Yup'ik
Total population | |
---|---|
34,000 (2010 U.S. Census) | |
Regions with significant populations | |
United States ( Aleut |
The Yupʼik or Yupiaq (sg & pl) and Yupiit or Yupiat (pl), also Central Alaskan Yupʼik, Central Yupʼik, Alaskan Yupʼik (
The Yupiit are the most numerous of the various
Yupʼik, Cupʼik, and Cupʼig speakers can converse without difficulty, and the regional population is often described using the larger term of Yupʼik. They are one of the four Yupik peoples of Alaska and Siberia, closely related to the Sugpiaq ~ Alutiiq (Pacific Yupik) of south-central Alaska, the Siberian Yupik of St. Lawrence Island and Russian Far East, and the Naukan of Russian Far East.
The Yupʼik combine a contemporary and a traditional subsistence lifestyle in a blend unique to the Southwest Alaska. Today, the Yupʼik generally work and live in western style but still hunt and fish in traditional subsistence ways and gather traditional foods. Most Yupʼik people still speak the native language and bilingual education has been in force since the 1970s.
The neighbours of the Yupʼik are the
Naming
Originally, the singular form Yupʼik was used in the northern area (Norton Sound, Yukon, some Nelson Island) while the form Yupiaq was used in the southern area (Kuskokwim, Canineq [around Kwigillingok, Kipnuk, Kongiganak, and Chefornak], Bristol Bay). Certain places (Chevak, Nunivak, Egegik) have other forms: Cup'ik, Cup'ig, and Tarupiaq.
The form Yupʼik is now used as a common term (though not replacing Cup'ik and Cup'ig).[5] Yupʼik comes from the Yupʼik word yuk, meaning 'person', plus the postbase -pik (or -piaq), meaning 'real' or 'genuine'; thus, Yupʼik literally means 'real person'.[6] The ethnographic literature sometimes refers to the Yupʼik people or their language as Yuk or Yuit. In the Hooper Bay-Chevak and Nunivak dialects of Yupʼik, both the language and the people are given the name Cup'ik.[2]
The use of an apostrophe in the name Yupʼik, compared to Siberian Yupik, exemplifies Central Yupʼik orthography: "The apostrophe represents gemination [or lengthening] of the 'p' sound."[7]
Dialect | Singular | Dual | Plural | Singular | Dual | Plural |
Norton Sound (Unaliq-Pastuliq) | yuk | yuuk | yuut (< yuuget) ~ yug'et | Yupʼik | Yupiik | Yupiit |
General Central Yupʼik (Yugtun) | yuk | yuuk | yuut (< yuuget) ~ yug'et | Yupiaq | Yupiak | Yupiat |
Chevak (Cugtun) | cuk | cuugek | cuuget | Cup'ik | Cupiik | Cupiit |
Nunivak (Cugtun) | cug | cuug | cuuget | Cup'ig | Cupiig | Cupiit |
Egegik | taru ~ taruq | Tarupiaq | Tarupiak | Tarupiat |
The following are names given to them by their neighbors.
- Alutiiq ~ Sugpiaq: Pamana'rmiu'aq (Northern Kodiak), Pamanirmiuq (Southern Kodiak)
- Deg Xinag Athabaskan: Dodz xit'an [lit. 'downriver people'], Novogh xit'an [lit. 'coast people']
- Holikachuk Athabaskan: Namagh hit'an [lit. 'coast people']
- Iñupiaq: Uqayuiḷat
- Koyukon Athabaskan: Nobaagha hut'aankkaa [lit. 'coast people']
- Dena'ina Athabaskan: Dutna, Naghelghazhna
- Upper Kuskokwim Athabaskan: sg. Dodina, pl. Dodinayu
History
Origins
The common ancestors of the Yupik and the
By about 3,000 years ago the progenitors of the Yupiit had settled along the coastal areas of what would become western Alaska, with migrations up the coastal rivers—notably the Yukon and Kuskokwim—around 1400 C.E., eventually reaching as far upriver as Paimiut on the Yukon and Crow Village (Tulukarugmiut) on the Kuskokwim.[6]
Before a Russian colonial presence emerged in the area, the Aleut and Yupik spent most of their time sea-hunting animals such as seals, walruses, and sea lions. They used mainly wood, stone, or bone weapons and had limited experience fishing. Families lived together in large groups during the winter and split up into smaller huts during the summer.[11]
Russian colonization
The
After the Bering expedition in 1741, Russians raced to explore the Aleutian Islands and gain control of its resources. The Indigenous peoples were forced to pay taxes in the form of beaver and seal fur and opted to do so rather than fight the ever-growing stream of Russian hunters.[12]
The Russian period, lasting roughly 120 years, can be divided into three 40-year periods: 1745 to 1785, 1785 to 1825, and 1825 to 1865.[14]
The first phase of the Russian period (1745 to 1785) affected only the
During the second phase of the Russian period (1785 to 1825), the
During the last phase of the Russian period (1825 to 1865), the Alaska Natives began to suffer the effects of introduced infectious diseases, to which they had no acquired immunity. In addition, their societies were disrupted by increasing reliance on European trade goods from the permanent Russian
United States colonization
The United States purchased Alaska from the Russian Empire on March 30, 1867. Originally organized as the Department of Alaska (1867–1884), the area was renamed as the District of Alaska (1884–1912) and the Territory of Alaska (1912–1959) before it was admitted to the Union as the State of Alaska (1959–present).[15]
During the Early American Period (1867–1939), the federal government generally neglected the territory, other than using positions in territorial government for political patronage. There was an effort to
The economy of the islands also took a hit under American ownership. Hutchinson, Cool & Co., an American trading company, took advantage of its position as the only trader in the area and charged the natives as much as possible for its goods. The combination of high costs and low hunting and fishing productivity persisted until the Russo-Japanese war cut off contact with Russia.[11]
The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) was signed into law on December 18, 1971. The ANCSA is central to both Alaska's history and current Alaska Native economies and political structures.[17]
Historiography
Before European contact (until the 1800s), the history of the Yupʼik, like that of other Alaska Natives, was oral tradition. Each society or village had storytellers (qulirarta) who were known for their memories, and those were the people who told the young about the group's history. Their stories (traditional legends qulirat and historical narratives qanemcit) express crucial parts of Alaska's earliest history.
The historiography of the Yupʼik ethnohistory, as a part of Eskimology, is slowly emerging. The first academic studies of the Yupʼik tended to generalize all "Eskimo" cultures as homogeneous and changeless.[18]
While the personal experiences of non-natives who visited the Indigenous people of what is now called Alaska formed the basis of early research, by the mid-20th century archaeological excavations in southwestern Alaska allowed scholars to study the effects of foreign trade goods on 19th-century Eskimo material culture.
The first academic cultural studies of southwestern Alaskan Indigenous people were developed only in the late 1940s. This was due in part to a dearth of English-language documentation, as well as competition in the field of other subject areas.
The historiography of western Alaska has few Yupʼik scholars contributing writings.
Yuuyaraq
Yuuyaraq or Way of life (yuuyaraq sg yuuyarat pl in Yupʼik, cuuyaraq in Cupʼik, cuuyarar in Cupig) is the term for the Yupʼik way of life as a human being. The expression encompasses interactions with others, subsistence or traditional knowledge, environmental or traditional ecological knowledge, and understanding, indigenous psychology, and spiritual balance.[20]
Yuuyaraq defined the correct way of thinking and speaking about all living things, especially the great sea and land mammals on which the Yupʼik relied for food,
Elders
An
Tegganeq is derived from the Yupʼik word tegge- meaning "to be hard; to be tough".[5] Yupʼik discipline is different from Western discipline. The discipline and authority within Yupʼik child-rearing practices have at their core respect for the children.[22]
More recently, elders have been invited to attend and present at national conferences and workshops.[22] Elders-in-residence is a program that involves elders in teaching and curriculum development in a formal educational setting (oftentimes a university), and is intended to influence the content of courses and the way the material is taught.[24]
Society
Kinship
The Yupʼik
Community
The Yupʼik created larger
Leadership
Formerly, social status was attained by successful hunters who could provide food and skins. Successful hunters were recognized as leaders by members of the social group.[27] Although there were no formally recognized leaders, informal leadership was practiced by or in the men who held the title Nukalpiaq ("man in his prime; successful hunter and good provider"). The nukalpiaq, or good provider, was a man of considerable importance in village life. This man was consulted in any affair of importance affecting the village in general, particularly in determining participation in the Kevgiq and Itruka'ar ceremonies.[26] He was said to be a major contributor to those ceremonies and provider to orphans and widows.[26]
The position of the nukalpiaq was not, however, comparable to that of the umialik (whaling captain) of northern and northwestern Alaska
Residence
Traditionally, in the winter the Yupʼik lived in semi-permanent subterranean houses, with some for the men and others for the women (with their children). The Yupʼik men lived together in a larger communal house (qasgiq), while women and children lived in smaller, different sod houses (ena). Although the men and women lived separately, they had many interactions. Depending on the village, qasgiq and ena were connected by a tunnel. Both qasgiq and ena also served as schools and workshops for young boys and girls. Among the Akulmiut, the residential pattern of separate houses for women and children and a single residence for men and boys persisted until about 1930.[26]
The women's house or Ena ([e]na sg nek dual net pl in Yupʼik, ena sg enet pl in Cup'ik, ena in Cup'ig) was an individual or semi-communal smaller sod house. They looked similar in construction to the qasgiqs but were only about half the size. Women and children lived in houses that served as residences for two to five women and their children. Raising children was the women's responsibility until young boys left the home to join other males in the qasgiq to learn discipline and how to make a living.[26] The ena also served as a school and workshop for young girls, where they could learn the art and craft of skin sewing, food preparation, and other important survival skills.
Men's house or
The qasgiq served as a school and workshop for young boys, where they could learn the art and craft of
In primary villages, all ceremonies (and
The Yupʼik Eskimo did not live in
Regional groups
Among the Yupʼik of southwestern Alaska, societies (regional or socio-territorial groups), like those of the Iñupiat of northwestern Alaska, were differentiated by territory, speech patterns, clothing details, annual cycles, and ceremonial life.[26]
Prior to and during the mid-19th century, the time of Russian exploration and presence in the area, the Yupiit were organized into at least twelve, and perhaps as many as twenty, territorially distinct regional or socio-territorial groups (their native names will generally be found ending in -miut postbase which signifies "inhabitants of ..." tied together by kinship[29][30]—hence the Yupʼik word tungelquqellriit, meaning "those who share ancestors (are related)".[30] These groups included:
- Unalirmiut (Unaligmiut), inhabiting the Norton Sound area.[31][32][33] The name derives from the Yupʼik word Unaliq, denoting a Yupʼik from the Norton Sound area, especially the north shore villages of Elim and Golovin and the south shore villages of Unalakleet and St. Michael. Unalirmiut were speakers of the Norton Sound Unaliq subdialect of Yupʼik.[34]
- Pastulirmiut, inhabiting the mouth of the Yukon River.[31] The name derives from Pastuliq, the name of an abandoned village of southern Norton Sound near the present-day village of Kotlik at one of the mouths of the Yukon River. The village name comes from the root paste- meaning to become set in a position (for instance, a tree bent by the wind).[34] Pastulirmiut were speakers of the Norton Sound Kotlik subdialect of Yupʼik, and are also called pisalriit (sing. pisalria) denoting their use of this subdialect in which s is used in many words where other speakers of Yupʼik use y.[34]
- Kuigpagmiut (Ikogmiut), inhabiting the Lower Yukon River.[31][33] The name derives from Kuigpak, meaning "big river", the Yupʼik name for the Yukon River.[34]
- Marayarmiut (Mararmiut, Maarmiut, Magemiut), inhabiting the Scammon Bay area.[31][32][33] The name derives from Marayaaq, the Yupʼik name for Scammon Bay, which in turn derives from maraq, meaning "marshy, muddy lowland". Mararmiut, deriving from the same word, denotes flatland dwellers in general living between the mouth of the Yukon and Nelson Island.[34]
- Askinarmiut, inhabiting the area of the present-day villages of Hooper Bay and Chevak.[31] Askinarmiut is an old name for the village of Hooper Bay. (DCED).
- Qaluyaarmiut (Kaialigamiut, Kayaligmiut), inhabiting Nelson Island.[31][32][33] The name derives from Qaluyaaq, the Yupʼik name for Nelson Island, which derives in turn from qalu, meaning "dipnet".[34] In the Qaluuyaaq, there are three villages. Those villages are Toksook bay, Nightmute, and Tununak.
- Akulmiut, inhabiting the tundra or "Big Lake" area north of the Kuskokwim River.[31][32] The name denotes people living on the tundra—as opposed to those living along the coastline or major rivers—such as in the present-day villages of Nunapitchuk, Kasigluk, or Atmautluak.[26] The name derives from akula meaning "midsection", "area between", or "tundra".[34]
- Caninermiut, inhabiting the lower Bering Sea coast on either side of
- Nunivaarmiut (Nuniwarmiut, Nuniwagamiut), inhabiting Nunivak dialect of Yupʼik (that is, in Cup'ig), the island's name is Nuniwar and the people are called Nuniwarmiut.[35]
- Kusquqvagmiut (Kuskowagamiut), inhabiting the Lower and middle Kuskokwim River.[31][32][33][36] The name derives from Kusquqvak, the Yupʼik name for the Kuskokwim River, possibly meaning "a big thing (river) with a small flow".[34] The Kusquqvagmiut can be further divided into two groups:
- Unegkumiut, inhabiting the Lower Kuskokwim below hence, "downriver people".
- Kiatagmiut, inhabiting inland regions in the upper drainages of the Kuskowkim, Nushagak, Wood, and Kvichak river drainages.[31][32][33][36] The word derives probably from kiani, meaning "inside" or "upriver";[34] hence, "upriver people". The Kiatagmiut lived inland along the Kuskokwim River drainage from the present location of Bethel to present-day Crow Village and the vicinity of the 19th-century Russian outpost Kolmakovskii Redoubt. By the mid-19th century, many Kiatagmiut had migrated to the drainage of the Nushagak River.[38]
- Tuyuryarmiut (Togiagamiut), inhabiting the Togiak River area.[32][33][36] The word derives from Tuyuryaq, the Yupʼik name for the village of Togiak.[34]
- Aglurmiut (Aglegmiut), inhabiting the Bristol Bay area along the Lower Nushagak River and the northern Alaska Peninsula.[31][32][33][36] The word derives from agluq, meaning "ridgepole" or "center beam of a structure".[34]
While Yupiit were nomadic, the abundant fish and game of the Y-K Delta and Bering Sea coastal areas permitted for a more settled life than for many of the more northerly
Economy
Hunting-gathering
The homeland of Yupʼik is the
Before European contact, the Yupʼik, like other neighboring Indigenous groups, were
On the coast, in the past as in the present, to discuss hunting was to begin to define a man. In Yupʼik, the word anqun (man) comes from the root angu- (to catch after chasing; to catch something for food) and means, literally, a device for chasing.[14]
Northwest Alaska is one of the richest Pacific salmon areas in the world, with the world's largest commercial Alaska salmon fishery in Bristol Bay.
Resource | Jan | Feb | Mar | Apr | May | Jun | Jul | Aug | Sep | Oct | Nov | Dec |
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King salmon catching |
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Red salmon catching |
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Silver salmon catching |
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Dolly Varden catching |
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Whitefish catching | ||||||||||||
Smelt catching | ||||||||||||
Pike catching |
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other freshwater fish catching | ||||||||||||
Moose hunting | ||||||||||||
Caribou hunting | ||||||||||||
Brown bear hunting |
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Harbor seal hunting |
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Ringed seal hunting |
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Sea lion hunting |
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Porcupine hunting |
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Rabbit hunting |
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Beaver trapping |
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River otter trapping |
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Red fox trapping | ||||||||||||
Parky squirrel trapping |
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other furbearers trapping | ||||||||||||
Geese hunting |
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Ptarmigan hunting |
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Bird eggs gathering | ||||||||||||
Mussels gathering |
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Berry picking | ||||||||||||
Basket grass gathering |
Trade
In the
Transportation
Traditionally,
The
Kayak stanchions or kayak cockpit stanchions (ayapervik sg ayaperviik dual ayaperviit pl or ayaperyaraq sg ayaperyarat pl in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, ayaperwig in Cup'ig) are top piece centered at the side of the coaming and used as support as one climbs out of a kayak. They prevented the person from falling while getting in and out of the kayak. All kayaks had ayaperviik on them. This one has a woman's frowning face with a down-turned mouth carved on it. Perhaps the other side would have a man's smiling face carved on it.[47]
The umiak or open skin boat, large skin boat (angyaq sg angyak dual angyat pl in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, angyar in Cup'ig) is larger broad open skin-covered boat.
The
Culture
Yupʼik (as Yupʼik and Cup'ik) culture is one of five cultural groups of the Alaska Natives.[50]
The Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center is a non-profit cultural center of the Yupʼik culture centrally located in Bethel near the University of Alaska Fairbanks' Kuskokwim Campus and city offices. The mission of the center is to promote, preserve and develop the traditions of the Yupʼik through traditional and non-traditional art forms of the Alaska Native art, including arts and crafts, performance arts, education, and Yupʼik language. The center also supports local artists and entrepreneurs.[51]
Language and literature
Language
The Yupʼik speak four or five
Enabling Linguistic Diversity and Multilingualism Worldwide.
It is a single well-defined language (now called Yupʼik or Yupʼik and Cup'ik) a
Yupʼik groups | Population | Speakers | Nonspeakers |
---|---|---|---|
General Central Yupʼik | 13,702 | 9,622 | 9,080 |
Unaliq-Pastuliq | 752 | 508 | 244 |
Hooper Bay-Chevak | 1,037 | 959 | 78 |
Nunivak | 153 | 92 | 61 |
People and language | 1980 population / speakers & percent | 1992 population / speakers & percent | 1992 viability |
---|---|---|---|
Siberian Yupik | 1,000 / 1,050 95% | 1,000 / 1,050 95% | spoken by most or all adults as well as all or most children |
Central Yupʼik | 17,000 / 14,000 80% | 18,000 / 12,000 67% | spoken by most or all adults as well as all or most children & spoken by most adults but not by most children |
Inupiaq | 12,000 / 5,000 40% | 13,000 / 4,000 31% | spoken by most adults but not by most children & spoken only by elder people (mainly those above 50 years of age) |
Sugpiaq (Alutiiq) | 3,000 / 1,000 33% | 3,100 / 600 19% | spoken by most adults but not by most children & spoken only by elder people (mainly those above 50 years of age) |
Aleut (Unangan) | 2,200 / 700 35% | 2,100 / 400 19% | spoken by most adults but not by most children & spoken only by elder people (mainly those above 50 years of age) |
Education
Yupʼik was not a written language until the arrival of Europeans, the Russians, around the beginning of the 19th century.[7] Pre-contact knowledge transfer and learning among Yupʼik people traditionally was through oral culture, with no written history or transcribed language. Children were taught about subsistence practices, culture, and social systems through stories, legends, toys, and examples of behavior.[44]
The early schools for Alaska Natives were mostly church-run schools of the Russian Orthodox missions in Russian-controlled Alaska (1799–1867), and, after 1890, the Jesuits and Moravians, allowed the use of the Alaska Native languages in instruction in schools. However, in the 1880s, Presbyterian missionary Sheldon Jackson (1834–1909) began a policy of prohibiting Native languages in the mission schools he managed. When he became United States Commissioner of Education, he proposed a policy of prohibition of indigenous language use in all Alaskan schools. This policy came into full force in about 1910. From that time period until the passage of the Bilingual Education Act in 1968, children in Alaskan schools suffered severe treatment for speaking their Native languages in schools.[56][57]
17 Yupʼik villages had adopted local elementary bilingual programs by 1973. In the 1980s and 1990s, Yupʼik educators became increasingly networked across village spaces. Between the early 1990s and the run of the century, students in Yupʼik villages, like youth elsewhere became connected to the Internet and began to form a "Yupʼik Worldwide Web". Through Facebook and YouTube, youth are creating new participatory networks and multimodal competencies.[58]
- Lower Yukon School District (LYSD). English and Yupʼik bilingual education is done at these schools: Alakanuk, Emmonak, Hooper Bay, Ignatius Beans Memorial, Kotlik, Marshall, Pilot Station, Pitkas Point, Russian Mission, Scammon Bay, Sheldon Point.[59]
- Lower Kuskokwim School District (LKSD). English and Yupʼik (with Cup'ig at the Nunivak Island) bilingual education is done at these schools: Atmautluak, Akiuk-Kasigluk, Akula-Kasigluk, Ayaprun, BABS School, Bethel High School, Chefornak, EEK, Goodnews Bay, Gladys Jung, Kipnuk, Kongiganak, Kwethluk, Kwigillingok, M.E. School, Mekoryuk, Napakiak, Napaskiak, Newtok, Nightmute, Nunapitchuk, Oscarville, Platinum, Quinhagak, Toksook Bay, Tuntutuliak, Tununak, Pre-School. [60]
- Yupiit School District (YSD) English and Yupʼik (with Cup'ig at the Nunivak Island) bilingual education is done at these schools: Akiachak, Akiak, Tuluksak [61]
- Cup'ik bilingual education is done at this school.[62]
- Kuspuk School District. English and Yupʼik bilingual education is done at these schools: Lower Kalskag, Kalskag, Aniak, Chuathbaluk, Crooked creek, Red Devil, Sleetmute, Stony River.[63]
- Southwest Region School District (SWRSD). English and Yupʼik bilingual education are done at these schools: Aleknagik, Clarks Point, Ekwok, Koliganek, Manokotak, New Stuyahok, Togiak, Twin Hills [64][65]
Literature
Yupʼik
- Traditional Legends (quliraq sg qulirat pl in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, qulirer in Cup'ig) are traditional Yupʼik legends or mythical tales that have been transmitted from generation to generation and often have supernatural elements. These traditional stories that have been handed down by word of mouth and involve fictional, mythical, legendary, or historical characters, or animals taking on human characteristics, told for entertainment and edification. Yupʼik family legends (ilakellriit qulirait) are oral stories that have been handed down through the generations within a certain family.
- Historical Narratives (qanemciq sg qanemcit pl or qanemci, qalamciq, qalangssak in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, qanengssi, univkangssi in Cup'ig) are a personal and historical Yupʼik narratives that can be attributed to an individual author, even though he or she has been forgotten.
The stories that previous generations of Yupʼik heard in the
Art
The Yupʼik traditionally decorate almost all of their tools, even ones that perform smaller functions.
Clothing
The traditional
Mask
Yupʼik masks (kegginaquq and nepcetaq in Yupʼik, agayu in Cup'ig) are expressive shamanic ritual masks. One of their most popular forms of the Alaska Native art is masks. The masks vary enormously but are characterized by the great invention. They are typically made of wood and painted with few colors. The Yupʼik masks were carved by men or women but mainly were carved by men. They most often create masks for ceremonies but the masks are traditionally destroyed after being used. After Christian contact in the late 19th century, masked dancing was suppressed, and today it is not practiced as it was before in the Yupʼik villages.[71][72]
The National Museum of the American Indian, as a part of the Smithsonian Institution, provided photographs of Yupʼik ceremonial masks collected by Adams Hollis Twitchell, an explorer and trader who traveled Alaska during the Nome Gold Rush newly arrived in the Kuskokwim region, in Bethel in the early 1900s.[28]
Music and dance
Yupik Dance Festivals
Every year, the Yupiit of the Qaluuyaaq (Nelson Island) and the surrounding villages of Nelson Island gather up every weekend in each village. Each village hosts a Yupik dance festival which they call the festival Yurarpak (you-rawr-puk).
The qelutviaq is a one-string fiddle or lute played by the Yupʼik of Nelson Island.
Drums of Winter or Uksuum Cauyai: Drums of Winter (1977) is an ethnographic documentary on the culture of the Yupʼik people, focusing primarily on dance, music, and potlatch traditions in the community of Emmonak, Alaska.
Toys and games
An
Doll
Yupʼik dolls (yugaq, irniaruaq, sugaq, sugaruaq, suguaq in Yupʼik, cugaq, cugaruaq in Cup'ik, cuucunguar in Cup'ig) are dressed in traditional-style clothing, intended to protect the wearer from cold weather, and are often made from traditional materials obtained through food gathering. Play dolls from the Yupʼik area were made of driftwood, bone, or walrus ivory and measured from one to twelve inches in height or more.[78] Some human figurines were used by shamans. Dolls also mediated the transition between childhood and adulthood in the Yupʼik shamanism.
Cuisine
Yupʼik
Traditional Yupʼik
Elevated cache or raised log cache, also raised cache or log storehouse (qulvarvik sg qulvarviit pl [Yukon, Kuskokwim, Bristol Bay, NR, Lake Iliamna], qulrarvik [Egegik], neqivik [Hooper Bay-Chevak, Yukon, Nelson Island], enekvak [Hooper Bay-Chevak], mayurpik [Hooper Bay-Chevak], mayurrvik [Nelson Island], ellivik [Kuskokwim], elliwig [Nunivak]) is a bear cache-like safe food storage place designed to store food outdoors and prevent animals from accessing it. Elevated cache types include log or plank caches, open racks, platform caches, and tree caches. The high cabin-on-post cache was probably not an indigenous form among either Eskimos or Alaskan Athabaskans. Cabin-on-post caches are thought to have appeared in the 1870s. The cabin on-post form may thus have been introduced by early traders, miners, or missionaries, who would have brought with them memories of the domestic and storage structures constructed in their homelands.[79]
Fish
Alaska subsistence communities are noted to obtain up to 97% of the omega-3 fatty acids through a subsistence diet.[80]
Tepas, also called stink-heads, stink heads, stinky heads, are fermented fish head such as king and silver salmon heads, are a traditional food of the Yupʼik. A customary way of preparing them is to place fish heads and guts in a wooden barrel, cover it with burlap, and bury it in the ground for about a week. For a short while in modern times, plastic bags and buckets replaced the barrel. However this increased the risk of botulism, and the Yupʼik have reverted to fermenting fishheads directly in the ground.[81][82]
Mammals
Plants
The tundra provides berries for making jams, jellies, and a Yupʼik delicacy commonly called
The mousefood (ugnarat neqait) consists of the roots of various tundra plants which are cached by voles in burrows
Ceremonies
The dominant
(invitation).Religion
Shamanism
Historically and traditionally, Yupʼik and other all
, called as medicine man or medicine woman (angalkuq sg angalkuk dual angalkut pl or angalkuk sg angalkuuk dual angalkuut pl in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, angalku in Cup'ig) was the central figure of Yupʼik religious life and was the middle man between spirits and the humans. The role of the shaman is the primary leader, petitioner, and a trans-mediator between the human and non-human spiritual worlds in association with music, dance, and masks. The shaman's professional responsibility was to enact ancient forms of prayers to request the survival needs of the people. The powerful shaman is called a big shaman (angarvak).Yupʼik shamans directed the making of
Legendary animals, monsters, and half-humans: amikuk (sea monster said to resemble an octopus); amlliq (monster fish); arularaq (monster identified as "Bigfoot"); cirunelvialuk (sea creature); cissirpak (great worm; ingluilnguq creature that is only half a person); inglupgayuk (being with half a woman's face); irci, irciq (creature, half animal and half man); itqiirpak (big hand from the ocean); kun'uniq (sea creature with human features seen on pack ice); meriiq (creature that will suck the blood from one's big toe); miluquyuli (rock-throwing creature); muruayuli (creature that sinks into the ground as it walks); paalraayak (creature that moves underground); qamurralek (being with a dragging appendage); qununiq (person who lives in the sea); qupurruyuli (being with human female face who helps people at sea); quq'uyaq (polar bear); quugaarpak (mammoth-like creature that lives underground); tengempak (giant bird); tengmiarpak ("thunderbird"); tiissiq (caterpillar-like creature that leaves a scorched trail); tumarayuli (magical kayak); tunturyuaryuk (caribou-like creature); u͡gayaran (giant in Kuskokwim-area folklore); ulurrugnaq (sea monster said to devour whales); uligiayuli (ghost said to have a big blanket, which it wraps around children who are out too late at night playing hide-and-seek, it then takes them away); yuilriq (witch or ghost that walks in the air above the ground and has no liver; a large monster that lives in the mountains and eats people).[5]
Legendary humanoids: alirpak little person; cingssiik (little people having conical hats); ciuliaqatuk (ancestor identified with the raven); egacuayak (elf, dwarf); kelessiniayaaq (little people, said to be spirits of the dead); ircenrraq ("little person" or extraordinary person); tukriayuli (underground dweller that knocks on the earth's surface).[5]
Christianity
Yupi'k in western and southwestern Alaska have had a long Christian history, in part from Russian Orthodox, Catholic, and Moravian influence. The arrival of missionaries dramatically altered life along the Bering Sea coast.[28] Yupʼik beliefs and lifestyles have changed considerably since the arrival of Westerners during the 19th century.[84]
The first Native Americans to become Russian Orthodox were the Aleuts (Unangan) living in contact with Russian fur traders (promyshlennikis) in the mid 18th century. Saint Jacob (or Iakov) Netsvetov, a Russian-Alaskan creole (his father was Russian from Tobolsk, and his mother was an Aleut from Atka Island) who became a priest of the Orthodox Church, being the first Alaska Native Orthodox priest in Alaska, and continued the missionary work of St. Innocent among his and other Alaskan Native people. He moved to the Russian Mission (Iqugmiut) on the Yukon River in 1844 and served there until 1863. Netsvetov invented an alphabet and translated church materials and several Bible texts into Yupʼik and kept daily journals.[85][86]
The Russian Orthodox presence in Yupʼik territory was challenged in the late 1880s by Moravian and Catholic missions. Eventually, the Russian Orthodox missions in Alaska consolidated into a whole Diocese of Alaska, apart of the larger Orthodox Church in America which was formed from the original Russian Orthodox dioceses in North America.[87]
The Moravian Church is the oldest Protestant denomination in Alaska, and is organized into four provinces in North America: Northern, Southern, Alaska, and Labrador. The Moravian mission was first founded at Bethel, along the Kuskokwim River in 1885.[84] The mission and reindeer station Bethel (Mamterilleq literally "site of many caches") was first established by Moravian missionaries near or at the small Yupʼik village called Mumtrelega[89] (Mamterilleq literally "site of many caches") or Mumtreklogamute or Mumtrekhlagamute (Mamterillermiut literally "people of Mamterilleq"). In 1885, the Moravian Church established a mission in Bethel, under the leadership of the Kilbucks and John's friend and classmate William H. Weinland (1861–1930) and his wife with carpenter Hans Torgersen. John Henry Kilbuck (1861–1922) and his wife, Edith Margaret Romig (1865–1933), were Moravian missionaries in southwestern Alaska in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[90] John H. Kilbuck was the first Lenape to be ordained as a Moravian minister. They served the Yupʼik, used their language in the Moravian Church in their area, and supported the development of a writing system for Yupʼik. Joseph H. Romig (1872–1951) was a frontier physician and Moravian Church missionary and Edith Margaret's brother, who served as Mayor of Anchorage, Alaska, from 1937 to 1938. Although the resemblances between Yupʼik and Moravian ideology and action may have aided the initial presentation of Christianity, they also masked profound differences in expectation.[91]
The
During Christmas Yupʼiks give gifts commemorating the departed.[5]
Health
Food, clean water, and sanitation
Traditional subsistence foods, such as fish and marine mammals, and to a lesser extent shellfish, are the only significant direct dietary sources of two important types of the
Presently, two major problems for the growing population are water and sewage. Water from rivers and lakes is no longer potable as a result of pollution. Wells must be drilled and sewage lagoons built, but there are inherent problems as well. Chamber pots (qurrun in Yupʼik and Cup'ik, qerrun in Cup'ig) or honey buckets with waterless toilets are common in many rural villages in the state of Alaska, such as those in the Bethel area of the Yukon–Kuskokwim Delta. About one-fourth of Alaska's 86,000 Native residents live without running water and use plastic buckets, euphemistically called honey buckets, for toilets.[92]
Alcohol epidemic
When Alaska became a state in 1959, state laws took control of alcohol regulation from the federal government and Native communities. In 1981, however, the state legislature changed the alcohol laws to give residents broad powers, via a local option referendum, to regulate how alcohol comes into their communities. The 1986 statutes have remained in effect since that time, with only relatively minor amendments to formalize the
Since the 1960s there has been a dramatic rise in alcohol abuse, alcoholism, and associated violent behaviors, which have upset family and village life and resulted in physical and psychological injury, death, and imprisonment.
As of 2009, about 12% of the deaths among American Indians and Alaska Natives were
A 1995-97 study by the
Great Death
The Great Death
In the U.S., about 28% of the population suffered, and 500,000 to 675,000 died.
Modern tribal unions
Alaska Native tribal entities for the Yupʼik are recognized by the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs:
The
Community | Native tribal entities | Native Village Corporation | Native Regional Corporation |
---|---|---|---|
Akiachak (Akiacuaq) | Akiachak Native Community | Akiachak Limited | Calista Corporation |
Akiak (Akiaq) | Akiak Native Community | Kokarmiut Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Alakanuk (Alarneq) | Village of Alakanuk | Alakanuk Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Aleknagik (Alaqnaqiq) | Native Village of Aleknagik | Aleknagik Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Andreafsky (today: St. Mary's) | Yupiit of Andreafski | Nerklikmute Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Aniak (Anyaraq) | Village of Aniak | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Atmautluak (Atmaulluaq) | Village of Atmautluak | Atmauthluak Limited | Calista Corporation |
Bethel (Mamterilleq) | Orutsararmuit Native Village (aka Bethel) |
Bethel Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Bill Moores Slough (Konogkelyokamiut) | ? | Kongnigkilnomuit Yuita Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Chefornak (Cevv'arneq) | Village of Chefornak | Chefarnrmute Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Chevak (Cev'aq) | Chevak Native Village | Chevak Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Chuathbaluk (Curarpalek) | Native Village of Chuathbaluk (Russian Mission, Kuskokwim) | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Chuloonawick (? culunivik) | Chuloonawick Native Village | Chuloonawick Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Clarks Point (Saguyaq) |
Village of Clarks Point | Saguyak Inc. | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Crooked Creek (Qipcarpak) | Village of Crooked Creek | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Dillingham (Curyung) | Curyung Tribal Council (formerly the Native Village of Dillingham) | Choggiung Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Eek (Ekvicuaq) | EekNative Village of Eek | Iqfijouq Co | Calista Corporation |
Egegik (Igyagiiq) | Egegik Village | Becharof Corporation | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Ekuk | Native Village of Ekuk | Ekuk Native Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Ekwok (Iquaq) | Ekwok Village | Ekwok Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Elim (Neviarcaurluq) | Native Village of Elim | Elim Native Corporation | Bering Straits Native Corp. |
Emmonak (Imangaq) | Emmonak Village | Emmonak Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Golovin (Cingik) | Chinik Eskimo Community (Golovin) | Golovin Native Corporation | Cook Inlet Region, Incorporated |
Goodnews Bay (Mamterat) | Native Village of Goodnews Bay | Kiutsarak Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Hamilton (Nunapigglugaq) | Native Village of Hamilton | Nunapiglluraq Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Holy Cross (Ingirraller) | Holy Cross Village | Deloycheet Inc. | Doyon, Limited |
Hooper Bay (Naparyaarmiut) | Native Village of Hooper Bay | Sea Lion Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Igiugig (Igyaraq) | Igiugig Village | Igiugig Native Corporation | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Iliamna (Illiamna) | Village of Iliamna | Iliamna Native Corporation | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Kasigluk (Kassigluq) | Kaskigluk Traditional Elders Council (formerly the Native Village of Kasigluk) | Kasigluk Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Kipnuk (Qipnek) | Native Village of Kipnuk | Kugkaktilk Limited | Calista Corporation |
Kokhanok (Qarr'unaq) | Kokhanok Village | Kokhanok Native Corporation | Alaska Peninsula Corporation |
Koliganek (Qalirneq) | New Koliganek Village Council (formerly the Koliganek Village) | Koliganek Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Kongiganak (Kangirnaq) | Native Village of Kongiganak | Qemirtalek Coast Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Kotlik (Qerrulliik) | Village of Kotlik | Kotlik Yupik Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Kwethluk (Kuiggluk) | Organized Village of Kwethluk | Kwethluk Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Kwigillingok (Kuigilnguq) | Native Village of Kwigillingok | Kwik Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Levelock (Liivlek) | Levelock Village | Levelock Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Lower Kalskag (Qalqaq) | Village of Lower Kalskag | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
McGrath | McGrath Native Village | MTNT Limited | Doyon, Limited |
Manokotak (Manuquutaq) | Manokotak Village | Manokotak Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Marshall (Masserculleq) | Native Village of Marshall (aka Fortuna Ledge) | Maserculig Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Mekoryuk (Mikuryar) | Native Village of Mekoryuk | Nima Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Mountain Village (Asaacaryaraq) | Asa'carsarmiut Tribe (formerly the Native Village of Mountain Village) | Azachorok Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Nagamut | ? | Nagamut Limited | Calista Corporation |
Naknek (Nakniq) | Naknek Native Village | Paug-Vik Inc. Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Napaimute (Napamiut) | Native Village of Napaimute | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Napakiak (Naparyarraq) | Native Village of Napakiak | Napakiak Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Napaskiak (Napaskiaq) | Native Village of Napaskiak | Napaskiak Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Newhalen (Nuuriileng) | Newhalen Village | Newhalen Native Corporation | Alaska Peninsula Corporation |
New Stuyahok (Cetuyaraq) | New Stuyahok Village | Stuyahok Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Newtok (Niugtaq) | Newtok Village | Newtok Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Nightmute (Negtemiut) | Native Village of Nightmute | NGTA Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Nunam Iqua (Nunam Iqua) | Native Village of Nunam Iqua (formerly the Native Village of Sheldon's Point) | Swan Lake Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Nunapitchuk (Nunapicuar) | Native Village of Nunapitchuk | Nunapitchuk Limited | Calista Corporation |
Ohagamiut (Urr'agmiut) | Village of Ohogamiut | Ohog Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Oscarville (Kuiggayagaq) | Oscarville Traditional Village | Oscarville Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Paimiut | Native Village of Paimiut | Paimiut Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Pilot Station (Tuutalgaq) | Pilot Station Traditional Village | Pilot Station Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Pitkas Point (Negeqliim Painga) | Native Village of Pitka's Point | Pitkas Point Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Platinum (Arviiq) | Platinum Traditional Village | Arvig Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Portage Creek | Portage Creek Village (aka Ohgsenakale) | Ohgsenskale Corporation | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Quinhagak (Kuinerraq) | Native Village of Kwinhagak (aka Quinhagak) | Qanirtuuq Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Russian Mission (Iqugmiut) | Iqurmiut Traditional Council (formerly the Native Village of Russian Mission) | Russian Mission Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
St. Marys (Negeqliq) | Algaaciq Native Village (St. Mary's) | St. Marys Native Corporation | Calista Corporation |
St. Michael (Taciq) | Native Village of Saint Michael | St. Michael Native Corporation | Bering Straits Native Corp. |
Scammon Bay (Marayaarmiut) | Native Village of Scammon Bay | Askinuk Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Sleetmute (Cellitemiut) | Village of Sleetmute | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
South Naknek (Qinuyang) | South Naknek Village | Quinuyang Limited | