Xi Jinping

Xi Jinping
习近平
Xi Jinping in 2023
General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party
Incumbent
Assumed office 15 November 2012
Preceded by	Hu Jintao
7th President of the People's Republic of China
Incumbent
Assumed office 14 March 2013
Premier	Li Keqiang (2013–23) Li Qiang (since 2023)
Vice President	Li Yuanchao (2013–18) Wang Qishan (2018–23) Han Zheng (since 2023)
Preceded by	Hu Jintao
Chairman of the Central Military Commission
Incumbent
Assumed office Party Commission: 15 November 2012 State Commission: 14 March 2013
Deputy	Fan Changlong Xu Qiliang Zhang Youxia He Weidong
Preceded by	Hu Jintao
First-ranked Secretary of the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party
In office 22 October 2007 – 15 November 2012
Preceded by	Zeng Qinghong
Succeeded by	Liu Yunshan
8th Vice President of the People's Republic of China
In office 15 March 2008 – 14 March 2013
Preceded by	Zeng Qinghong
Succeeded by	Li Yuanchao
Personal details
Born	Xi Jinping; 习近平 (1953-06-15) 15 June 1953 (age 70) Beijing, China
Political party	CCP (since 1974)
Spouses	Ke Lingling ​ ​ (m. 1979; div. 1982)​ Peng Liyuan ​ (m. 1987)​
Parents	Xi Zhongxun (father) Qi Xin (mother)
Relatives	Qi Qiaoqiao (sister)
Residence	Zhongnanhai
Alma mater	Tsinghua University
Signature
Website	www.gov.cn (in Chinese)
Scientific career
Thesis	Research on China's Rural Marketization (2001)
Doctoral advisor	Liu Meixun
Xi Jinping's voice Recorded 1 July 2021
Chinese name
BUC	Sĭk Gê̤ṳng-ping

Xi Jinping (Chinese: 习近平; pinyin: Xí Jìnpíng, pronounced [ɕǐ tɕîn.pʰǐŋ];^[a] born 15 June 1953) is a Chinese politician who has been the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), and thus the paramount leader of China, since 2012. Xi has also been the president of the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 2013. He belongs to the fifth generation of Chinese leadership.

This article is part of a series about Xi Jinping
Xi Jinping Administration 2012 election as General Secretary 2017 reelection as General Secretary 2022 reelection as General Secretary New Zhijiang Army Policies and theories Belt and Road Initiative Chinese Dream Common prosperity Four Confidences Four Comprehensives Comprehensively Deepening Reforms Chinese-style modernization Foreign policy Eight Musts Eight-point Regulation Targeted Poverty Alleviation Two Establishes and Two Upholds Xi Jinping Thought Diplomacy Holistic security concept Personality cult Party media takes the party's last name Three Stricts and Three Honests Two Centenaries Wolf warrior diplomacy Whole-process people's democracy Key events Anti-corruption campaign 709 crackdown Persecution of Uyghurs in China Xinjiang internment camps China–US trade war 2019–20 Hong Kong protests COVID-19 pandemic Response CCP centenary Historical resolution 2020–2021 reform spree 2022 Hong Kong visit Diplomatic activities Xi–Chu meeting Xi–Ma Meeting Xi–Kim meetings 2015 Pakistan visit 2015 United States visit 2015 United Kingdom visit 2019 Italy and France visit CPC and World Political Parties Summit 2023 Russia visit Speech series Governance of China
v t e

The son of Chinese Communist veteran

Often described as an authoritarian leader by political and academic observers, Xi's tenure has included an increase of censorship and mass surveillance, deterioration in human rights, including the internment of a million Uyghurs in Xinjiang, a cult of personality developing around Xi, and the removal of term limits for the presidency in 2018. Xi's political ideas and principles, known as Xi Jinping Thought, have been incorporated into the party and national constitutions. As the central figure of the fifth generation of leadership of the PRC, Xi has centralized institutional power by taking on multiple positions, including new CCP committees on national security, economic and social reforms, military restructuring and modernization, and the Internet. He and the CCP Central Committee passed a "historical resolution" in November 2021. In October 2022, Xi secured a third term as CCP General Secretary, and was reelected state president for a third term in March 2023.

Early life and education

Xi Jinping was born in

Xi went to the Beijing Bayi School,^[7][8] and then the Beijing No. 25 School,^[9] in the 1960s. He became friends with Liu He, who attended Beijing No. 101 School in the same district, who later became China's vice premier and a close advisor to Xi after he became China's paramount leader.^[10][11] In 1963, when he was aged 10, his father was purged from the CCP and sent to work in a factory in Luoyang, Henan.^[12] In May 1966, the Cultural Revolution cut short Xi's secondary education when all secondary classes were halted for students to criticise and fight their teachers. Student militants ransacked the Xi family home and one of Xi's sisters, Xi Heping, "was persecuted to death."^[13][14]

Later, his mother was forced to publicly denounce his father, as he was paraded before a crowd as an enemy of the revolution. His father was later imprisoned in 1968 when Xi was aged 15. Without the protection of his father, Xi was sent to work in Liangjiahe Village, Wen'anyi, Yanchuan County, Yan'an, Shaanxi, in 1969 in Mao Zedong's Down to the Countryside Movement.^[15] He worked as the party secretary of Liangjiahe, where he lived in a cave house.^[16] According to people who knew him, this experience led him to feel affinity with the rural poor.^[17] After a few months, unable to stand rural life, he ran away to Beijing. He was arrested during a crackdown on deserters from the countryside and sent to a work camp to dig ditches, but he later returned to the village. He then spent a total of seven years there.^[18][19]

The misfortunes and suffering of his family in his early years hardened Xi's view of politics. During an interview in 2000, he said, "People who have little contact with power, who are far from it, always see these things as mysterious and novel. But what I see is not just the superficial things: the power, the flowers, the glory, the applause. I see the bullpens and how people can blow hot and cold. I understand politics on a deeper level." The "bullpens" (牛棚) was a reference to Red Guards' detention houses during the Cultural Revolution.^[17]

After seven rejections, Xi joined the Communist Youth League of China in 1971 on his eighth attempt after he befriended a local official.^[8] He reunited with his father in 1972, because of a family reunion ordered by premier Zhou Enlai.^[14] From 1973, he applied to join the CCP ten times and was finally accepted on his tenth attempt in 1974.^[20][21][22] From 1975 to 1979, Xi studied chemical engineering at Tsinghua University as a worker-peasant-soldier student in Beijing. The engineering majors there spent about 15 percent of their time studying Marxism–Leninism and 5 percent of their time doing farm work and "learning from the People's Liberation Army."^[23]

Early political career

From 1979 to 1982, Xi was secretary for his father's former subordinate

In 2002, Xi left Fujian and took up leading political positions in neighbouring Zhejiang. He eventually took over as provincial Party Committee secretary after several months as acting governor, occupying a top provincial office for the first time in his career. In 2002, he was elected a full member of the 16th Central Committee, marking his ascension to the national stage. While in Zhejiang, Xi presided over reported growth rates averaging 14% per year.^[31] His career in Zhejiang was marked by a tough and straightforward stance against corrupt officials. This earned him a name in the national media and drew the attention of China's top leaders.^[32] Between 2004 and 2007, Li Qiang acted as Xi's chief of staff through his position as secretary-general of the Zhejiang Party Committee, where they developed close mutual ties.^[33]

Following the dismissal of Shanghai

Xi was appointed to the nine-man PSC at the

Xi's position as the apparent successor to become the paramount leader was threatened with the rapid rise of Bo Xilai, the party secretary of Chongqing at the time. Bo was expected to join the PSC at the 18th Party Congress, with most expecting that he would try to eventually maneuver himself into replacing Xi.^[42] Bo's policies in Chongqing inspired imitations throughout China and received praise from Xi himself during Xi's visit to Chongqing in 2010. Records of praises from Xi were later erased after he became paramount leader. Bo's downfall would come with the Wang Lijun incident, which opened the door for Xi to come to power without challengers.^[43]

Xi is considered one of the most successful members of the Princelings, a quasi-clique of politicians who are descendants of early Chinese Communist revolutionaries. Former prime minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, when asked about Xi, said he felt he was "a thoughtful man who has gone through many trials and tribulations."^[44] Lee also commented: "I would put him in the Nelson Mandela class of persons. A person with enormous emotional stability who does not allow his personal misfortunes or sufferings affect his judgment. In other words, he is impressive."^[45] Former U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson described Xi as "the kind of guy who knows how to get things over the goal line."^[46] Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd said that Xi "has sufficient reformist, party and military background to be very much his own man."^[47]

Trips as Vice President

In February 2009, in his capacity as vice-president, Xi embarked on a tour of Latin America, visiting Mexico,^[48] Jamaica,^[49] Colombia,^[50] Venezuela,^[51] Brazil,^[52] and Malta, after which he returned to China.^[53] On 11 February 2009, while visiting Mexico, Xi spoke in front of a group of overseas Chinese and explained China's contributions during the international financial crisis, saying that it was "the greatest contribution towards the whole of human race, made by China, to prevent its 1.3 billion people from hunger."^[c] He went on to remark: "There are some bored foreigners, with full stomachs, who have nothing better to do than point fingers at us. First, China doesn't export revolution; second, China doesn't export hunger and poverty; third, China doesn't come and cause you headaches. What more is there to be said?"^[d][54] The story was reported on some local television stations. The news led to a flood of discussions on Chinese Internet forums and it was reported that the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs was caught off-guard by Xi's remarks, as the actual video was shot by some accompanying Hong Kong reporters and broadcast on Hong Kong TV, which then turned up on various Internet video websites.^[55]

In the European Union, Xi visited Belgium, Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania from 7 to 21 October 2009.^[56] He visited Japan, South Korea, Cambodia, and Myanmar on his Asian trip from 14 to 22 December 2009.^[57] He later visited the United States, Ireland and Turkey in February 2012. This visit included meeting with then U.S. president Barack Obama at the White House and vice president Joe Biden (with Biden as the official host);^[58] and stops in California and Iowa. In Iowa, he met with the family that previously hosted him during his 1985 tour as a Hebei provincial official.^[59]

Accession to top posts

A few months before his ascendancy to the party leadership, Xi disappeared from official media coverage and cancelled meeting with foreign officials for several weeks beginning on 1 September 2012, causing rumors.^[8] He then reappeared on 15 September.^[60] On 15 November 2012, Xi was elected to the posts of general secretary of the CCP and chairman of the CMC by the 18th Central Committee of the CCP. This made him, informally, the paramount leader and the first to be born after the founding of the PRC. The following day Xi led the new line-up of the PSC onto the stage in their first public appearance.^[61] The PSC was reduced from nine to seven, with only Xi and Li Keqiang retaining their seats; the other five members were new.^[62][63][64] In a marked departure from the common practice of Chinese leaders, Xi's first speech as general secretary was plainly worded and did not include any political slogans or mention his predecessors.^[65] Xi mentioned the aspirations of the average person, remarking, "Our people ... expect better education, more stable jobs, better income, more reliable social security, medical care of a higher standard, more comfortable living conditions, and a more beautiful environment." Xi also vowed to tackle corruption at the highest levels, alluding that it would threaten the CCP's survival; he was reticent about far-reaching economic reforms.^[66]

In December 2012, Xi visited Guangdong in his first trip outside Beijing since taking the Party leadership. The overarching theme of the trip was to call for further economic reform and a strengthened military. Xi visited the statue of Deng Xiaoping and his trip was described as following in the footsteps of Deng's own southern trip in 1992, which provided the impetus for further economic reforms in China after conservative party leaders stalled many of Deng's reforms in the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. On his trip, Xi consistently alluded to his signature slogan, the "Chinese Dream." "This dream can be said to be the dream of a strong nation. And for the military, it is a dream of a strong military," Xi told sailors.^[67] Xi's trip was significant in that he departed from the established convention of Chinese leaders' travel routines in multiple ways. Rather than dining out, Xi and his entourage ate regular hotel buffet. He travelled in a large van with his colleagues rather than a fleet of limousines, and did not restrict traffic on the parts of the highway he travelled.^[68]

Xi was elected president on 14 March 2013, in a confirmation vote by the

Anti-corruption campaign

Xi vowed to crack down on corruption immediately after he ascended to power. In his inaugural speech as general secretary, Xi mentioned that fighting corruption was one of the toughest challenges for the party.^[75] A few months into his term, Xi outlined the Eight-point Regulation, listing rules intended to curb corruption and waste during official party business; it aimed at stricter discipline on the conduct of officials. Xi vowed to root out "tigers and flies," that is, high-ranking officials and ordinary party functionaries.^[76]

Xi initiated cases against former CMC vice-chairmen

The campaign has led to the downfall of prominent incumbent and retired CCP officials, including members of the PSC.[79] Xi's anti-corruption campaign is seen by critics, such as The Economist, as a political tool to remove potential opponents and consolidate power.^[80][81] Xi's establishment of a new anti-corruption agency, the National Supervision Commission, ranked higher than the supreme court, has been described by Amnesty International as a "systemic threat to human rights" that "places tens of millions of people at the mercy of a secretive and virtually unaccountable system that is above the law."^[82][83]

Xi has overseen significant reforms of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), CCP's highest internal control institution.^[84] He and CCDI Secretary Wang Qishan further institutionalized CCDI's independence from the day-to-day operations of the CCP, improving its ability to function as a bona fide control body.^[84] According to The Wall Street Journal, anti-corruption punishment to officials at or above the vice ministerial level need approval from Xi.^[85] The Wall Street Journal said that when he wants to neutralize a political rival, he asks inspectors to prepare pages of evidence. It also said he authorizes investigations on close associates of a high-ranking politician, to replace them with his proteges and puts rivals in less important positions to separate them from their political bases. Reportedly, these tactics have even been used against Wang Qishan, Xi's close friend.^[86]

According to

Since Xi became general secretary, censorship has stepped up.^[89][90] Chairing the 2018 China Cyberspace Governance Conference, Xi committed to "fiercely crack down on criminal offenses including hacking, telecom fraud, and violation of citizens' privacy."^[91] During a visit to Chinese state media, Xi stated that "party and government-owned media must hold the family name of the party" (党和政府主办的媒体必须姓党) and that the state media "must embody the party's will, safeguard the party's authority."^[92]

His administration has overseen more Internet restrictions imposed, and is described as being "stricter across the board" on speech than previous administrations.

Political observers have called Xi the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao Zedong, especially since the ending of presidential two-term limits in 2018.^{[101][102][103][104]} Xi has departed from the collective leadership practices of post-Mao predecessors. He has centralised his power and created working groups with himself at the head to subvert government bureaucracy, making himself become the unmistakable central figure of the administration.^[105] In the opinion of at least one political scientist, Xi "has surrounded himself with cadres he met while stationed on the coast, Fujian and Shanghai and in Zhejiang."^[106]

Observers have said that Xi has seriously diluted the influence of the once-dominant "Tuanpai," also called the Youth League Faction, which were CCP officials who rose through the Communist Youth League (CYLC).^[107] He criticized the cadres of the CYLC, saying that [these cadres] can't talk about science, literature and art, work or life [with young people]. All they can do is just repeat the same old bureaucratic, stereotypical talk."^[108]

In 2018, the National People's Congress (NPC) passed constitutional amendments including removal of term limits for the president and vice president, the creation of a National Supervisory Commission, as well as enhancing the central role of the CCP.^[109][110] Xi was reappointed as president, now without term limits,^[111][112] while Li Keqiang was reappointed premier.^[113] According to the Financial Times, Xi expressed his views of constitutional amendment at meetings with Chinese officials and foreign dignitaries. Xi explained the decision in terms of needing to align two more powerful posts—general secretary of the CCP and chairman of the CMC—which have no term limits. However, Xi did not say whether he intended to be party general secretary, CMC chairman and state president, for three or more terms.^[114]

In its sixth plenary session in November 2021, CCP adopted a

Xi has had a cult of personality constructed around himself since entering office^[123][124] with books, cartoons, pop songs and dance routines honouring his rule.^[125] Following Xi's ascension to the leadership core of the CCP, he had been referred to as Xi Dada (习大大, Uncle or Papa Xi),^[125][126] though this stopped in April 2016.^[127] The village of Liangjiahe, where Xi was sent to work, is decorated with propaganda and murals extolling the formative years of his life.^[128] The CCP's Politburo named Xi Jinping lingxiu (领袖), a reverent term for "leader" and a title previously only given to Mao Zedong and his immediate successor Hua Guofeng.^{[129][130][131]} He is also sometimes called the "pilot at the helm" (领航掌舵).^[132] On 25 December 2019, the Politburo officially named Xi as "People's Leader" (人民领袖; rénmín lǐngxiù), a title only Mao had held previously.^[133]

Economy and technology

Xi was initially seen as a market reformist,^[134] and a central committee under him announced "market forces" would begin to play a "decisive" role in allocating resources.^[135] This meant that the state would gradually reduce its involvement in the distribution of capital, and restructure state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to allow further competition, potentially by attracting foreign and private sector players in industries previously highly regulated. This policy aimed to address the bloated state sector that had unduly profited from re-structuring by purchasing assets at below-market prices, assets no longer being used productively. Xi launched the Shanghai Free-Trade Zone in 2013, which was seen as part of the economic reforms.^[136] However, by 2017, Xi's promise of economic reforms was said to have stalled by experts.^[137][134] In 2015, the Chinese stock market bubble popped, which led Xi to use state forces to fix it.^[138] From 2012 to 2022, the share of the market value of private sector firms in China's top listed companies increased from 10% to over 40%.^[139] He has overseen the relaxation of restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) and increased cross-border holdings of stocks and bonds.^[139]

Xi has increased state control over the economy, voicing support for SOEs,

Xi has made eradicating extreme poverty through targeted poverty alleviation a key goal.^[146] In 2021, Xi declared a "complete victory" over extreme poverty, saying nearly 100 million have been lifted out of poverty under his tenure, though experts said China's poverty threshold was lower than that of the World Bank.^[147] In 2020, premier Li Keqiang, citing the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said that China still had 600 million people living with less than 1000 yuan ($140) a month, although the The Economist said the methodology NBS used was flawed.^[148] When Xi took office in 2012, 51% of people in China were living on less than $6.9 per day, in 2020 this had fallen 25%.^[149]

China's economy has grown under Xi, doubling from $8.5 trillion in 2012 to $17.8 trillion in 2021,^[150] while China's nominal GDP per capita surpassed the world average in 2021,^[151] though growth has slowed from 8% in 2012 to 6% in 2019.^[152] Xi has stressed the importance of "high-quality growth" rather than "inflated growth."^[153] He has stated China has abandoned a growth-at-all-costs strategy which Xi refers to as "GDP heroism."^[154]: 22 Instead, Xi said other social issues such as environmental protection are important.^[154]: 22

Xi has circulated a policy called "dual circulation," meaning reorienting the economy towards domestic consumption while remaining open to foreign trade and investment.^[155] Xi has prioritised boosting productivity.^[156] Xi has attempted to reform the property sector to combat the steep increase in prices and cut the economy's dependence on it.^[157] In the 19th CCP National Congress, Xi declared "Houses are built to be inhabited, not for speculation."^[158] In 2020, Xi's government formulated the "three red lines" policy that aimed to deleverage the heavily indebted property sector.^[159] Xi has supported a property tax, for which he has faced resistance from members of the CCP.^[160] His administration pursued a debt-deleveraging campaign, seeking to slow and cut the unsustainable amount of debt China has accrued during its growth.^[161]

Xi's administration has promoted "Made in China 2025" plan that aims to make China self-reliant in key technologies, although publicly China de-emphasised this plan due to the outbreak of a China–United States trade war. Since the outbreak of the trade war in 2018, Xi has revived calls for "self-reliance," especially on technology.^[162] Domestic spending on R&D has significantly increased, surpassing the European Union (EU) and reaching a record $564 billion in 2020.^[163] The Chinese government has supported technology companies like Huawei through grants, tax breaks, credit facilities and other assistance, enabling their rise but leading to US countermeasures.^[164] In 2023, Xi put forward "new productive forces", this refers to a new form of productive forces derived from continuous sci-tech breakthroughs and innovation that drive strategic emerging and future industries in a more intelligent information era.^[165] Xi has been involved in the development of Xiong'an, a new area announced in 2017, planned to become a major metropolis near Beijing; the relocation aspect is estimated to last until 2035 while it is planned to developed into a "modern socialist city" by 2050.^[166]

In 2020, The Wall Street Journal reported that Xi ordered a halt to Ant Group's initial public offering (IPO), in reaction to its founder Jack Ma criticizing government regulation in finance.^[168] Xi's administration has overseen a decrease in offshore IPOs by Chinese companies, with most Chinese IPOs taking place either in Shanghai or Shenzhen as of 2022^[update], and has increasingly directed funding to IPOs of companies that works in sectors it deems as strategic, including electric vehicles, biotechnology, renewable energy, artificial intelligence, semiconductors and other high-technology manufacturing.^[143]

Since 2021, Xi has promoted the term "common prosperity," which he defined as an "essential requirement of socialism," described as affluence for all and said entailed reasonable adjustments to excess incomes.^[167][169] Common prosperity has been used as the justification for large-scale crackdowns and regulations towards the perceived "excesses" of several sectors, most prominently tech and tutoring industries.^[170] Actions taken include fining large tech companies^[171] and passing laws such as the Data Security Law. China introduced severe restrictions on private tutoring companies, effectively destroying the whole industry.^[172] Xi opened a new stock exchange in Beijing targeted for small and medium enterprises (SMEs).^[173] There have been other cultural regulations including restrictions on minors playing video games and crackdowns on celebrity culture.^[174][175]

Reforms

In November 2013, at the conclusion of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee, the Communist Party delivered a far-reaching reform agenda that alluded to changes in both economic and social policy. Xi signaled at the plenum that he was consolidating control of the massive internal security organization that was formerly the domain of Zhou Yongkang.^[135] A new National Security Commission was formed with Xi at its helm, which commentators have said would help Xi consolidate over national security affairs.^[176][177]

The

Xi's administration taken a number of changes to the structure of the CCP and state bodies, especially in a large overhaul in 2018. Beginning in 2013, the CCP under Xi has created a series of Central Leading Groups: supra-ministerial steering committees, designed to bypass existing institutions when making decisions, and ostensibly make policy-making a more efficient process. Xi was also believed to have diluted the authority of premier Li Keqiang, taking authority over the economy which has generally been considered to be the domain of the premier.^[183][184]

February 2014 oversaw the creation of the Central Leading Group for Cybersecurity and Informatization with Xi as its leader. The State Internet Information Office (SIIO), previously under the State Council Information Office (SCI), was transferred to the central leading group and renamed in English into the Cyberspace Administration of China.^[185] As part of managing the financial system, the Financial Stability and Development Committee, a State Council body, was established in 2017. Chaired by vice premier Liu He during its existence, the committee was disestablished by the newly established Central Financial Commission during the 2023 Party and state reforms.^[186] Xi has increased the role of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission at the expense of the State Council.^[187]

2018 has seen larger reforms to the bureaucracy. In that year, several central leading groups including reform, cyberspace affairs, finance and economics. and foreign affairs were upgraded to commissions.^[188][189] The powers of the Central Propaganda Department was strengthened, which now oversaw the newly established China Media Group (CMG).^[189][190] Two State Council departments. one dealing with overseas Chinese, and other one dealing with religious affairs, were merged into the United Front Work Department while another commission dealing with ethnic affairs was brought under formal UFWD leadership.^[189] In 2020, all elections at all levels of the people's congress system and NPC were mandated to adhere to the leadership of the CCP.^[191]

2023 has seen further reforms to the CCP and state bureaucracy, most notably the strengthening of Party control over the financial and technology domains.^[192] This included the creation of two CCP bodies for overseeing finance; the Central Financial Commission (CFC), as well as the revival of the Central Financial Work Commission (CFWC) that was previously dissolved in 2002.^[192] Additionally, a new CCP Central Science and Technology Commission would be established to broadly oversee the technology sector, while a newly created Social Work Department was tasked with CCP interactions with several sectors, including civic groups, chambers of commerce and industry groups, as well as handling public petition and grievance work.^[192] Regulatory bodies saw large overhauls.^[193] Several regulatory responsibilities were also transferred from the People's Bank of China (PBoC) to another regulatory body, while the PBoC reopened offices around the country that were closed in a previous reorganization.^[194]

In 2024, the CCP's role was strengthened further with the State Council required to follow CCP ideology and policies.^[195]

Legal reforms

The party under Xi announced a raft of

See also:

Gutian Conference.^[203]

In the USSR, where the military was depoliticized, separated from the party and nationalized, the party was disarmed. When the Soviet Union came to crisis point, a big party was gone just like that. Proportionally, the Soviet Communist Party had more members than we do, but nobody was man enough to stand up and resist.

— Xi Jinping during a speech[204]

Xi announced a reduction of 300,000 troops from the PLA in 2015, bringing its size to 2 million troops. Xi described this as a gesture of peace, while analysts such as Rory Medcalf have said that the cut was done to reduce costs as well as part of PLA's modernization.

general departments of the PLA, replacing them with 15 agencies directly reporting to the CMC.^[199] Two new branches of the PLA were created under his reforms, the Strategic Support Force^[207] and the Joint Logistics Support Force.^[208] In 2018, the PAP was placed under the sole control of the CMC; the PAP was previously under the joint command of the CMC and the State Council through the Ministry of Public Security.^[209]

^: 15

On 21 April 2016, Xi was named

commander-in-chief of the country's new Joint Operations Command Center of the PLA by Xinhua News Agency and the broadcaster China Central Television.^[210][211] Some analysts interpreted this move as an attempt to display strength and strong leadership and as being more "political than military."^[212] According to Ni Lexiong, a military affairs expert, Xi "not only controls the military but also does it in an absolute manner, and that in wartime, he is ready to command personally."^[213] According to a University of California, San Diego expert on Chinese military, Xi "has been able to take political control of the military to an extent that exceeds what Mao and Deng have done."^[214]

Under Xi, China's official military budget has more than doubled,^[163] reaching a record $224 billion in 2023.^[215] hough predating Xi, his administration has taken a more assertive stance towards maritime affairs, and has boosted CCP control over the maritime security forces.^[216]The PLA Navy has grown rapidly under Xi, with China adding more warships, submarines, support ships and major amphibious vessels than the than the entire number of ships under the United Kingdom navy between 2014 and 2018.^[217] In 2017, China established the navy's first overseas base in Djibouti.^[218] Xi has also undertaken an expansion of China's nuclear arsenal, with him calling China to "establish a strong system of strategic deterrence." The Federation of American Scientists (FAS) has estimated China's total amount of nuclear arsenals to be 410 in 2023, with the US Department of Defense estimating that China's arsenal could reach 1,000 by 2030.^[219]

Foreign policy

Main article: Foreign policy of Xi Jinping

See also: List of international trips made by Xi Jinping

Xi has taken a harder line on security issues as well as foreign affairs, projecting a more nationalistic and assertive China on the world stage.^[220] His political program calls for a China more united and confident of its own value system and political structure.^[221] Foreign analysts and observers have frequently said that Xi's main foreign policy objective is to restore China's position on the global stage as a great power.^{[222][204][223]} Xi advocates "baseline thinking" in China's foreign policy: setting explicit red lines that other countries must not cross.^[224] In the Chinese perspective, these tough stances on baseline issues reduce strategic uncertainty, preventing other nations from misjudging China's positions or underestimating China's resolve in asserting what it perceives to be in its national interest.^[224] Xi stated during the 20th CCP National Congress that he wanted to ensure China "leads the world in terms of composite national strength and international influence" by 2049.^[225]

Xi has promoted "major-country diplomacy" (大国外交), stating that China is already a "big power" and breaking away from previous Chinese leaders who had a more precautious diplomacy.^[226] He has adopted a hawkish foreign policy posture called "wolf warrior diplomacy,"^[227] while his foreign policy thoughts are collectively known as "Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy."^[228] In March 2021, he said that "the East is rising and the West is declining" (东升西降), saying that the power of the Western world was in decline and their COVID-19 response was an example of this, and that China was entering a period of opportunity because of this.^[229] Xi has frequently alluded to "community with a shared future for mankind," which Chinese diplomats have said doesn't imply an intention to change the international order,^[230] but which foreign observers say China wants a new order that puts it more at the centre.^[231] Under Xi, China has, along with Russia, also focused on increasing relations with the Global South in order to blunt the effect of international sanctions.^[232]

Xi has put an emphasis on increasing China's "international discourse power" (国际话语权) to create a more favorable global opinion of China in the world.^[233] In this pursuit, Xi has emphasised the need to "tell China's story well" (讲好中国故事), meaning expanding China's external propaganda (外宣) and communications.^[234] Xi has expanded the focus and scope of the united front, which aims to consolidate support for CCP in non-CCP elements both inside and outside China, and has accordingly expanded the United Front Work Department.^[235] Xi has unveiled the Global Development Initiative (GDI),^[236] the Global Security Initiative (GSI),^[237] and the Global Civilisation Initiative (GCI), in 2021, 2022 and 2023, respectively, aiming to increase China's influence in the international order.^[238]

During the Xi administration, China seeks to shape international norms and rules in emerging policy areas where China has an advantage as an early participant.^[239]: 188 Xi describes such areas as "new frontiers," and they include policy areas such as space, deep sea, polar regions, the Internet, nuclear safety, anticorruption, and climate change.^[239]: 188

National security

Xi has devoted a large amount of work towards national security, calling for a "holistic national security architecture" that encompasses "all aspects of the work of the party and the country."

holistic security concept in 2014, which he defined as taking "the security of the people as compass, political security as its roots, economic security as its pillar, military security, cultural security, and cultural security as its protections, and that relies on the promotion of international security."^[241]: 3 During a private talk with U.S. president Obama and vice president Biden, he said that China had been a target of "colour revolutions," foreshadowing his focus on national security.^[242] Since its creation by Xi, the National Security Commission has established local security committees, focusing on dissent.^[242] In the name of national security, Xi's government has passed numerous laws including a counterespionage law in 2014,^[243] national security^[244] and a counterterrorism law in 2015,^[245] a cybersecurity law^[246] and a law restricting foreign NGOs in 2016,^[247] a national intelligence law in 2017,^[248] and a data security law in 2021.^[249] Under Xi, China's mass surveillance network has dramatically grown, with comprehensive profiles being built for each citizen.^[250]

Hong Kong

Hong Kong protesters throw eggs at Xi Jinping's portrait on National Day

During his leadership, Xi has supported and pursued a greater political and economic integration of Hong Kong to mainland China, including through projects such as the Hong Kong–Zhuhai–Macau Bridge.^[251] He has pushed for the Greater Bay Area project, which aims to integrate Hong Kong, Macau, and nine other cities in Guangdong.^[252][251] Xi's integration efforts have led to decreased freedoms and the weakening of Hong Kong's distinct identity from mainland China.^[252][253] Many of the views held by the central government and eventually implemented in Hong Kong were outlined in a white paper published by the State Council in 2014 named The Practice of the 'One Country, Two Systems' Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, which outlined that the China's central government has "comprehensive jurisdiction" over Hong Kong.^[254] Under Xi, the Chinese government also declared the Sino-British Joint Declaration to be legally void.^[254]

In August 2014, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) made a decision allowing universal suffrage for the 2017 election of the chief executive of Hong Kong, but also requiring the candidates to "love the country, and love Hong Kong," as well as other measures that ensured the Chinese leadership would be the ultimate decision-maker on the selection, leading to protests,^[255] and the eventual rejection of the reform bill in the Legislative Council due to a walk-out by the pro-Beijing camp to delay to vote.^[256] In the 2017 chief executive election, Carrie Lam was victorious, reportedly with the endorsement of the CCP Politburo.^[257]

Xi has supported the Hong Kong Government and Carrie Lam against the protesters in the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests, which broke out after a proposed bill that would allow extraditions to China.^[258] He has defended the Hong Kong police's use of force, saying that "We sternly support the Hong Kong police to take forceful actions in enforcing the law, and the Hong Kong judiciary to punish in accordance with the law those who have committed violent crimes."^[259] While visiting Macau on 20 December 2019 as part of the 20th anniversary of its return to China, Xi warned of foreign forces interfering in Hong Kong and Macau,^[260] while also hinting that Macau could be a model for Hong Kong to follow.^[261]

In 2020, the NPCSC passed a

According to the Human Rights Watch, Xi has "started a broad and sustained offensive on human rights" since he became leader in 2012.^[265] The HRW also said that repression in China is "at its worst level since the Tiananmen Square massacre."^[266] Since taking power, Xi has cracked down on grassroots activism, with hundreds being detained.^[267] He presided over the 709 crackdown on 9 July 2015, which saw more than 200 lawyers, legal assistants and human rights activists being detained.^[268] His term has seen the arrest and imprisonment of activists such as Xu Zhiyong, as well as numerous others who identified with the New Citizens' Movement. Prominent legal activist Pu Zhiqiang of the Weiquan movement was also arrested and detained.^[269]

In 2017, the local government of the Jiangxi province told Christians to replace their pictures of Jesus with Xi Jinping as part of a general campaign on unofficial churches in the country.^{[270][271][272]} According to local social media, officials "transformed them from believing in religion to believing in the party."^[270] According to activists, "Xi is waging the most severe systematic suppression of Christianity in the country since religious freedom was written into the Chinese constitution in 1982," and according to pastors and a group that monitors religion in China, has involved "destroying crosses, burning bibles, shutting churches and ordering followers to sign papers renouncing their faith."^[273]

Under Xi, the CCP has embraced assimilationist policies towards ethnic minorities, scaling back

Following several terrorist attacks in Xinjiang in 2013 and 2014, the CCP leaders held a secret meeting to find a solution to the attacks,^[279] leading to Xi to launch the Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism in 2014, which involved mass detention, and surveillance of ethnic Uyghurs there.^[280][281] The campaign included the detainment of 1.8 million people in internment camps, mostly Uyghurs but also including other ethnic and religious minorities, by 2020,^[279] and a birth suppression campaign that led to a large drop in the Uyghur birth rate by 2019.^[282] Human rights groups and former inmates have described the camps as "concentration camps," where Uyghurs and other minorities have been forcibly assimilated into China's majority ethnic Han society.^[283] This program has been called a genocide by western observers, while a report by the UN Human Rights Office said they may amount to crimes against humanity.^[284][285]

Internal Chinese government documents leaked to the press in November 2019 showed that Xi personally ordered a security crackdown in Xinjiang, saying that the party must show "absolutely no mercy" and that officials use all the "weapons of the people's democratic dictatorship" to suppress those "infected with the virus of extremism."^[281][286] The papers also showed that Xi repeatedly discussed about Islamic extremism in his speeches, likening it to a "virus" or a "drug" that could be only addressed by "a period of painful, interventionary treatment."^[281] However, he also warned against the discrimination against Uyghurs and rejected proposals to eradicate Islam in China, calling that kind of viewpoint "biased, even wrong."^[281] Xi's exact role in the building of internment camps has not been publicly reported, though he's widely believed to be behind them and his words have been the source for major justifications in the crackdown in Xinjiang.^[287][288]

During a four-day visit to Xinjiang in July 2022, Xi urged local officials to always listen to the people's voices

See also:

global warning about the outbreak of COVID-19 and hold back information on human-to-human transmission of the virus, allegations denied by the WHO.^[298] On 5 February, Xi met with Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen in Beijing, the first foreign leader allowed into China since the outbreak.^[297] After the COVID-19 outbreak got under control in Wuhan, Xi visited the city on 10 March.^[299]

After getting the outbreak in Wuhan under control, Xi has favoured what has officially been termed "dynamic zero-COVID policy"^[300] that aims to control and suppress the virus as much as possible within the country's borders. This has involved local lockdowns and mass-testing.^[301] While initially credited for China's suppression of the COVID-19 outbreak, the policy was later criticized by foreign and some domestic observers for being out of touch with the rest of the world and taking a heavy toll on the economy.^[301] This approach has especially come under criticism during a 2022 lockdown on Shanghai, which forced millions to their homes and damaged the city's economy,^[302] denting the image of Li Qiang, close Xi ally and Party secretary of the city.^[303] Conversely, Xi has said that the policy was designed to protect people's life safety.^[304] On 23 July 2022, the National Health Commission reported that Xi and other top leaders have taken the local COVID-19 vaccines.^[305]

At the 20th CCP Congress, Xi confirmed the continuation of the zero-COVID policy,^[306] stating he would "unswervingly" carry out "dynamic zero-COVID" and promising to "resolutely win the battle,"^[307] though China started a limited easing of the policies in the following weeks.^[308] In November 2022, protests broke out against China's COVID-19 policies, with a fire in a high-rise apartment building in Ürümqi being the trigger.^[309] The protests were held in multiple major cities, with some of the protesters demanding the end of Xi's and the CCP's rule.^[309] The protests were mostly suppressed by December,^[309] though the government further eased COVID-19 restrictions in the time since.^[310] On 7 December 2022, China announced large-scale changes to its COVID-19 policy, including allowing quarantine at home for mild infections, reducing of PCR testing, and decreasing the power of local officials to implement lockdowns.^[311]

Environmental policy

Main article: Environmental policy in China

Xi identifies environmental protection as one of China's five major priorities for national progress.^[312]: 164

In September 2020, Xi announced that China will "strengthen its 2030 climate target (NDC), peak emissions before 2030 and aim to achieve

carbon neutrality before 2060."^[313] If accomplished, this would lower the expected rise in global temperature by 0.2–0.3 °C – "the biggest single reduction ever estimated by the Climate Action Tracker."^[313] Xi mentioned the link between the COVID-19 pandemic and nature destruction as one of the reasons for the decision, saying that "Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of nature."^[314] On 27 September, Chinese scientists presented a detailed plan how to achieve the target.^[315] In September 2021, Xi announced that China will not build "coal-fired power projects abroad, which was said to be potentially "pivotal" in reducing emissions. The Belt and Road Initiative did not include financing such projects already in the first half of 2021.^[316]

Xi has popularized a metaphor of "two mountains" to emphasize the importance of environmental protection.[312]^: 164 The concept is that a mountain made of gold or silver is valuable, but green mountains with clear waters are more valuable.^[312]: 164 The slogan's meaning is that economic development priorities must also provide for economic protection.^[312]: 164

Xi Jinping did not attend

GHG emission by co-operating on different measures.^[319]

Governance style

Known as a very secretive leader, little is known publicly about how Xi makes political decisions, or how he came to power.

self-criticism which, according to observers, is in order to appear less corrupt and more popular among the people.^{[324][325][326]}

Political positions

Further information: Ideology of the Chinese Communist Party

Chinese Dream

Main article: Chinese Dream

Xi and CCP ideologues coined the phrase "Chinese Dream" to describe his overarching plans for China as its leader. Xi first used the phrase during a high-profile visit to the National Museum of China on 29 November 2012, where he and his Standing Committee colleagues were attending a "national revival" exhibition. Since then, the phrase has become the signature political slogan of the Xi era.^[327][328] The origin of the term "Chinese Dream" is unclear. While the phrase has been used before by journalists and scholars,^[329] some publications have posited the term likely drew its inspiration from the concept of the American Dream.^[330] The Economist noted the abstract and seemingly accessible nature of the concept with no specific overarching policy stipulations may be a deliberate departure from the jargon-heavy ideologies of his predecessors.^[331] Xi has linked the "Chinese Dream" with the phrase "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation."^[332][e]

Cultural revival

In recent years, top political leaders of the CCP such as Xi have overseen the rehabilitation of ancient Chinese philosophical figures like

traditional culture."^[333]

According to several analysts, Xi's leadership has been characterised by a resurgence of the ancient political philosophy Legalism.^{[334][335][336]} Han Fei gained new prominence with favourable citations; one sentence of Han Fei's that Xi quoted appeared thousands of times in official Chinese media at the local, provincial, and national levels.^[336] Xi has additionally supported the Neo-Confucian philosopher Wang Yangming, telling local leaders to promote him.^[337]

Xi has also overseen a revival of traditional Chinese culture, breaking from the CCP's previous path, which had often attacked it.

four matters of confidence," which has later been added to the CCP constitution, calling for CCP members, government officials and the Chinese people to be "confident in our chosen path, confident in our guiding theories, confident in our political system, and confident in our culture." He has unveiled Global Civilisation initiative in 2023, calling for "respecting the diversity of civilisations, advocating the common values of humanity, valuing the inheritance and innovation of civilisations, and strengthening international people-to-people exchanges and cooperation"^[238]

Art and politics

On 15 October 2014, Xi Jinping emulated the

Yan'an Talks with his 'Speech at the Forum on Literature and Art.'^[341]: 15 Consistent with Mao's view in the Yan'an Talks, Xi believes works of art should be judged by political criteria.^[341]: 16 In 2021, Xi quoted the Yan'an Talks during the opening ceremony of the 11th National Congress of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles and the 10th National Congress of the Chinese Writers Association.^[154]

^: 174

According to Xi, art should be judged by political criteria.[341]^: 16 This view rejects the concept of art-for-art's-sake and contends that art should serve the goal of national rejuvenation.^[341]: 16 Xi criticizes market-driven art which he deems sensationalist, particularly works which "exaggerate society's dark side" for profit.^[341]: 16 He ordered the arts industry to "tell China's stories and spread Chinese voices to strengthen the country's international communication capacity."^[342]

Ideology

See also: Eight-point Regulation

Xi has said that "only socialism can save China."

realizing communism and reprimanding those who dismiss communism as impractical or irrelevant.^[142] Xi described the communist ideal as the "calcium" in a Party member's spine, without which the Party member would suffer the "osteoporosis" of political decay and be unable to stand upright.^[142]

Subscribing to the view that socialism will eventually triumph over capitalism, Xi has said "Marx and Engels's analysis of the basic contradictions of capitalist society is not outdated, nor is the historical materialist view that capitalism is bound to die out and socialism bound to win."^[347] Xi has overseen the increase of "Socialist Political Economy With Chinese Characteristics" as a major study topic for academics in China, aiming to decrease the influence of Western-influenced economics.^[347] Though he has called a stop to what he considers to be "disorderly expansion of capital," he has also said that "it is necessary to stimulate the vitality of capital of all types, including nonpublic capital, and give full play to its positive role."^[347]

China's success proves that socialism is not dead. It is thriving. Just imagine this: had socialism failed in China, had our communist party collapsed like the party in the Soviet Union, then global socialism would lapse into a long dark age. And communism, like Karl Marx once said, would be a haunting spectre lingering in limbo.

— Xi Jinping during a speech in 2018^[348]

Xi has supported greater CCP control over the PRC, saying "government, the military, society and schools, north, south, east and west – the party leads them all."^[349] During the 100th anniversary of the CCP in 2021, he said that "without the Communist Party of China, there would be no new China and no national rejuvenation," and that "the leadership of the Party is the defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics and constitutes the greatest strength of this system."^[350] He has said that China, despite many setbacks, has achieved great progress under the CCP, saying that "socialism with Chinese characteristics has become the standard-bearer of 21st-century socialist development."^[348] However, he has also warned that it will take a long time for China under the CCP to complete its rejuvenation, and during this timeframe, party members must be vigilant to not let CCP rule collapse.^[348] Xi has spoken out against "historical nihilism," meaning historical viewpoints that challenge the official line of the CCP.^[351] Xi said that one of the reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union has been historical nihilism.^[352]

Xi has ruled out a

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock,^[363] have called Xi a dictator, citing the large centralisation of power around him unseen compared to his predecessors.^[364][365] Xi has additionally rejected Westernisation as the only way to modernize, instead promoting what he says is "Chinese-style modernisation."^[366] He has identified five concepts as part of Chinese-style modernisation, including modernisation of a huge population, common prosperity, material and cultural-ethical advancement, harmony between humanity and nature, and peaceful development.^[367]

Xi Jinping Thought

Main article: Xi Jinping Thought

In September 2017, the CCP Central Committee decided that Xi's political philosophies, generally referred to as "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," would become part of the Party Constitution.^[368][369] Xi first made mention of the "Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era" in his opening day speech delivered to the 19th Party Congress in October 2017. His Politburo Standing Committee colleagues, in their own reviews of Xi's keynote address at the Congress, prepended the name "Xi Jinping" in front of "Thought."^[370] On 24 October 2017, at its closing session, the 19th Party Congress approved the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought into the Constitution of the CCP,^[101] while in March 2018, the National People's Congress changed the state constitution to include Xi Jinping Thought.^[371]

Xi himself has described the Thought as part of the broad framework created around socialism with Chinese characteristics, a term coined by Deng Xiaoping that places China in the

Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development, as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adopted to Chinese conditions" and contemporary considerations.^[370] It has additionally been described as the "21st century Marxism" by two professors in the Central Party School of the CCP.^[17] Wang Huning, a top political adviser and a close ally of Xi, has been described as pivotal to developing Xi Jinping Thought.^[17] The concepts and context behind Xi Jinping Thought are elaborated in Xi's The Governance of China book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017.^[372]

Xuexi Qiangguo, an app for teaching Xi Jinping Thought had become the most popular smartphone app in China in 2019, as the CCP launched a new campaign that calls on its cadres to immerse themselves in the political doctrine every day.^[373]

Personal life

Family

Xi's first marriage was to Ke Lingling, the daughter of Ke Hua, China's ambassador to the United Kingdom in the early 1980s. They divorced within a few years.^[374] The two were said to fight "almost every day," and after the divorce Ke moved to England.^[8] In 1987, Xi married the prominent Chinese folk singer Peng Liyuan.^[375] Xi and Peng were introduced by friends as many Chinese couples were in the 1980s. Xi was reputedly academic during their courtship, inquiring about singing techniques.^[376] Peng Liyuan, a household name in China, was better known to the public than Xi until his political elevation. The couple frequently lived apart due largely to their separate professional lives. Peng has played a much more visible role as China's "first lady" compared to her predecessors; for example, Peng hosted U.S. First Lady Michelle Obama on her high-profile visit to China in March 2014.^[377]

Xi and Peng have a daughter named Xi Mingze, who graduated from Harvard University in the spring of 2015. While at Harvard, she used a pseudonym and studied Psychology and English.^[378] Xi's family has a home in Jade Spring Hill, a garden and residential area in north-western Beijing run by the CMC.^[379]

In June 2012, Bloomberg News reported that members of Xi's extended family have substantial business interests, although there was no evidence he had intervened to assist them.^[380] The Bloomberg News website was blocked in mainland China in response to the article.^[381] Since Xi embarked on an anti-corruption campaign, The New York Times reported members of his family were selling their corporate and real estate investments beginning in 2012.^[382] Relatives of highly placed Chinese officials, including seven current and former senior leaders of the Politburo of the CCP, have been named in the Panama Papers, including Deng Jiagui,^[383] Xi's brother-in-law. Deng had two shell companies in the British Virgin Islands while Xi was a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, but they were dormant by the time Xi became general secretary of the CCP in November 2012.^[384]

Personality

Peng described Xi as hardworking and down-to-earth: "When he comes home, I've never felt as if there's some leader in the house. In my eyes, he's just my husband."^[385] In 1992, The Washington Post journalist Lena H. Sun had an interview with Xi, then CCP secretary of Fuzhou; Sun described Xi as considerably more at ease and confident than many officials his age, and said that he talked without consulting notes.^[386] He was described in a 2011 The Washington Post article by those who know him as "pragmatic, serious, cautious, hard-working, down to earth and low-key." He was described as a good hand at problem solving and "seemingly uninterested in the trappings of high office."^[387]

Soccer

Xi is an avid soccer fan.^[388] While working in Hebei, it was reported that Xi often asked his friend Nie Weiping, a professional Go player, for soccer tickets.^[389] During a visit to Ireland in 2012 as China's vice-president, Xi showcased his soccer technique at Croke Park.^[388] In 2011, Xi outlined a vision to turn China from a footballing minnow to a soccer superpower. He outlined a three-stage plan for the national team: to qualify for another World Cup, to host a World Cup and to win a World Cup.^[390] In 2015, Xi approved China's 50-point plan for the sport, which included including soccer in the national school curriculum and setting up 50,000 soccer schools in the country by 2025.^[391] However, according to CNN, poor financial decisions and alleged high-level corruption coupled with a three-year pandemic have left the sport in tatters.^[390] In 2023, Xi said he is "not so sure" of the abilities of the national team.^[392]

Public life

It is hard to gauge the opinion of the Chinese public on Xi, as no independent surveys exist in China and social media is heavily censored.

Harvard Kennedy School's Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation, Xi ranked 9 out of 10 in domestic approval ratings.^[396] A YouGov poll released in July 2019 found that about 22% of people in mainland China list Xi as the person they admire the most, a plurality, although this figure was less than 5% for residents of Hong Kong.^[397] In the spring of 2019, the Pew Research Center made a survey on confidence on Xi Jinping among six-country medians based on Australia, India, Indonesia, Japan, Philippines and South Korea, which indicated that a median 29% have confidence in Xi Jinping to do the right thing regarding world affairs, meanwhile a median of 45% have no confidence; these numbers are slightly higher than those of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (23% confidence, 53% no confidence).^[398] A poll by Politico and Morning Consult in 2021 found that 5% of Americans have a favorable opinion of Xi, 38% unfavorable, 17% no opinion and 40%, a plurality, never hearing of him.^[399]

In 2017, The Economist named him the most powerful person in the world.[400] In 2018, Forbes ranked him as the most powerful and influential person in the world, replacing Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had been ranked so for five consecutive years.^[401] Since 2013, Reporters Without Borders, an international non-profit and non-governmental organization with the stated aim of safeguarding the right to freedom of information, included Xi among the list of press freedom predators.^[402]

Unlike previous Chinese leaders, Chinese state media has given a more encompassing view of Xi's private life, although still strictly controlled. According to Xinhua News Agency, Xi would swim one kilometer and walk every day as long as there was time, and is interested in foreign writers, especially Russian.^[323] He is known to love films and TV shows such as Saving Private Ryan, The Departed, The Godfather and Game of Thrones,^{[403][404][405]} also praising the independent film-maker Jia Zhangke.^[406] The Chinese state media has also cast him as a fatherly figure and a man of the people, determined to stand up for Chinese interests.^[321]

Honors

Decoration		Country/Organisation	Date	Note	Ref.
	The Golden Olympic Order	International Olympic Committee	19 November 2013	The highest award of the Olympic movement	[407]
	Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold	Belgium	30 March 2014	The highest order of Belgium	[408]
	Grand Cordon of the Order of the Liberator	Venezuela	20 July 2014	The highest order of Venezuela	[409]
	Order of José Martí	Cuba	22 July 2014	Order of Cuba	[410]
	Nishan-e-Pakistan	Pakistan	21 April 2015	The highest civilian award of Pakistan	[411]
	Order of Abdulaziz al Saud	Saudi Arabia	19 January 2016	Saudi Arabian order of merit	[412]
	Collar of the Order of the Republic of Serbia	Serbia	18 June 2016	The highest state order of Serbia	[413]
	Order for Promotion of Peace and Friendship	Belarus	29 September 2016	Order of Belarus	[414]
	Grand Cross Medal of Honor	Peru	21 November 2016	Medal of Peru	[415]
	Order of Saint Andrew	Russia	3 July 2017	The highest order of Russia	[416]
	Grand Collar of the State of Palestine	Palestine	18 July 2017	The highest civilian order of Palestine	[417]
	Order of Zayed	United Arab Emirates	20 July 2018	The highest civilian decoration of the United Arab Emirates	[418]
	Grand Cross of the Order of the Lion	Senegal	29 July 2018	Order of Senegal	[419]
	Collar of the Order of the Liberator General San Martin	Argentina	2 December 2018	Order of Argentina	[420]
	Order of Manas	Kyrgyzstan	13 June 2019	The highest order of Kyrgyzstan	[421]
	Order of the Crown	Tajikistan	15 June 2019	Order of Tajikistan	[422]
	Order of the Golden Eagle	Kazakhstan	14 September 2022	The highest order of Kazakhstan	[423]
	Order of Friendship	Uzbekistan	15 September 2022	State award of Uzbekistan	[424]
	Order of South Africa	South Africa	22 August 2023	State award of South Africa	[425]

Key to the City

Xi holds a "key to the city," an honor granted to attending guests to symbolize their significance, in:

• Muscatine, Iowa, United States (26 April 1985)^[426][427]
• Montego Bay, Jamaica (13 February 2009)^[49]
• Muscatine, Iowa, United States (14 February 2012)^[426]
•  San José, Costa Rica (3 June 2013)^[428]
•  Mexico City, Mexico (5 June 2013)^[429]
•  Buenos Aires, Argentina (19 July 2014)^[430]
•  Prague, Czech Republic (29 March 2016)^[431]
• Madrid, Spain (28 November 2018)^[432]

Honorary doctorates

• Nazarbayev University (7 September 2013)^[433]
• University of Johannesburg (11 April 2019)^[434]
• Saint Petersburg State University (6 June 2019)^[435]
• King Saud University (8 December 2022)^[436][437]

Works

• Xi, Jinping (1999). Theory and Practice on Modern Agriculture. Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press.
• Xi, Jinping (2001). A Tentative Study on China's Rural Marketization (PDF). Beijing: Tsinghua University (Doctoral Dissertation). Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 January 2013.
• Xi, Jinping (2007).
  ISBN 9787213035081
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2014).
  ISBN 9787119090573
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2014).
  ISBN 9787119090573
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2016). General Secretary Xi Jinping important speech series. Vol. II. Beijing: People's Publishing House & Study Publishing House.
  ISBN 9787514706284
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2017). The Governance of China. Vol. II. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
  ISBN 9787119111643
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2018). Quotations from Chairman Xi Jinping. Some units of the PLA.
• Xi, Jinping (2019). The Belt And Road Initiative. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
  ISBN 978-7119119960
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2020). The Governance of China. Vol. III. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
  ISBN 9787119124117
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2020). On Propaganda and Ideological Work of Communist Party. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press.
  ISBN 9787507347791
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2021). On History of the Communist Party of China. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press.
  ISBN 9787507348033
  .
• Xi, Jinping (2022). The Governance of China. Vol. IV. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
  ISBN 9787119130941
  .

Notes

1. ^ The closest pronunciation using sounds common in spoken English is English: /ˈʃiː tʃɪnˈpɪŋ/ SHEE chin-PING.
2. ^ Liu Yandong, Wang Qishan, and Deng Pufang (Deng Xiaoping's son) all placed among the bottom of the alternate member list. Like Xi, all three were seen as "princelings". Bo Xilai was not elected to the Central Committee at all; that is, Bo placed lower in the vote count than Xi.
3. ^ Original simplified Chinese: 在国际金融风暴中，中国能基本解决13亿人口吃饭的问题，已经是对全人类最伟大的贡献; traditional Chinese: 在國際金融風暴中，中國能基本解決13億人口吃飯的問題，已經是對全人類最偉大的貢獻
4. ^ Original: simplified Chinese: 有些吃饱没事干的外国人，对我们的事情指手画脚。中国一不输出革命，二不输出饥饿和贫困，三不折腾你们，还有什么好说的？; traditional Chinese: 有些吃飽沒事干的外國人，對我們的事情指手畫腳。中國一不輸出革命，二不輸出飢餓和貧困，三不折騰你們，還有什麽好說的？
5. ^ Chinese: 中华民族伟大复兴, which can also be translated as the "Great Renaissance of the Chinese nation" or the "Great revival of the Chinese people".

References

Citations

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2. ^ Wong 2023, p. 229.
3. ^ "Profile: Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 7 November 2012. Archived from the original on 19 October 2013. Retrieved 26 August 2013.
4. ^ 與丈夫習仲勛相伴58年 齊心：這輩子無比幸福 [With her husband Xi Zhongxun for 58 years: very happy in this life] (in Traditional Chinese). Xinhua News Agency. 28 April 2009. Archived from the original on 28 January 2013. Retrieved 18 March 2013.
5. ^ Xu, Xinyi (27 May 2013). 習近平"家風"揭秘 齊心自述與習仲勛婚姻往事 [Xi Jinping's "family traditions" are unmasked: Qi Xin's autobiographical account of her marriage to Xi Zhongxun]. People's Daily (in Traditional Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 April 2017. Retrieved 27 April 2017.
6. ISBN 978-0-19-761525-6
   .
7. Nikkei Shimbun. Archived
   from the original on 3 December 2021. Retrieved 23 October 2020.
8. ^ ^{a b c d e} Osnos, Evan (30 March 2015). "Born Red". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 4 October 2019. Retrieved 11 September 2019.
9. ^ Li, Cheng. "Xi Jinping's Inner Circle (Part 2: Friends from Xi's Formative Years)" (PDF). Hoover Institution. pp. 6–22. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 September 2020. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
10. ISSN 0029-7712. Archived
    from the original on 5 November 2021. Retrieved 16 January 2020.
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Works cited

• ISBN 978-0-230-28545-3
  .
• Simon, Denis Fred; Cong, Cao (2009). China's Emerging Technological Edge: Assessing the Role of High-End Talent.
  ISBN 978-0-521-88513-3
  .
• ISBN 978-0765642097
  .
• ISBN 978-1442277342
  .
• Bougon, François (2018). Inside the Mind of Xi Jinping.
  ISBN 9781849049849
  .
• ISBN 9781782544371
  .
• ISBN 9780190866075
  .
• OCLC 1354535847
  .
• Wong, Chun Han (2023). Party of One: The Rise of Xi Jinping and China's Superpower Future.
  ISBN 9781982185732
  .

Further reading

• Bulman, David J.; A. Jaros, Kyle (2021). "Localism in retreat? Central-provincial relations in the Xi Jinping era". Journal of Contemporary China. 30 (131): 697–716.
  S2CID 233928573
  .
• Denton, Kirk (2014). "China Dreams and the 'Road to Revival". Current Events in Historical Perspective. 8 (3): –1–12.
• Economy, Elizabeth C. (2018). "China's New Revolution: The Reign of Xi Jinping" (PDF). Foreign Affairs. 97: 60.
• Foot, Rosemary; King, Amy (2019). "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus". China International Strategy Review. 1: 1–12.
  S2CID 195241090
  .
• Cabestan, Jean-Pierre (2020). "China's foreign and security policy institutions and decision-making under Xi Jinping". British Journal of Politics and International Relations: 1369148120974881.
• Dhar, Bablu Kumar; Mahazan, Mutalib (2020). "Leadership of Xi Jinping behind Unstoppable Sustainable Economic Growth of China" (PDF). International Journal of Organizational Leadership. 9: 39–47.
• S2CID 220633947
  .
• Johnson, Ian (29 September 2012). "Changing of the Guard: Elite and Deft, Xi Aimed High Early in China". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 30 September 2012.
• McGregor, Richard (2019). Xi Jinping: The Backlash. Penguin Books Australia.
  ISBN 978-1760893040
  .
  • includes McGregor, Richard. "Xi Jinping's Quest to Dominate China." Foreign Affairs 98 (Sept 2019): 18+.
• Magnus, George. Red Flags: Why Xi's China is in Danger (Yale UP, 2018).
• Li, Cheng (2016). Chinese Politics in the Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership. Brookings Institution Press.
  ISBN 978-0-8157-2694-4
  .
• Mulvad, Andreas Møller (2019). "Xiism as a hegemonic project in the making: Sino-communist ideology and the political economy of China's rise". Review of International Studies. 45 (3): 449–470.
  S2CID 150473371
  .
• Osnos, Evan (14 February 2012). "China's Valentine's Day in Washington". The New Yorker. Review of comment accompanying Xi's visit.
• Osnos, Evan (30 March 2015). "Born Red: How Xi Jinping, an unremarkable provincial administrator, became China's most authoritarian leader since Mao". The New Yorker. Describes Xi Jinping's life.
• Osnos, Evan, "China's Age of Malaise: Facing a grim economy, disillusioned youth, and fleeing entrepreneurs, Xi Jinping turns to the past," The New Yorker, 30 October 2023, pp. 34–45. "Xi [...] has abandoned Deng [Xiaoping]'s 'courageous experiments' and ushered [China] into a straitened new age." (p. 34.) "Year by year, Xi appears more at home in the world of the man he calls his 'best and closest friend,' Vladimir Putin." (p. 36.) "Can Xi's China still manage the pairing of autocracy and capitalism?" (p. 37.) "At his core, a longtime observer told me, Xi is 'Mao with money.'" (p. 38.) "Xi [has] got[ten] rid of anyone with power, [an] entrepreneur said: 'If you have influence, you have power. If you have capital, you have power.'" (p. 40.)
• Smith, Stephen N. (2021). "Harmonizing the periphery: China's neighborhood strategy under Xi Jinping". Pacific Review. 34 (1): 56–84.
  S2CID 202329851
  .
• Vogel, Ezra (2021). "The Leadership of Xi Jinping: A Dengist Perspective". Journal of Contemporary China. 30 (131): 693–696.
  doi:10.1080/10670564.2021.1884955
  .
• Zhang, Feng (2019). "The Xi Jinping Doctrine of China's International Relations". Asia Policy. 14 (3). Archived from the original on 4 September 2019. Retrieved 4 September 2019.

External links

Library resources about
Xi Jinping

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• Resources in your library
• Resources in other libraries

• Biography at Chinavitae.com
• Appearances on C-SPAN
• Xi Jinping collected news and commentary at the China Digital Times
• Xi Jinping collected news and commentary at The Guardian
• Xi Jinping collected news and commentary at The New York Times
• Xi Jinping 2012 profile on
  BBC Radio Four