join their husbands. The social regime, geared towards early marriage and implemented through children's education and upbringing, was particularly restrictive for girls.[14] Some, perhaps many, girls went to a public primary school; however, there is some evidence to suggest that girls’ education was limited to this elementary school level. It has been inferred that individual school tutoring of girls at home was led by concerns about threats to girls’ modesty in coeducational classrooms.[16] Ovid and Martial imply that boys and girls were educated either together or similarly, and Livy takes it for granted that the daughter of a centurion would be in school.[17] Alternatively, Epictetus and other historians and philosophers suggest that the educational system was preoccupied with the development of masculine virtue, with male teenagers performing school exercises in public speaking about Roman values.[18]

Children of both genders learned to behave socially by attending dinner parties or other, less elitist events. Both genders participated in

Pompey the Great at the time of his death, was distinguished for her musicianship and her knowledge of geometry, literature, and philosophy.[23] This degree of learning indicates formal preparation; however, among the lower classes education was limited and strongly geared towards the course of marriage, and performing the tasks of the female within the household.[24] Elite families poured money into their daughters' literary and virtue training to equip them with skills that would appeal to prospective husbands. Epictetus suggests that at the age of 14, girls were considered to be on the brink of womanhood and beginning to understand the inevitability of their future role as wives. They learned modesty through explicit instruction and upbringing.[25]

The lives of boys and girls began to diverge dramatically after they formally came of age,[26] and memorials to women recognize their domestic qualities far more often than intellectual achievements.[27] The skills a Roman matron needed to run a household required training, and mothers probably passed on their knowledge to their daughters in a manner appropriate to their station in life, given the emphasis in Roman society on traditionalism.[28] Virginity and sexual purity were culturally valued qualities considered vital for the stability of both family and state. The rape of an unmarried girl posed a threat to her reputation and marriageability, and the penalty of death was sometimes imposed on the unchaste daughter.[29] The Emperor Augustus introduced marriage legislation, the Lex Papia Poppaea, which rewarded marriage and childbearing. The legislation also imposed penalties on young persons who failed to marry and on those who committed adultery. Therefore, marriage and childbearing was made law between the ages of twenty-five and sixty for men, and twenty and fifty for women.[30]

Women in the family and law

Always a daughter

Both daughters and sons were subject to

patria potestas, the power wielded by their father as head of household (familia). A Roman household was considered a collective (corpus, a "body") over which the pater familias had mastery (dominium). Slaves, who had no legal standing, were part of the household as property. In the early Empire, the legal standing of daughters differed little if at all from that of sons.[31] If the father died without a will, the right of a daughter to share in the family property was equal to that of a son, though legislation in the 2nd century BCE had attempted to limit this right. Even apart from legal status, daughters seem no less esteemed within the Roman family than sons, though sons were expected to ensure family standing by following their fathers into public life.[32]

Bust of a Roman girl, early 3rd century

The pater familias had the right and duty to find a husband for his daughter,

betrothal might be arranged for political reasons when the couple were too young to marry.[11] In general, noble women married younger than women of the lower classes. Most Roman women would have married in their late teens to early twenties. An aristocratic girl was expected to be a virgin when she married, as her young age might indicate.[35] A daughter could legitimately refuse a match made by her parents only by showing that the proposed husband was of bad character.[36]

In the early Republic, the bride became subject to her husband's potestas, but to a lesser degree than their children.[37] By the early Empire, however, a daughter's legal relationship to her father remained unchanged when she married, even though she moved into her husband's home.[38] This arrangement was one of the factors in the degree of independence Roman women enjoyed relative to those of many other ancient cultures and up to the early modern period. Although a Roman woman had to answer to her father legally, she did not conduct her daily life under his direct scrutiny,[39] and her husband had no legal power over her.[38]

Dressing of a priestess or bride, Roman fresco from Herculaneum, Italy (1–79 AD)

A daughter was expected to be deferential toward her father and to remain loyal to him, even if it meant having to disagree with her husband's actions.[40] For some, "deference" was not always absolute. After arranging his daughter's first two marriages, Cicero disapproved—rightly, as it turned out—of her choice to marry the unreliable Dolabella, but found himself unable to prevent it.[41]

A daughter kept her own family name (nomen) for life, not assuming that of her husband. Children usually took the father's name. In the Imperial period, however, children might sometimes make their mother's family name part of theirs, or even adopt it instead.[42]

Women and sexuality

From the start of the Roman Republic, there was a high emphasis placed on a woman's virginity.

Pompeia, attempted to have private relations with Publius Clodius. Julius Caesar's mother, Aurelia, who monitored Pompeia's actions, prevented their private meetings. The mere possibility of Pompeia committing adultery caused Caesar to divorce her.[44]

Augustus's campaign on women and the family

The focus on a woman's purity and on her role as a faithful wife and dutiful mother in the family increased during the reign of Augustus. This general campaign to improve family dynamics began in 18–17 BC.[45] Augustus' new laws targeted both men and women between the ages of 20 and 55, who were rewarded for being in healthy relationships, and punished if unmarried or childless. Additionally, Augustus enforced the divorce and punishment of adulterous wives. Women under his rule could be punished in the courts for adultery and banished. A woman's private relationships now became a publicly regulated matter. The palace was secured and driven by the idea that women would be returned to their proper places as chaste wives and mothers, and thus household order would be restored. Augustus went so far as to punish and exile his own daughter, Julia, for engaging in extramarital affairs.[45]

Women and the law

There never was a case in court in which the quarrel was not started by a woman. If Manilia is not a defendant, she'll be the plaintiff; she will herself frame and adjust the pleadings; she will be ready to instruct Celsus himself how to open his case, and how to urge his points.

— Juvenal, Satire VI

Although the rights and status of women in the earliest period of Roman history were more restricted than in the

Androgyne".[48]

Roman fresco of a maiden reading a text, Pompeian Fourth Style (60–79 AD), Pompeii, Italy

Maesia's ability to present a case "methodically and vigorously" suggests that while women did not plead regularly in open court, they had experience in private declamation and family court.[49] Afrania,[50] the wife of a senator during the time of Sulla, appeared so frequently before the praetor who presided over the court, even though she had male advocates who could have spoken for her, that she was accused of calumnia, malicious prosecution. An edict was consequently enacted that prohibited women from bringing claims on behalf of others, on the grounds that it jeopardized their pudicitia, the modesty appropriate to one's station.[51] It has been noted[52] that while women were often impugned for their feeblemindedness and ignorance of the law, and thus in need of protection by male advocates, in reality actions were taken to restrict their influence and effectiveness. Despite this specific restriction, there are numerous examples of women taking informed actions in legal matters in the Late Republic and Principate, including dictating legal strategy to their advocate behind the scenes.[53]

An emancipated woman legally became sui iuris, or her own person, and could own property and dispose of it as she saw fit. If a pater familias died intestate, the law required the equal division of his estate amongst his children, regardless of their age and sex. A will that did otherwise, or emancipated any family member without due process of law, could be challenged.[54] From the late Republic onward, a woman who inherited a share equal with her brothers would have been independent of agnatic control.[55]

As in the case of minors, an emancipated woman had a legal guardian (tutor) appointed to her. She retained her powers of administration, however, and the guardian's main if not sole purpose was to give formal consent to actions.

CE the jurist Gaius said he saw no reason for it.[60] The Christianization of the Empire, beginning with the conversion of the Emperor Constantine
in the early 4th century, eventually had consequences for the legal status of women.

Marriage

Roman couple in the ceremonial joining of hands; the bride's knotted belt symbolized that her husband was "belted and bound" to her.[61] 4th century sarcophagus

Family tomb inscriptions of respectable Romans suggest that the ideal Roman marriage was one of mutual loyalty, in which husband and wife shared interests, activities, and property.[62]

In the earliest period of the

Athenian custom of arranged marriage
and sequestration, which did not allow wives to walk the streets unescorted.

The form of marriage known as manus was the norm in the early Republic, but became less frequent thereafter.[65] The bride's dowry, any inheritance rights transferred through her marriage, and any subsequently-acquired property belonged to her husband. Husbands could divorce their wives on grounds of adultery, and a few cases of divorce on the grounds of a wife's infertility are recorded.[66] Manus marriage was an unequal relationship; it changed a woman’s intestate heirs from her siblings to her children, not because she was their mother but because her legal status was the same as that of a daughter to her husband. Under manus, women were expected to obey their husbands in almost all aspects of their lives.

This archaic form of manus marriage was largely abandoned by the time of

Latin rights, and in the later Imperial period and with official permission, soldier-citizens and non-citizens. In a free marriage a bride brought a dowry to the husband: if the marriage ended with no cause of adultery he returned most of it.[69] The law's separation of property was so total that gifts between spouses were not recognized as such. If a couple divorced or even separated, the giver could reclaim the gift.[70]

Divorce

Fresco of a seated woman from Stabiae, 1st century AD

Divorce was a legal but relatively informal affair which mainly involved a wife leaving her husband’s house and taking back her dowry. According to the historian Valerius Maximus, divorces were taking place by 604 BCE or earlier, and the law code as embodied in the mid-5th century BCE by the Twelve Tables provides for divorce. Divorce was socially acceptable if carried out within social norms (mos maiorum). By the time of Cicero and Julius Caesar, divorce was relatively common and "shame-free", the subject of gossip rather than a social disgrace.[71] Valerius says that Lucius Annius was disapproved of because he divorced his wife without consulting his friends; that is, he undertook the action for his own purposes and without considering its effects on his social network (amicitia and clientela). The censors of 307 BCE thus expelled him from the Senate for moral turpitude.

Elsewhere, however, it is claimed that the first divorce took place only in 230 BCE, at which time

Spurius Carvilius, a man of distinction, was the first to divorce his wife" on grounds of infertility. This was most likely the Spurius Carvilius Maximus Ruga who was consul in 234 and 228 BCE. The evidence is confused.[73]

During the classical period of Roman law (late Republic and Principate), a man or woman[74] could end a marriage simply because he or she wanted to, and for no other reason. Unless the wife could prove the spouse was worthless, he kept the children. Because property had been kept separate during the marriage, divorce from a "free" marriage was a very easy procedure.[75]

Remarriage

Naples National Archaeological Museum
, Italy

The frequency of remarriage among the elite was high. Speedy remarriage was not unusual, and perhaps even customary, for aristocratic Romans after the death of a spouse.[76] While no formal waiting period was dictated for a widower, it was customary for a woman to remain in mourning for ten months before remarrying.[77] The duration may have allowed for pregnancy: if a woman had become pregnant just before her husband's death, the period of ten months ensured that no question of paternity -- which might affect the child's social status and inheritance -- arose.[78] No law prohibited pregnant women from marrying, and there are well-known instances: Augustus married Livia when she was carrying her former husband's child, and the College of Pontiffs ruled that it was permissible as long as the child's father was determined first. Livia's previous husband even attended the wedding.[79]

Because elite marriages often occurred for reasons of politics or property, a widow or divorcée with assets in these areas faced few obstacles to remarrying. She was far more likely to be legally emancipated than a first-time bride, and to have a say in the choice of husband. The marriages of

Scribonius Curio; and finally to Mark Antony
, the last opponent to the republican oligarchs and to Rome's future first emperor.

The

Greek observer Plutarch indicates that a second wedding among Romans was likely to be a quieter affair, as a widow would still feel the absence of her dead husband, and a divorcée ought to feel shame.[80] But while the circumstances of divorce might be shameful or embarrassing, and remaining married to the same person for life was ideal, there was no general disapproval of remarriage; on the contrary, marriage was considered the right and desirable condition of adult life for both men and women.[81] Cato the Younger, who presented himself as a paragon modeled after his moral namesake, allowed his pregnant wife Marcia to divorce him and marry Hortensius, declining to offer his young daughter to the 60-year-old orator instead. After the widowed Marcia inherited considerable wealth, Cato married her again, in a ceremony lacking many of the formalities.[82] Women might be mocked, however, for marrying too often or capriciously, particularly if it could be implied that sexual appetites or vanity were motives.[83]

Concubinage

Roman fresco with a banquet scene from the Casa dei Casti Amanti, Pompeii

A concubine was defined by Roman law as a woman living in a permanent monogamous relationship with a man not her husband.[84] There was no dishonor in being a concubine or living with a concubine, and a concubine could become a wife.[85] Gifts could be exchanged between the partners in concubinage, in contrast to marriage, which maintained a more defined separation of property.

