Yeshu
Yeshu (
The identification of Jesus with any number of individuals named Yeshu has numerous problems, as most of the individuals are said to have lived in time periods far detached from that of Jesus; Yeshu the sorcerer is noted for being executed by the
Whatever one thinks of the number of Jesuses in antiquity, no one can question the multiplicity of Jesuses in Medieval Jewish polemic. Many Jews with no interest at all in history were forced to confront a historical/biographical question that bedevils historians to this day.[2]: 36
However, a probable answer is that rabbinic literature is often not literal but allegorical, thus stories can be made up to conjure a deeper meaning or a secret message that requires insider knowledge to fully understand.[3]
In 1240, Nicholas Donin, with the support of Pope Gregory IX, referred to Yeshu narratives to support his accusation that the Jewish community had attacked the virginity of Mary and the divinity of Jesus. In the Disputation of Paris, Yechiel of Paris conceded that one of the Yeshu stories in the Talmud referred to Jesus of Nazareth, but that the other passages referred to other people. In 1372, John of Valladolid, with the support of the Archbishop of Toledo, made a similar accusation against the Jewish community; Moses ha-Kohen de Tordesillas argued that the Yeshu narratives referred to different people and could not have referred to Jesus of Nazareth.[4][2] Asher ben Jehiel also asserted that the Yeshu of the Talmud is unrelated to the Christian Jesus.[5]
There are some modern scholars who understand these passages to be references to Christianity and the Christian figure of Jesus,[6] and others who see references to Jesus only in later rabbinic literature.[4][7] Johann Maier argued that neither the Mishnah nor the two Talmuds refer to Jesus.[8]
Etymology
Bauckham notes that the spelling Yeshu is found on one ossuary, Rahmani 9, which supports that the name Yeshu was not invented as a way of avoiding pronouncing the name Yeshua or Yehoshua in relation to Jesus, but that it may still be that rabbinical use of Yeshu was intended to distinguish Jesus from rabbis bearing the biblical name "Joshua", Yehoshua.[9] Foote and Wheeler considered that the name "Yeshu" was simply a shortened form of the name "Yehoshua" or Joshua.[10]
Another explanation given is that the name "Yeshu" is actually an acronym for the formula ימח שמו וזכרו(נו) (
Early-20th-century writers such as
Talmud and Tosefta
The earliest undisputed occurrences of the term Yeshu are found in five anecdotes in the
The Talmudic accounts in detail
Yeshu ben Pandera
In the Tosefta, Chullin 2:22-24 there are two anecdotes about the
- Chullin 2:22-23 tells how Rabbi Eleazar ben Damma was bitten by a snake. Jacob came to heal him (according to Lieberman's text[23]) "on behalf of Yeshu ben Pandera". (A variant text of the Tosefta considered by Herford reads "Yeshua" instead of "Yeshu". This together with anomalous spellings of Pandera were found by Saul Liebermanwho compared early manuscripts, to be erroneous attempts at correction by a copyist unfamiliar with the terms.)
- The account is also mentioned in corresponding passages of the Jerusalem Talmud (Avodah Zarah 2:2 IV.I) and Babylonian Talmud (Avodah Zarah 27b) The name Yeshu is not mentioned in the Hebrew manuscripts of these passages but reference to "Jeshu ben Pandira" is interpolated by Herford's in his English paraphrasing of the Jerusalem Talmud text. Similarly the Rodkinson translation of the Babylonian Talmud account interpolates "with the name of Jesus".
- Chullin 2:24 tells how minuth. When the chief judge (hegemon) interrogated him, the rabbi answered that he "trusted the judge." Although Rabbi Eliezer was referring to God, the judge interpreted him to be referring to the judge himself, and freed the Rabbi. The remainder of the account concerns why Rabbi Eliezer was arrested in the first place. Rabbi Akiva suggests that perhaps one of the minim had spoken a word of minuth to him and that it had pleased him. Rabbi Eliezer recalls that this was indeed the case, he had met Jacob of the town of Sakhnin in the streets of Sepphoris who spoke to him a word of minuth in the name of Yeshu ben Pandera, which had pleased him. (A variant reading used by Herford has Pantiri instead of Pandera.)
- Avodah Zarah, 16b-17a in the Babylonian Talmud essentially repeats the account of Chullin 2:24 about Rabbi Eliezer and adds additional material. It tells that Jacob quoted Deuteronomy 23:19: "You shall not bring the fee of a whore or the price of a dog into the house of the Lord your God in fulfillment of any vow." Jacob says that he was taught this by Yeshu. Jacob then asked Eliezer whether it was permissible to use a whore's money to build a retiring place for the High Priest? (Who spent the whole night preceding the Day of Atonement in the precincts of the Temple, where due provision had to be made for all his conveniences.) When Rabbi Eliezer did not reply, Jacob quoted Micah 1:7, "For they were amassed from whores' fees and they shall become whores' fees again." This was the teaching that had pleased Rabbi Eliezer.
The surname ben Pandera is not found in the Talmud account. (Rodkinson's translation drawing on the Tosefta account paraphrases the reference to Yeshu having taught Jacob by "so taught Jeshu b. Panthyra", in this case not translating "Yeshu" as "Jesus".) The name is found again in the
Jeffrey Rubenstein has argued that the accounts in Chullin and Avodah Zarah reveal an ambivalent relationship between rabbis and Christianity. In his view the tosefta account reveals that at least some Jews believed Christians were true healers, but that the rabbis saw this belief as a major threat. Concerning the Babylonian Talmud account in Avoda Zarah, Dr. Boyarin views Jacob of Sechania as a Christian preacher and understands Rabbi Eliezer's arrest for
A medieval account of Jesus, in which Jesus is described as being the son of Joseph, the son of Pandera (see translation of the 15th-century Yemenite manuscript: Toledot Yeshu), gives a contemporary view of Jesus and where he is portrayed as an impostor.[26]
Meaning and etymology of Pandera
The meaning and etymology of this name are uncertain. Besides the form Pandera, variations have been found in different Tosefta manuscripts for example Pantiri and Pantera.[27] Saul Lieberman's investigation of Tosefta variations revealed Pandera to be the original form. (Some authors such as Herford spell it Pandira in English.)
Celsus in his discourse
Neubauer understand the name to be Pandareus.[30] The Toledot Yeshu narratives contain elements resembling the story of Pandareus in Greek mythology, namely stealing from a temple and the presence of a bronze animal.
Yeshu Ha-Notzri
In the surviving pre-censorship Talmud manuscripts, Yeshu is sometimes followed by the epithet Ha-Notzri.
Klausner noted objections by other scholars on grammatical and phonetic grounds to the translation of Notzri as "Nazarene" meaning a person from Nazareth (Hebrew Natzrat),[32][page needed] however the etymology of "Nazarene" is itself uncertain and one possibility is that it is derived from Notzri and did not mean a person from Nazareth.[33]
In 1180 CE Maimonides in his Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Melachim 11:4 briefly discusses Jesus in a passage later censored by the Church. He uses the name Yeshua for Jesus (an attested equivalent of the name unlike Yeshu) and follows it with HaNotzri showing that regardless of what meaning had been intended in the Talmudic occurrences of this term, Maimonides understood it as an equivalent of Nazarene. Late additions to the Josippon also refer to Jesus as Yeshua HaNotzri but not Yeshu HaNotzri.[34]
Among other passages, the Talmud names Yeshu HaNotzri (
Onkelos then went and raised Jesus the Nazarene from the grave through necromancy. Onkelos said to him: Who is most important in that world where you are now? Jesus said to him: The Jewish people. Onkelos asked him: Should I then attach myself to them in this world? Jesus said to him: Their welfare you shall seek, their misfortune you shall not seek, for anyone who touches them is regarded as if he were touching the apple of his eye. Onkelos said to him: What is the punishment of that man, a euphemism for Jesus himself, in the next world? Jesus said to him: He is punished with boiling excrement. As the Master said: Anyone who mocks the words of the Sages will be sentenced to boiling excrement. And this was his sin, as he mocked the words of the Sages. The Gemara comments: Come and see the difference between the sinners of Israel and the prophets of the nations of the world. As Balaam, who was a prophet, wished Israel harm, whereas Jesus the Nazarene, who was a Jewish sinner, sought their well-being.
— Gittin 57a:3-4[35]
Yeshu the sorcerer
Sanhedrin 43a relates the trial and execution of Yeshu and his five disciples. Here, Yeshu is a sorcerer who has enticed other Jews to apostasy. A herald is sent to call for witnesses in his favour for forty days before his execution. No one comes forth and in the end he is stoned and hanged on the eve of Passover. His five disciples, named Matai, Nekai, Netzer, Buni, and Todah, are then tried. Word play is made on each of their names, and they are executed. It is mentioned that excessive leniency was applied because of Yeshu's influence with the royal government (malkhut).
In the Florence manuscript of the Talmud (1177 CE) an addition is made to Sanhedrin 43a saying that Yeshu was hanged on the eve of the Sabbath.
Yeshu summoned by Onkelos
In Gittin 56b, 57a a story is mentioned in which Onkelos summons up the spirit of a Yeshu who sought to harm Israel. He describes his punishment in the afterlife as boiling in excrement. The text itself never actually names the individual Onkelos summons, instead, an added footnote identifies the tormented spirit as Yeshu.
Yeshu the son who burns his food in public
Sanhedrin 103a and Berachot 17b talk about a Yeshu who burns his food in public, possibly a reference to pagan sacrifices. The account is discussing
Yeshu the student of Joshua ben Perachiah
In Sanhedrin 107b and Sotah 47a a Yeshu is mentioned as a student of
According to Dr. Rubenstein, the account in Sanhedrin 107b recognizes the kinship between Christians and Jews, since Jesus is presented as a disciple of a prominent rabbi. But it also reflects and speaks to an anxiety fundamental to Rabbinic Judaism. Prior to the destruction of the Temple in 70, Jews were divided into different sects, each promoting different interpretations of the law. Rabbinic Judaism domesticated and internalized conflicts over the law, while vigorously condemning any sectarianism. In other words, rabbis are encouraged to disagree and argue with one another, but these activities must be carefully contained, or else they could lead to a schism. Although this story may not present a historically accurate account of Jesus' life, it does use a fiction about Jesus to communicate an important truth about the rabbis. Moreover, Rubenstein sees this story as a rebuke to overly harsh rabbis. Boyarin suggests that the rabbis were well aware of Christian views of the Pharisees and that this story acknowledges the Christian belief that Jesus was forgiving and the Pharisees were not (see Mark 2:1–2), while emphasizing forgiveness as a necessary rabbinic value.[25][page needed]
Ben Pandera and ben Stada
Another title found in the Tosefta and Talmud is ben Stada (son of Stada). However, in Shabbat 104b and Sanhedrin 67a in the Babylonian Talmud, a passage is found that some have interpreted as equating ben Pandera with ben Stada. The passage is in the form of a Talmudic debate in which various voices make statements, each refuting the previous statement. In such debates the various statements and their refutations are often of a Midrashic nature, sometimes incorporating subtle humour and should not always be taken at face value. The purpose of the passage is to arrive at a Midrashic meaning for the term Stada.
Shabbat 104b relates that a ben Stada brought magic from
Ben-Stada is also mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud. In Shabbat 12:4 III he is mentioned as having learnt by cutting marks in his flesh. In Sanhedrin 7:12 I he is mentioned as an example of someone caught by hidden observers and subsequently stoned. This information is paralleled in the Tosefta in Shabbat 11:15 and Sanhedrin 10:11 respectively.
Interpretation
Tannaim and Amoraim
The Tannaim and Amoraim who recorded the accounts in the Talmud and Tosefta use the term Yeshu as a designation in Sanhedrin 103a and Berakhot 17b in place of King Manasseh's real name. Sanhedrin 107b uses it for a Hasmonean era individual who in an earlier account (Jerusalem Talmud Chagigah 2:2) is anonymous. In Gittin 56b, 57a it is used for one of three foreign enemies of Israel, the other two being from past and present with Yeshu representing a third not identified with any past or present event.
Early Jewish commentators (Rishonim)
These accounts of Celsus and the
Other
The Church
Friar Raymond Martini, in his anti-Jewish polemical treatise Pugio Fidei, began the accusation echoed in numerous subsequent anti-Jewish pamphlets that the Yeshu passages were derogatory accounts of Jesus.[24]
In 1554 a papal bull ordered the removal of all references from the Talmud and other Jewish texts deemed offensive and blasphemous to Christians. Thus the Yeshu passages were removed from subsequently published editions of the Talmud and Tosefta.[37] Nevertheless, several church writers[who?] would refer to the passages as evidence of Jesus outside the Gospels.[citation needed]
Later Jewish commentators (Acharonim)
Contemporary Orthodox scholars
Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz translates "Yeshu" as "Jesus" in his translation of the Talmud.[39] Elsewhere he has pointed out that Talmudic passages referring to Jesus had been deleted by the Christian censor.[40]
Theosophists and esotericists
The interpretation of Yeshu as a proto-Jesus first seen in Abraham ibn Daud's work would be revisited by Egyptologist Gerald Massey in his essay The historical Jesus and Mythical Christ,[41] and by G. R. S. Mead in his work Did Jesus Live 100 B.C.?.[42] The same view was reiterated by Rabbi Avraham Korman.[43] These views reflect the theosophical stance and criticism of tradition popular at the time but was rejected by later scholars. It has been revived in recent times by Alvar Ellegård.[44]
Critical scholarship
Modern critical scholars debate whether Yeshu does or does not refer to the historical Jesus, a view seen in several 20th-century encyclopedia articles including The Jewish Encyclopedia,[45] Joseph Dan in the Encyclopaedia Judaica (1972, 1997).[46] and the Encyclopedia Hebraica (Israel). R. Travers Herford based his work on the understanding that the term refers to Jesus,[47] and it was also the understanding of Joseph Klausner.[4] They agree that the accounts offer little independent or accurate historical evidence about Jesus.[4] Herford argues that writers of the Talmud and Tosefta had only vague knowledge of Jesus and embellished the accounts to discredit him while disregarding chronology.[citation needed] Klausner distinguishes between core material in the accounts which he argues are not about Jesus and the references to "Yeshu" which he sees as additions spuriously associating the accounts with Jesus.[citation needed] Recent scholars in the same vein include Peter Schäfer,[24] Steven Bayme, and Dr. David C. Kraemer.[citation needed]
Recently, some scholars have argued that Yeshu is a literary device, and that the Yeshu stories provide a more complex view of early Rabbinic-Christian interactions. Whereas the Pharisees were one sect among several others in the Second Temple era, the Amoraim and Tannaim sought to establish Rabbinic Judaism as the normative form of Judaism. Like the rabbis, early Christians claimed to be working within Biblical traditions to provide new interpretations of Jewish laws and values. The sometimes blurry boundary between the rabbis and early Christians provided an important site for distinguishing between legitimate debate and heresy. Scholars like Jeffrey Rubenstein and Daniel Boyarin argue that it was through the Yeshu narratives that rabbis confronted this blurry boundary.[48]
According to Jeffrey Rubenstein, the account in Sanhedrin 107b recognizes the kinship between Christians and Jews, since Jesus is presented as a disciple of a prominent rabbi. But it also reflects and speaks to an anxiety fundamental to Rabbinic Judaism. Prior to the destruction of the Temple in 70, Jews were divided into different sects, each promoting different interpretations of the law. Rabbinic Judaism domesticated and internalized conflicts over the law, while vigorously condemning any sectarianism. In other words, rabbis are encouraged to disagree and argue with one another, but these activities must be carefully contained, or else they could lead to a schism. Although this story may not present a historically accurate account of Jesus' life, it does use a fiction about Jesus to communicate an important truth about the rabbis.[25][49] Moreover, Rubenstein sees this story as a rebuke to overly harsh rabbis. Boyarin suggests that the rabbis were well aware of Christian views of the Pharisees and that this story acknowledges the Christian belief that Jesus was forgiving and the Pharisees were not (see Mark 2), while emphasizing forgiveness as a necessary rabbinic value.[25][page needed]
An intermediate view is that of Hyam Maccoby,[50] who argues that most of these stories were not originally about Jesus, but were incorporated into the Talmud in the belief that they were, as a response to Christian missionary activity.
Skeptical writers
Dennis McKinsey has challenged the view that the term refers to Jesus at all and argues that Jewish tradition knew of no historical Jesus.[51] Similar views have been expressed by skeptical science writer Frank R. Zindler in his polemical work The Jesus the Jews Never Knew: Sepher Toldoth Yeshu and the Quest of the Historical Jesus in Jewish Sources,[52] deliberately published outside the realm of Christian and Jewish scholarship.[citation needed]
Points on which writers have differed
Writers have thus differed on several distinct but closely related questions:[citation needed]
- whether Yeshu was intended to mean Jesus or not (e.g. Herford vs Nahmanides)
- whether the core material in the accounts regardless of the name was originally about Jesus or not (e.g. Herford vs Klausner)
- whether the core material is derivative of Christian accounts of Jesus, a forerunner of such accounts or unrelated (e.g. Herford vs Ibn Daud vs McKinsey)
- whether Yeshu is a real name or an acronym (e.g. Flusser vs Kjaer-Hansen)
- whether Yeshu is a genuine Hebrew equivalent for the name Jesus, a pun on the name Jesus or unrelated to the name Jesus (e.g. Klausner vs Eisenmenger vs McKinsey)
The Toledot Yeshu
The Toledot Yeshu are not part of rabbinic literature and are considered neither canonical nor normative.[53] There is no one authoritative Toledot Yeshu story; rather, various medieval versions existed that differ in attitudes towards the central characters and in story details. It is considered unlikely that any one person wrote it, and each version seems to be from a different set of storytellers.[53] In these manuscripts, the name "Yeshu" is used as designation of the central character. The stories typically understand the name "Yeshu" to be the acronym Y'mach Sh'mo V'Zichrono,[citation needed] but justify its usage by claiming that it is wordplay on his real name, Yehoshua (i.e. Joshua, a Hebrew equivalent of "Jesus"). The story is set in the Hasmonean era, reflecting the setting of the account of Yeshu the student of Yehoshuah ben Perachiah in the Talmud.[citation needed] Due to the Gospel parallels, the Toledot Yeshu narratives are typically viewed as a derogatory account of the life of Jesus resulting from Jewish reaction to persecution by Christians.[54]
Other occurrences
The name Yeshu has also been found on the 1st-century CE
The name Yeshu has also been found in a fragment of the Jerusalem Talmud from the Cairo Genizah, a depository for holy texts which are not usable due to age, damage or errors. Flusser takes this as evidence of the term being a name;[60] however, the standard text of the Jerusalem Talmud refers to one of the numerous Rabbi Yehoshuas of the Talmud and moreover the fragment has the latter name at other points in the text.[61]
Yeshu is also mentioned in Isaac Luria's "Book of the Reincarnations", chapter 37. Within the long list of Jewish Tzadiks it is written:
בלכתך מ
יש"ו הנוצריOn your way from Safed toward the North to the village of Ein al-Zeitun, passing a carob tree, Yeshu Ha-Notzri is buried there.
A similar legend was reported by a Spanish monk when he visited Safed in 1555, with the difference in that the place was not where he was buried but where he hid.[62]
Use in modern Hebrew as a name for Jesus
The term Yeshu was used in Hebrew texts in the Middle Ages then through
See also
- Jacob the Min
- Jesus in the Talmud
- Yeshua
References
- ^ See:
- Gustaf Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, London and New York, 1922, 89, cited in Joachim Jeremias, Eucharistic Words of Jesus, 1935, 3rd German ed. 1960, English 1966, p. 19.
- Joshua b. Peraiah(c. 100 BC), cf. b.Sanh. 107b ( Bar.) par. b.Sot 47a."
- Roger T. Beckwith, Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Christian, Brill Academic Publishers, 2005, p. 294. "... the rest of the baraita, which states he was first stoned, and that his execution was delayed for forty days while a herald went out inviting anyone to say a word in his favour, suggest that it may refer to a different Yeshu altogether." footnote citing Jeremias 1966.
- Mark Allan Powell, Jesus as a Figure in History: How Modern Historians View the Man from Galilee, Westminster John Knox, 1998, p. 34. "Scholars debate whether there may be obscure references to Jesus in some of the collections of ancient Jewish writings, such as the Talmud, the Tosefta, the targums, and the midrashim... 'On the eve of Passover, they hanged Yeshu [= Jesus?] and the herald went before him 40 days... (Sanhedrin 43a)."
- Amy-Jill Levine, The Historical Jesus in Context, Princeton University Press, 2008, p. 20. "Similarly controversial is the Babylonian Talmud's account of Jesus' death (to the extant that some Rabbinic experts do not think the reference is to the Jesus of the New Testament!)".
- OCLC 316164636.
While not accepting the full, radical approach of Maier, I think we can agree with him on one basic point: in the earliest rabbinic sources, there is no clear or even probable reference to Jesus of Nazareth. Furthermore, I favor the view that, when we do finally find such references in later rabbinic literature, they are most probably reactions to Christian claims, oral or written.
- ^ OCLC 44965639.
It is well known that when R. Yehiel of Paris was confronted in 1240 with the argument that the Talmud should be banned partly because of blasphemies against Jesus, he maintained that the Jesus of the Talmud and the Jesus of the Christians are two different people.…Whatever one thinks of the sincerity of the multiple Jesus theory, R. Yehiel found a way to neutralize some dangerous rabbinic statements, and yet the essential Ashkenazic evaluation of Jesus remains even in the text of this disputation.…In the fourteenth century, Moses ha-Kohen de Tordesillas made much stronger use of the theory of two Jesuses in defending Judaism and the Talmud against renewed attack.
- ^ Kister, Menahem (1991). Allegorical Interpretations of Biblical Narratives in Rabbinic Literature, Philo and Origen: Some Case Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2020.
- ^ OCLC 38590348.
- ^ Tosafot HaRosh (Sotah 47a)
- ISBN 978-0-8028-4368-5. p. 124. "This is likely an inference from the Talmud and other Jewish usage, where Jesus is called Yeshu, and other Jews with the same name are called by the fuller name Yehoshua, "Joshua""
- ^ Meier (1991), p. 98.
- ^ Johann Maier, Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Uberlieferung (Ertrage der Forschung 82; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1978)
- ^ Bauckham (2008), p. [page needed].
- ^ Foote, George W.; Wheeler, J.M., eds. (1885). The Jewish Life of Christ: Being the Sepher Toldoth Jeshu. London: Progressive Publishing Company. Retrieved August 3, 2011.
- ^ David M. Neuhaus, 'How Israeli Jews' Fear of Christianity Turned Into Hatred,' Haaretz 6 February:'The religious public in Israel is in many cases aware of the traditional interpretation of the term “Yeshu”: an acronym in Hebrew for “may his name and memory be blotted out.” .'
- ^ Hebrew punctuation guidelines, § 31, Academy of the Hebrew Language Archived October 15, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Sanhedrin 107b:12
- ^ Edman, L. (1857). Sefer Toledot Yeshu: sive Liber de ortu et origine Jesu ex editione wagenseiliana transcriptus et explicatus [Sefer Toledot Yeshu: or The Book of the rising and origin of Jesus from the Wagenseiliana edition: Transcription and Explanation] (Original copy from Harvard Divinity School) (in Hebrew and Latin). C. A. Leffler. p. 8. Retrieved August 2, 2011.
- .
- ^ a b c Kjær-Hansen, Kai (March 23, 1992). An Introduction to the Names Yehoshua/Joshua, Yeshua, Jesus and Yeshu. Ninth North American Coordinating Committee Meeting of the Lausanne Consultation on Jewish Evangelism. Jews for Jesus.
- Jewish Encyclopedia. Funk & Wagnalls. Retrieved August 2, 2011.
- ^ Origin of the Name Jesus Christ in The Catholic Encyclopedia
- ^ A. Neubauer, Jewish Controversy and the Pugio Fidei, in The Expositor, no. 7, 1888, p. 24)
- ^ Hugh J. Schonfield, The History of Jewish Christianity, From the First to the Twentieth Century London, Duckworth, 1936
- ^ J. Jeremias, Neutestamentliche Theologie, Gütersloh, 1973, vol. I, p. 13
- ^ E.Y. Kutscher, Studies in Galilean Aramaic, Ramat-Gan, 1976 pp. ??
- ^ "Remote linking forbidden" (JPG). Retrieved 2023-09-01.
- ^ OCLC 70823336.
- ^ a b c d Rubenstein, Jeffrey (2002). Rabbinic Stories. The Classics of Western Spirituality. New York: The Paulist Press.[page needed]
- ISBN 978-0-521-67232-0.
- ^ .
- ^ Marcello Craveri, La vita di Gesù, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1966
- ^ Hugh Joseph Schonfield, According to the Hebrews, Duckworth, 1937
- ^ Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887–1895
- ^ Robert Eisler, Alexander Haggerty Krappe, trans., The Messiah Jesus and John the Baptist according to Flavius Josephus' recently rediscovered 'Capture of Jerusalem' and other Jewish and Christian sources, The Dial Press, 1931
- LCCN 25017357.
- ^ William David Davies, Dale C. Allison, A critical and exegetical commentary on the gospel according to Saint Matthew, Continuum International Publishing Group, 1997
- ^ David Flusser, The Josippon (Josephus Gorionides), The Bialik Institute, Jerusalem, 1978
- ^ "Gittin 57a:3-4". www.sefaria.org.
- ^ G. Cohen, A critical Edition with a Translation and Notes of the Book of Tradition (Sefer haKabbalah) by Abraham Ibn Daud
- ^ Simon Cohen, Isaac Landman ed. The Universal Jewish encyclopedia: an authoritative and popular presentation of Jews and Judaism since the earliest times, The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia inc., 1941, article Censorship
- ^ Jehiel Heilprin, Seder ha-dorot, ed. Leṿin-Epshṭein ṿe-M. Ḳalinberg, 1867
- ^ Steinsaltz, Adin. The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition. Random House, 1989
- ^ Steinsaltz The essential Talmud - Page 105 2006 "Wherever the Talmud makes derogatory reference to Jesus or to Christianity in general, the comment was completely erased, and the name of Christ was systematically removed, even when the reference was not negative."
- ^ Gerald Massey, The Historical Jesus and Mythical Christ, Star Publishing Company, Springfield, Massachusetts, 1886
- ^ G. R. S. Mead, Did Jesus Live 100 B.C.?, Theosophical Publishing Society, London, 1903
- ^ Avraham Korman, Zeramim VeKitot Bayahdut, Tel Aviv, 1927
- ^ Alvar Ellegård, Jesus – One Hundred Years Before Christ: A Study In Creative Mythology, London, 1999
- Jewish Encyclopedia. Funk & Wagnalls. Retrieved August 2, 2011.
The Jewish legends in regard to Jesus are found in three sources, each independent of the others—(1) in New Testament apocrypha and Christian polemical works, (2) in the Talmud and the Midrash, and (3) in the life of Jesus ("Toledot Yeshu'") that originated in the Middle Ages.…The references to Yannai, Salome Alexandra, and Joshua b. Peraḥyah indicate that according to the Jewish legends the advent of Jesus took place just one century before the actual historical date; and some medieval apologists for Judaism, as Naḥmanides and Salman Ẓebi, based on this fact their assertion that the "Yeshu'" mentioned in the Talmud was not identical with Jesus; this, however, is merely a subterfuge.
- ^ Encyclopaedia Judaica CD-ROM Edition 1.0 1997, article Jesus
- ^ Herford (1903), pp. 37–38.
- OCLC 41925527. Retrieved August 14, 2011.
More to my point, however, the fact that the Talmud, in what seems clearly to be a late tradition, still reports on the founding of Christianity in this particular thematological vein connotes that in their eyes, Christianity was still seen structurally as a Jewish heresy indeed as a deviant Judaism, just as in the narrative of Mar Saba, Christianity is seen as only a true form of Judaism. Close reading of some rabbinic texts will suggest that a couple of centuries earlier, the boundaries on the ground were drawn even less firmly, for all the desire of the "official" text to obscure this ambiguity.
- ^ Boyarin, Daniel (1999). Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.[page needed]
- ^ Hyam Maccoby (ed.). Judaism on Trial. Littman Library of Jewish Civilisation.[full citation needed]
- ^ Dennis McKinsey (2000). Biblical Errancy, A Reference Guide. Prometheus Books.
- ^ Frank R. Zindler (2003). The Jesus the Jews Never Knew: Sepher Toldoth Yeshu and the Quest of the Historical Jesus in Jewish Sources. American Atheist Press.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-02-866097-4.
- ^ Morris Goldstein, Jesus in the Jewish Tradition, Macmillan, 1950
- OCLC 729079.
- ^ OCLC 156832186.
- ^ Ada Yardeni Textbook of Aramaic, Hebrew and Nabataean documentary texts 2000 "(Rahmani 9) Yeshua son of Yehosef"
- E. L. Sukenikof the Hebrew University in 1931 (but purchased by the Palestine Archaeological Museum in 1926), is twice inscribed – once simply Yeshu (Jesus) and then Yeshua bar Yehosef."
- ^ ʻAtiqot: 29-30 Israel. Rashut ha-ʻatiḳot (1996). "The name yeshua (Yeshua = Jesus), a derivative of Yehoshua (Joshua), has been found on five ossuaries in the Israel State Collections, yeshu (Yeshu) on one, yehoshua (Yehoshua) on one (Rahmani 1994:293-295)."
- OCLC 24082669.
- ^ Ginzberg, L., ed. (1909). Yerushalmi Fragments from the Genizah. New York.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)[full citation needed] - ^ "אגודת אהלי צדיקים". 10 May 2020.
Further reading
- Steven Bayme, Understanding Jewish History (KTAV), 1997
- Daniel Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999
- Robert Goldenberg, The Nations Know Ye Not: Ancient Jewish Attitudes towards Other Religions New York: New York University Press 1998
- Mark Hirshman, A Rivalry of Genius: Jewish and Christian Biblical Interpretation in Late Antiquity trans. Baya Stein. Albany: SUNY PRess 1996
- Joseph Klausner, Jesus of Nazareth (Beacon Books), 1964
- Thierry Murcia, Jésus dans le Talmud et la littérature rabbinique ancienne, Turnhout (Brepols), 2014
- Jacob Neusner, Judaism in the Matrix of Christianity Philadelphia: Fortress Press 1986
- Jeffrey Rubenstein Rabbinic Stories (The Classics of Western Spirituality) New York: The Paulist Press, 2002
- R. Travers Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash (KTAV), 1975
- Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007
- Dennis McKinsey, Biblical Errancy, A Reference Guide, Prometheus Books, (2000)
- Frank R. Zindler, The Jesus the Jews Never Knew: Sepher Toldoth Yeshu and the Quest of the Historical Jesus in Jewish Sources, American Atheist Press, 2003
External links
- The Sepher Toldoth Yeshu and its Links to the Gospel Jesus
- (Refutations about) Jesus in the Talmud by Gil Student
- The (alleged) Jesus Narrative In The Talmud by Gil Student
- Did Jesus of Nazareth Exist? (The Talmud) by Dennis McKinsey
- Toldoth Yeshu One version of the Toledot Yeshu commonly dated to approximately the 6th century.
- Did Jesus Live 100 B.C.? By G. R. S. Mead, a classic work dedicated to this topic
- Jesus' Death Now Debated by Jews Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine by Eric J. Greenberg, The Jewish Week, USA, October 3, 2003