Couples usually resorted to concubinage when inequality of social rank was an obstacle to marriage. For instance, a man of

senatorial rank and a woman who was a social inferior, such as a freedwoman or one who had a questionable background of poverty or prostitution, might enter into concubinage.[86] Two partners who lacked the right to legal marriage, or conubium, might also do so.[87]
Concubinage differed from marriage chiefly in the status of children born from the relationship. Children had their mother's social rank, and not, as was customary, their father's.

Domestic abuse

A maenad with a cupid in her arms, fresco, 1st century AD

Classical Roman law did not allow

domestic abuse by a husband to his wife,[88] However, as with any other crime, laws against domestic abuse do not necessarily prevent it. Cato the Elder said, according to his biographer Plutarch, "that the man who struck his wife or child laid violent hands on the holiest of holy things."[89] A man of status during the Roman Republic was expected to behave moderately toward his wife and to define himself as a good husband. Wife beating was sufficient grounds for divorce or other legal action against the husband.[90]

Domestic abuse enters the historical record mainly when it involves the egregious excesses of the elite. The Emperor Nero was alleged to have had his first wife (and stepsister) Claudia Octavia murdered after subjecting her to torture and imprisonment. Nero then married his pregnant mistress Poppaea Sabina, whom he kicked to death for criticizing him.[91] Some modern historians believe that Poppaea died from a miscarriage or childbirth, and that the story was exaggerated to vilify Nero. The despised Commodus may have killed his wife and his sister.[92]

Motherhood

CE

Roman wives were expected to bear children, but the women of the aristocracy, accustomed to a degree of independence, showed a growing disinclination to devote themselves to traditional motherhood. By the 1st century

BCE, when the comic playwright Plautus mentions wet-nurses.[94] Since a mother's milk was considered best for the baby,[95] aristocratic women might still choose to breast-feed unless physical reasons prevented it.[96] If a woman did choose not to nurse her own child, she could visit the Columna Lactaria ("Milk Column"), where poor parents could obtain milk for their infants as charity from wet nurses and more affluent parents could hire a wet nurse.[97] Licinia, the wife of Cato the Elder (d. 149 BCE), is reported to have nursed not only her son, but sometimes the infants of her slaves, to encourage "brotherly affection" among them.[98] By the time of Tacitus (d. 117 CE), breastfeeding by elite matrons was idealized as a practice of the virtuous old days.[99]

Large families were not the norm among the elite even by the Late Republic; the family of Clodius Pulcher, who had at least three sisters and two brothers, was considered unusual.[100] The birth rate among the aristocracy declined to such an extent that the first Roman emperor Augustus (reigned 27 BCE–14 CE) passed a series of laws intended to increase it. These laws provided special honors for women who bore at least three children (the ius trium liberorum).[101] Women who were unmarried, divorced, widowed, or barren were prohibited from inheriting property unless named in a will.[102]

The extent to which Roman women might expect their husbands to participate in the rearing of very young children seems to vary and is hard to determine. Traditionalists such as Cato appear to have taken an interest, as Cato liked to be present when his wife bathed and swaddled their child.

Aurelia. Aurelia's political clout was essential in preventing the execution of her 18-year-old son during the proscriptions of Sulla
.

Daily life

Left image: Wall painting from the Vila San Marco, Stabiae, 1st century
Right image: A woman fixing her hair in the mirror, fresco from the Villa of Arianna at Stabiae, 1st century AD

Aristocratic women managed a large and complex household. Since wealthy couples often owned multiple homes and country estates with dozens or even hundreds of slaves -- some of whom were educated and highly skilled -- this could be the equivalent of running a small corporation. In addition to the sociopolitically important responsibilities of entertaining guests, clients, and visiting dignitaries from abroad, the husband held his morning business meetings (salutatio) at home.[105] The home (domus) was also the center of the family's social identity, with ancestral portraits displayed in the entrance hall (atrium). Since the most ambitious aristocratic men were frequently away from home on military campaign or administrative duty in the provinces, sometimes for years at a time, the maintenance of the family's property and business decisions were often left to the wives. For instance, while Julius Caesar was away from Rome throughout the 50s BCE, his wife Calpurnia was responsible for taking care of his assets. When Ovid, regarded as Rome's greatest living poet, was exiled by Augustus in 8 CE, his wife exploited social connections and legal maneuvers to hold on to the family's property, on which their livelihood depended.[106] Ovid expresses his love and admiration for her lavishly in the poetry he wrote during his exile.[107] Frugality, parsimony, and austerity were characteristics of the virtuous matron.[108]

One of the most important tasks for women was to oversee clothing production. In the early Roman period, the spinning of wool was a central domestic occupation and indicated a family's self-sufficiency, since the wool would be produced on their estates. Even in an urban setting, wool was often a symbol of a wife's duties, and equipment for spinning might appear on the funeral monument of a woman to show that she was a good and honorable matron.[109] Even women of the upper classes were expected to be able to spin and weave in virtuous emulation of their rustic ancestors—a practice ostentatiously observed by Livia.

In business

"One of the most curious characteristics of that age," observed French classical scholar

Gaston Boissier, "was that the women appear as much engaged in business and as interested in speculations as the men. Money is their first care. They work their estates, invest their funds, lend and borrow. We find one among Cicero's creditors, and two among his debtors."[110] Although Roman society did not allow women to gain official political power, it did allow them to enter business.[111]

Even women of wealth were not supposed to be idle ladies of leisure. Among the aristocracy, women as well as men lent money to their peers to avoid resorting to a moneylender. When Pliny was considering buying an estate, he factored in a loan from his mother-in-law as a guarantee rather than an option.

Pionius, owned estates in the province of Asia. Inscriptions record her generosity in funding the renovation of the Sardis gymnasium.[113]

Because women had the right to own property, they might engage in the same business transactions and management practices as any landowner. As with their male counterparts, their management of slaves appears to have varied from relative care to negligence and outright abuse. During the First Servile War, Megallis and her husband Damophilus were both killed by their slaves on account of their brutality, but their daughter was spared because of her kindness and granted safe passage out of Sicily, along with an armed escort.[114]

Women and a man working alongside one another at a dye shop (fullonica), on a wall painting from Pompeii

Unlike landholding, industry was not considered an honorable profession for those of

senatorial rank. Cicero suggested that in order to gain respectability a merchant should buy land. Attitudes changed during the Empire, however, and Claudius
created legislation to encourage the upper classes to engage in shipping. Women of the upper classes are documented as owning and running shipping corporations.

Trade and manufacturing are not well represented in Roman literature, which was produced for and largely by the elite, but funerary inscriptions sometimes record the profession of the deceased, including women.[115] Women are known to have owned and operated brick factories.[116] A woman might develop skills to complement her husband's trade, or manage aspects of his business. Artemis the gilder was married to Dionysius the helmet maker, as indicated by a curse tablet asking for the destruction of their household, workshop, work, and livelihood.[117] The status of ordinary women who owned a business seems to have been regarded as exceptional. Laws during the Imperial period aimed at punishing women for adultery exempted those "who have charge of any business or shop" from prosecution.[118]

Some typical occupations for a woman would be wet nurse, actress, dancer or acrobat, prostitute, and midwife—not all of equal respectability.[119] Prostitutes and performers such as actresses were stigmatized as infames, people who had recourse to few legal protections even if they were free.[120] Inscriptions indicate that a woman who was a wet nurse (nutrix) would be quite proud of her occupation.[121] Women could be scribes and secretaries, including "girls trained for beautiful writing", that is, calligraphers.[122] Pliny gives a list of female artists and their paintings.[123]

Most Romans lived in

plebeian and non-citizen
families usually lacked kitchens. The need to buy prepared food meant that takeaway food was a thriving business. Most of the Roman poor, whether male or female, young or old, earned a living through their own labour.

In politics

Brutus, as pictured by Pierre Mignard

Women had limited engagement with politics in the

Cato the Censor (234–149) describe Rome's matrons, who collectively protested against the law on the streets of Rome, as an "army of women" seeking to undermine the authority of his own gender and class, even the very existence of Rome, in their pursuit of unrestrained licence to spend money—which he describes as a particularly female disease that could never be cured, only suppressed.[125]

During the civil wars that ended the Republic,

, came to a less fortunate but (in the eyes of her time) heroic end: she killed herself as the Republic collapsed, just as her father did.

The rise of

Augusta (58 BCE – CE 29), was the most powerful woman in the early Roman Empire, acting several times as regent and consistently as a faithful advisor. Several women of the Imperial family, such as Livia's great-granddaughter and Caligula's sister Agrippina the Younger
, gained political influence as well as public prominence.

Women also participated in efforts to overthrow emperors, predominantly for personal gain. Shortly after

Gaius Silius
to overthrow her husband in the hope of installing herself and her lover in power.

Egnatia Maximilla for sacrificing her fortune in order to stand by her innocent husband against Nero.[129]

According to the

Historia Augusta the emperor Elagabalus had his mother or grandmother take part in Senate proceedings.[130] The author regarded this as one of Elagabalus's many scandals, and reported that the Senate's first act upon his death was to restore the ban on attendance by women. According to the same work, Elagabalus also established a women's senate called the senaculum, which enacted very detailed rules prescribing the correct public behaviour, jewelry, clothing, chariots and sundry personal items for matrons. This apparently built upon previous, less formal but exclusive meetings of elite wives; and before that, Agrippina the Younger, mother of Nero, had listened to Senate proceedings, while concealed behind a curtain, according to Tacitus
(Annales, 13.5).

Women and the military

Classical texts have little to say about women and the Roman army. Although the Emperor Augustus (reigned 27 BC–AD 14) made marriage by ordinary soldiers unlawful, this probably meant that while soldiers and women in distant provinces and settlements formed relationships and had children, their relationships were not recognised in Roman law. Two centuries or so later, the ban was lifted. It has been suggested that wives and children of centurions lived with them at border and provincial forts.

Hadrian's wall, at the frontier fort of Vindolanda[132] at the same site, bronze military discharge certificates were found, granting citizenship after 25 years of service and mentioning wives and children. In Germany, women's brooches and shoes were excavated at a military site. Trajan's Column depicts six women amongst the soldiers at a military religious sacrifice.[133]

Religious life

Ruins of the House of the Vestals, with pedestals for statuary in the foreground

Women were present at most Roman festivals and cult observances. Some rituals specifically required the presence of women, but their participation might be limited. As a rule women did not perform animal sacrifice, the central rite of most major public ceremonies,[134] though this was less a matter of prohibition than the fact that most priests presiding over state religion were men.[135] Some cult practices were reserved for women only, for example, the rites of the Good Goddess (Bona Dea).[136]

Women priests played a prominent and crucial role in the official religion of Rome. Although the state colleges of male priests were far more numerous, the six women of the college of Vestals were Rome's only "full-time professional clergy".[137] Sacerdos, plural sacerdotes, was the Latin word for a priest of either gender. Religious titles for women include sacerdos, often in relation to a deity or temple, such as a sacerdos Cereris or Cerealis, "priestess of Ceres", an office never held by men;[138] magistra, a high priestess, female expert or teacher in religious matters; and ministra, a female assistant, particularly one in service to a deity. A magistra or ministra would have been responsible for the regular maintenance of a cult. Epitaphs provide the main evidence for these priesthoods, and the woman is often not identified in terms of her marital status.[139]

The Vestals possessed unique religious distinction, public status and privileges, and could exercise considerable political influence. It was also possible for them to amass "considerable wealth".

Pontifex Maximus.[141] Their vow of chastity freed them of the traditional obligation to marry and rear children, but its violation carried a heavy penalty: a Vestal found to have polluted her office by breaking her vow was given food, water, and entombed alive. The independence of the Vestals thus existed in relation to the prohibitions imposed on them. In addition to conducting certain religious rites, the Vestals participated at least symbolically in every official sacrifice, as they were responsible for preparing the required ritual substance mola salsa.[142]
The Vestals seem to have retained their religious and social distinctions well into the 4th century CE, until the Christian emperors dissolved the order.

A few priesthoods were held jointly by married couples. Marriage was a requirement for the

magico-religious prohibitions. The flaminica was a perhaps exceptional case of a woman performing animal sacrifice; she offered a ram to Jupiter on each of the nundinae, the eight-day Roman cycle comparable to a week.[143]
The couple were not permitted to divorce, and if the flaminica died the flamen had to resign his office.

The Capitoline Triad of Minerva, Jupiter, and Juno

Like the Flaminica Dialis, the

rex sacrorum, "king of the sacred rites", an archaic priesthood regarded in the earliest period as more prestigious than even the Pontifex Maximus.[146]

These highly public official duties for women contradict the commonplace notion that women in ancient Rome took part only in private or domestic religion. The dual male-female priesthoods may reflect the Roman tendency to seek a gender complement within the religious sphere;

Indo-European tradition in installing two goddesses in its supreme triad of patron deities, Juno and Minerva along with Jupiter. This triad "formed the core of Roman religion."[150]

Mosaic depicting masked actors in a play: two women consult a "witch" or private diviner

From the Mid Republic onward, religious diversity became increasingly characteristic of the city of Rome. Many religions that were not part of Rome's earliest state cult offered leadership roles for women, among them the cult of Isis and of the Magna Mater. An epitaph preserves the title sacerdos maxima for a woman who held the highest priesthood of the Magna Mater's temple near the current site of St. Peter's Basilica.[151]

Although less documented than public religion, private religious practices addressed aspects of life that were exclusive to women. At a time when the

better source needed
]

Male writers vary in their depiction of women's religiosity: some represent women as paragons of Roman virtue and devotion, but also inclined by temperament to excessive religious devotion, the lure of magic, or "superstition".[154] Nor was "private" the same as "secret": Romans were suspicious of secretive religious practices, and Cicero cautioned that nocturnal sacrifices were not to be performed by women, except for those ritually prescribed pro populo, on behalf of the Roman people, that is, for the public good.[155]

Social activities

Mosaic showing Roman women in various recreational activities

Wealthy women traveled around the city in a litter carried by slaves.[156] Women gathered on a daily basis to meet with friends, attend religious rites at temples, or to visit the baths. The wealthiest families had private baths at home, but most people went to bath houses not only to wash but to socialize, as the larger facilities offered a range of services and recreational activities, among which casual sex was not excluded. One of the most vexed questions of Roman social life is whether the sexes bathed together in public. Until the late Republic, evidence suggests that women usually bathed in a separate wing or facility, or that women and men were scheduled at different times. But there is also clear evidence of mixed bathing from the late Republic until the rise of Christian dominance in the later Empire. Some scholars have thought that only lower-class women bathed with men, or those of dubious moral standing such as entertainers or prostitutes, but Clement of Alexandria observed that women of the highest social classes could be seen naked at the baths. Hadrian prohibited mixed bathing, but the ban seems not to have endured. Most likely, customs varied not only by time and place, but by facility, so that women could choose to segregate themselves by gender or not.[157]

An all-women dinner party depicted on a wall painting from Pompeii

For entertainment women could attend debates at the Forum, the public games (

Cato the Censor (234–149 BCE) considered it improper for women to take a more active role in public life; his complaints indicated that indeed some women did voice their opinions in the public sphere.[159]

Roman generals would sometimes take their wives with them on military campaigns, though the practice was discouraged, . Caligula's mother Agrippina the Elder often accompanied her husband Germanicus on his campaigns in northern Germania, and the future emperor Claudius was born in Gaul for this reason. Wealthy women might tour the empire, often participating in or viewing local religious ceremonies or entertainments appropriate to their class and background at sites around the empire.[160] Rich women traveled to the countryside during the summer when Rome became too hot.[161]

Attire and adornment

Livia attired in a stola and palla

Women in ancient Rome took great care in their appearance, though extravagance was frowned upon. They wore cosmetics and made different concoctions for their skin. Ovid even wrote a poem about the correct application of makeup. Women used white chalk or arsenic to whiten their faces, or rouge made of lead or carmine to add color to their cheeks as well as using lead to highlight their eyes.[162] They spent much time arranging their hair and often dyed it black, red, or blonde. They also wore wigs regularly.[163]

Matrons usually wore two simple tunics for undergarments covered by a

aquamarine, opal, and pearls as earrings, necklaces, rings and sometimes sewn onto their shoes and clothing.[166]

Exaggerated hairstyle of the Flavian period (80s–90s CE)

In the aftermath of Roman defeat at

Cato the Censor argued for its retention: personal morality and self-restraint were self-evidently inadequate controls on indulgence and luxury. Luxury provoked the envy and shame of those less well-off, and was therefore divisive. Roman women, in Cato's view, had showed only too clearly that their appetites once corrupted knew no limits, and must be restrained. Large numbers of Roman matrons thought otherwise, and made concerted public protest. In 193 BCE the laws were abolished: Cato's opposition did not harm his political career. Later, in 42 BCE, Roman women, led by Hortensia, successfully protested against laws designed to tax Roman women, by use of the argument of no taxation without representation.[167] Evidence of a lessening on luxury restrictions can also be found; one of the Letters of Pliny is addressed to the woman Pompeia Celerina praising the luxuries she keeps in her villa.[168]

Body image

Venus, goddess of beauty and love (2nd century)

Based on Roman art and literature,

apotropaic gesture.[178]

Mos maiorum and the love poets

Romantic scene from a mosaic (Villa at Centocelle, Rome, 20 BCE–20 CE)

During the late Republic penalties for sexuality were barely enforced if at all,[

Clodius Pulcher. The affair ends badly, and Catullus's declarations of love turn to attacks on her sexual appetites—rhetoric that accords with the other hostile source on Clodia's behavior, Cicero's Pro Caelio
.

In

didactic poetry for offering instruction in how to pursue, keep, and get over a lover. Satirists such as Juvenal complain about the dissolute behavior of women.[179]

Gynecology and medicine

The practices and views in the

Hellenistic and Roman eras, when women led active lives and more often engaged in family planning. The physiology of women began to be seen as less alien to that of men.[180] In the older tradition, intercourse, pregnancy, and childbirth were not only central to women's health, but the raison d'être for female physiology;[181] men, by contrast, were advised to exercise moderation in their sexual behavior, since hypersexuality would cause disease and fatigue.[182]

A female artist paints a statue of the phallic god Priapus, fresco from Pompeii, 1st c. AD

The Hippocratic view that amenorrhea was fatal became by Roman times a specific issue of infertility, and was recognized by most Roman medical writers as a likely result when women engage in intensive physical regimens for extended periods of time. Balancing food, exercise, and sexual activity came to be regarded as a choice that women might make. The observation that intensive training was likely to result in amenorrhea implies that there were women who engaged in such regimens.[183]

In the Roman era, medical writers saw a place for exercise in the lives of women in sickness and health.

gynecological writers include information about sterility in men, rather than assuming some defect in the woman only.[185]

Hypersexuality was to be avoided by women as well as men. An enlarged clitoris, like an oversized phallus,[186] was considered a symptom of excessive sexuality. Although Hellenistic and Roman medical and other writers refer to clitoridectomy as primarily an "Egyptian" custom, gynecological manuals under the Christian Empire in late antiquity propose that hypersexuality could be treated by surgery or repeated childbirth.[187]

Slavery

Left image: A young woman sits while a servant fixes her hair with the help of a cupid, who holds up a mirror to offer a reflection, detail of a fresco from the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii, c. 50 BC
Right image: A floor mosaic of a woman dancer from the Villa Romana del Casale, 4th century AD

Freedwomen were

patron-client relationship
was one of the fundamental social structures of ancient Rome, and failure to fulfill one's obligations brought disapproval and censure.

In most ways, freedwomen had the same legal status as freeborn women. But because under Roman law a slave had no father, freed slaves had no inheritance rights unless they were named in a will.

The relationship of a former slave to her patron could be complicated. In one legal case, a woman named Petronia Iusta attempted to show—without a birth declaration to prove it—that she had been free-born. Her mother, she acknowledged, had been a slave in the household of Petronius Stephanus and Calatoria Themis, but Iusta maintained that she had been born after her mother's manumission. Calatoria, by now a widow, in turn argued that Iusta was born before her mother was free and that she had been manumitted, therefore owing her former owner the service due a patron. Calatoria could produce no documentation of this supposed manumission, and the case came down to the testimony of witnesses.[188]

The status of freedwomen, like freedmen, varied widely. Caenis was a freedwoman and secretary to the Emperor Vespasian; she was also his concubine. He is said to have lived with her faithfully, but she was not considered a wife.[189]

Prostitution

Women could turn to prostitution to support themselves, but not all prostitutes had freedom to decide. There is some evidence that even slave prostitutes could benefit from their labor.

Tigellinus had brothels filled with upper class women.[193] Prostitution could also be a punishment instead of an occupation; a law of Augustus allowed that women guilty of adultery could be sentenced to work in brothels as prostitutes. The law was abolished in 389.[194]

See also

References

  1. ^ Jasper Burns, "Sabina," in Great Women of Imperial Rome: Mothers and Wives of the Caesars (Routledge, 2007), pp. 124–140.
  2. A.N. Sherwin-White, Roman Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 211 and 268 (on male citizenship as it relates to marrying citizen women) et passim. ("children born of two Roman citizens") indicates that a Roman woman was regarded as having citizen status, in specific contrast to a peregrina
    .
  3. ^ Bruce W. Frier and Thomas A.J. McGinn, A Casebook on Roman Family Law (Oxford University Press: American Philological Association, 2004), pp. 31–32, 457, et passim.
  4. ^ Kristina Milnor, "Women in Roman Historiography," in The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Historians (Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 278; Ann Ellis Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology at Rome," in Les écoles médicales à Rome: Actes du 2ème Colloque international sur les textes médicaux latins antiques, Lausanne, septembre 1986 (Université de Nantes, 1991), p. 256.
  5. ^ Unless otherwise noted, this introductory overview is based on Beryl Rawson, "Finding Roman Women," in A Companion to the Roman Republic (Blackwell, 2010), p. 325.
  6. ^ Kelly Olson, "The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 139.
  7. ^ In reference to his character assassination of the notorious Clodia; see Pro Caelio.
  8. ^ For an extensive modern consideration of the Vestals, see Ariadne Staples, From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion (Routledge, 1998).
  9. ^ Beryl Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy (Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 129–130.
  10. scholion
    , and p. 48 on Diana. Rome lacked the elaborate puberty rites for girls that were practiced in ancient Greece (p. 145).
  11. ^ a b Beryl Rawson, "The Roman Family in Italy" (Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 21.
  12. ^ Judith P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society: Women and the Elite Family (Princeton University Press, 1984), 142.
  13. ^ a b Lauren, Caldwell, "Roman Girlhood and the Fashioning of Femininity" (Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 3–4.
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  16. ^ Caldwell, "Roman Girlhood and the Fashioning of Femininity", p. 18.
  17. ^ Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, pp. 197–198
  18. ^ Caldwell, "Roman Girlhood and the Fashioning of Femininity", p. 17.
  19. ^ Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 198.
  20. ^ Janine Assa, The Great Roman Ladies (New York, 1960), p. 50.
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  24. ^ Sandra R. Joshel, Sheila Murnaghan, "Women and Slaves in Greco-Roman Culture" (Routledge; New edition 2001), p. 86.
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  27. ^ Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 45.
  28. ^ Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 197.
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  39. ^ "If adults sons or daughters and their children had lived in the same household as the paterfamilias," notes Rawson, "they may well have found the constant awareness of his powers and position a great strain" ("The Roman Family," p. 15).
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  41. ^ Rawson, The Roman Family, p. 21.
  42. ^ Rawson, "The Roman Family," p. 18.
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  46. ^ Richard A. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome (Routledge, 1992, 1994), p. 50.
  47. ^ Her name appears also as Amesia.
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  49. ^ Bauman, Women and Politics, p. 50.
  50. ^ The name is vexed; it may also be Carfrania.
  51. ^ Bauman, Women and Politics, pp. 50–51.
  52. ^ Bauman, Women and Politics, p. 51.
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  57. ^ Judith Evans Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook on Marriage, Divorce and Law in the Roman Empire (Routledge, 2002), p. 24.
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  59. ^ Thomas, "The Division of the Sexes," p. 133.
  60. ^ Gaius, Institutes 1.190–1.191.
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  64. ^ Duby, Perrot, and Pantel, A History of Women Volume 1, pg. 133
  65. ^ The late Imperial Roman jurist Gaius writes of manus marriage as something that used to happen. Frier and McGinn, Casebook, p. 54.
  66. ^ Frier and McGinn, Casebook, p. 53.
  67. ^ Eva Cantarella, Pandora's Daughters: The Role and Status of Women in Greek and Roman Antiquity (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), pp. 140–141; J.P. Sullivan, "Martial's Sexual Attitudes", Philologus 123 (1979), p. 296, specifically on sexual freedom.
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  69. ^ Johnston, Roman Law, pp. 36–36; Frier and McGinn, Casebook, section V.
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  71. ^ Suzanne Dixon, "From Ceremonial to Sexualities: A Survey of Scholarship on Roman Marriage" in A Companion to Families in the Greek and Roman Worlds (Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), p. 248.
  72. ^ Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 2.25
  73. ^ Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticae 4.3.1) places the divorce in 227 BCE, but fudges the date and his sources elsewhere.
  74. ^ Alan Watson, The Spirit of Roman Law (University of Georgia Press, 1995), p. 173.
  75. ^ Frier and McGinn, Casebook, part D, "The End of Marriage."
  76. ^ Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 258–259, 500–502 et passim.
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  78. inclusive counting
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  79. ^ Eva Cantarella, "Marriage and Sexuality in Republican Rome: A Roman Conjugal Love Story," in The Sleep of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome (University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 276.
  80. ^ Plutarch, Roman Questions 105.
  81. ^ Karen K. Hersh, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 4, 48, et passim citing Humbert (1971), pp. 1–11. See also Treggiari, Roman Marriage.
  82. ^ Hersh, The Roman Wedding, passim, pointing to the fictionalized and possibly satiric account by Lucan. Or some scholars see in this more of an arrangement than marriage proper.
  83. ^ Hersh, The Roman Wedding, pp. 103–104.
  84. ^ Frier and McGinn, Casebook, p. 480.
  85. ^ Frier and McGinn, Casebook, p. 52.
  86. ^ Frier and McGinn, Casebook, p. 50
  87. ^ J.A. Crook Law and Life of Rome 90 B.C.-212 A.D.
  88. ^ A casebook on Roman Family Law, Frier and McGinn, pg. 95.
  89. ^ Plutarch, Life of Cato the Elder 20.2.
  90. ^ Garrett G. Fagan, "Violence in Roman Social Relations," in The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations (Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 487.
  91. ^ Tacitus, Annals XVI.6
  92. ^ Frank McLynn, Marcus Aurelius: A Life, p. 435.
  93. ^ Rawson, "The Roman Family," p. 30.
  94. ^ Plautus, Miles Gloriosus 697.
  95. ^ As noted by Soranus (1st century AD) in his Gynaecology 2.18.
  96. ^ Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society (Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 242.
  97. ^ Lawrence Richardson, "A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome," (JHU Press, 1992), p. 94.
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  99. ^ Tacitus, Dialogus 28, as noted by McDonough, p. 322.
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  103. ^ Plutarch, Life of Cato the Elder 20.2.
  104. ^ Assa, The Great Roman Ladies, p. 50.
  105. ^ Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford University Press, 1991, reprinted 2002), p. 420.
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  110. Gaston Boissier, Cicero and his friends: a study of Roman Society in the time of Caesar 1922 trans. Adnah David Jones. p.96
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  112. ^ Law and Life of Rome, J.A. Crook pg.172
  113. ^ Christians and Pagans, Fox, Pg. 464
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  122. ^ Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 80.
  123. ^ Pliny the Elder, Natural History, 35.147.
  124. ^ Ronald Syme, Sallust (University of California Press, 1964, reprinted 2002), p. 25 online.
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  128. ^ Tacitus, Annals 15.51
  129. ^ Tacitus, Annals 15.71.
  130. ^ Elagabalus, Historia Augusta, 4.3, 12.3 and Historia Augusta,Aurelian, 49.6; translated by David Magie
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  135. ^ Celia E. Schultz, Women's Religious Activity in the Roman Republic (University of North Carolina Press, 2006), pp. 134–136. In some sense, every head of household was a priest responsible for religious maintenance at home; in Roman patriarchal society, this was the paterfamilias. Public religion, like society and politics in general, reflected the hierarchy of the household, since the familia was the building block of society. See John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion (Indiana University Press, 2003), p. 129ff.
  136. ^ Beard et al., Religions of Rome, vol. 1, pp. 296–297.
  137. ^ Phyllis Culham, "Women in the Roman Republic," in The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic (Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 143.
  138. ^ Barbette Stanley Spaeth, The Roman Goddess Ceres (University of Texas Press, 1996), p. 104.
  139. ^ Lesley E. Lundeen, "In Search of the Etruscan Priestess: A Re-Examination of the hatrencu," in Religion in Republican Italy (Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 46; Schultz, Women's Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, pp. 70–71.
  140. ^ Ariadne Staples, From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion (Routledge, 1998), p. 184.
  141. ^ Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic War (University of California Press, 2005, 2006), p. 141.
  142. ^ Staples, From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins, pp. 154–155.
  143. ^ Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.16.
  144. ^ Emily A. Hemelrijk, "Women and Sacrifice in the Roman Empire," in Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire. Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg, July 5–7, 2007) (Brill, 2009), pp. 258–259, citing Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.15.19.
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  146. ^ Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, p. 136, based on Festus on the ordo sacerdotum (hierarchy of priests), 198 in the edition of Lindsay.
  147. ^ Schultz, Women's Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, pp. 79–81.
  148. ^ Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach (Brill, 2009), pp. 141–142 online.
  149. Varro
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  150. ^ The Capitoline Triad replaced the Indo-European Archaic Triad, composed of three male gods, and is thought to result from Etruscan influence; see Robert Schilling, Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981), pp. 73, 87, 131, 150.
  151. ^ Stephen L. Dyson, Rome: A Living Portrait of an Ancient City (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), p. 283.
  152. ^ M. Golden, "Did the Ancients Care When Their Children Died?" Greece & Rome 35 (1988) 152–163.
  153. ^ Greenberg, Mike (28 June 2021). "Ceres: The Roman Goddess of Grain". MythologySource. Retrieved 5 August 2021.
  154. ^ Beard et al., Religions of Rome, vol. 1, p. 297.
  155. ^ Cicero, De legibus 2.9.21; Emily A. Hemelrijk, "Women and Sacrifice in the Roman Empire," in Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire. Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg, July 5–7, 2007) (Brill, 2009), p. 255.
  156. ^ Assa, The Great Roman Ladies, p. 73.
  157. ^ Garrett G. Fagan, Bathing in Public in the Roman World (University of Michigan Press, 1999, 2002), pp. 26–27.
  158. ^ Assa, The Great Roman Ladies, p. 92.
  159. ^ Livius, Titus, A History of Rome, (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Pub, 2006), 182.
  160. ^ Assa, 102.
  161. ^ Assa, 96.
  162. ^ a b Assa, 65.
  163. ^ Assa, 60.
  164. ^ Assa, 66.
  165. . Retrieved 3 April 2013.
  166. ^ Assa, 67.
  167. ^ Pomeroy, Sarah Jane, Women in Classical Antiquity
  168. ^ Pliny the Younger, Letters, Book 1 letter IV
  169. ^ Kelly Olson, "The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 143.
  170. ^ John R. Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art 100 B.C.–A.D. 250 (University of California Press, 1998, 2001), p. 34.
  171. ^ Amy Richlin, The Garden of Priapus: Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor (Oxford University Press, 1983, 1992), pp. 68, 110.
  172. ^ Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking, p. 34 et passim.
  173. ^ Martial, Epigrams 1.100, 2.52, 14.66; Richlin, The Garden of Priapus, pp. 52, 54, 68.
  174. ^ Olson, "The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl," p. 143.
  175. ^ Pliny the Elder, Natural History 25.95, citing Anaxilaus, a Pythagorean physician in the time of Augustus; Matthew W. Dickie, Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World (Routledge, 2001, 2005), p. 167. Pliny also notes that an application of hemlock was used to suppress lactation.
  176. ^ Richlin, The Garden of Priapus, p. 38.
  177. ^ Larissa Bonfante, "Nursing Mothers in Classical Art," in Naked Truths: Women, Sexuality, and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology (Routledge, 1997, 2000), pp. 174ff.
  178. Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 725; Mary Lefkowitz
    and Maureen B. Fant, Women's Life in Greece and Rome, p. 350, note 5.
  179. ^ Juvenal, Satire VI lines 6.286–313
  180. ^ Ann Ellis Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology at Rome," in Les écoles médicales à Rome (Université de Nantes, 1991), p. 259.
  181. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," p. 259–260; Marilyn B. Skinner, introduction to Roman Sexualities (Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 11: The "notion of women as 'Same' as well as 'Other' presupposed a female body partly assimilated to the male constitution, one whose sex-specific functions, such as lactation or even pregnancy, did not constitute its entire raison d'être."
  182. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," pp. 259–260.
  183. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," p. 260. The Gynecology of Soranus is central to Hanson's arguments.
  184. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," p. 264.
  185. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," p. 265.
  186. Priapea 78 on the vitiating effects of uncontrolled sexual activity and releasing too much semen, and CIL 12.6721(5), one of the Perusine glandes. The outsized phallus of Roman art was associated with the god Priapus
    , among others. It was laughter-provoking, grotesque, or used for magical purposes; see David Fredrick, The Roman Gaze: Vision, Power, and the Body (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), p. 156. Nude statues of men that were intended to be beautiful or dignified had a small penis.
  187. ^ Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology," p. 267. Clitoridectomy is described in some detail by the Byzantine physicians and medical writers Aëtius of Amida (fl. mid-5th century/mid-6th century) and Paul of Aegina, as well as the North African gynecological writer Muscio (ca. 500 CE); see Holt N. Parker, "The Teratogenic Grid," in Roman Sexualities (Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 59.
  188. ^ J.A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome 90 B.C.-A.D. 212 (Cornell University Press, 1967, 1984), pp. 48–50.
  189. ^ Crook, Law and Life of Rome, p. 101.
  190. ^ The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman World: A Study of social History and the Brothel By Thomas A. McGinn. pg. 52
  191. ^ Thomas AJ McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome, Oxford University Press. 1998, p. 56.
  192. ^ Thomas AJ McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome, Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 293
  193. ^ Tacitus, Annals 15.37
  194. ^ Thomas AJ McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 171, 310.

Bibliography

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  • Freisenbruch, Annelise (2010). The First Ladies of Rome: the Women behind the Caesars. London: Jonathan Cape.
  • Bruce W. Frier, Thomas A. J. McGinn (2004). A casebook on Roman family law. Oxford University Press. .
  • Gardner, Jane F. 1986. Women in Roman Law and Society. Croom Helm
  • Hallett, Judith P. (1984). Fathers and daughters in Roman society: women and the elite family. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. .
  • Spaeth, Barbette Stanley. The Roman goddess Ceres, University of Texas Press, 1996.

Further reading

External links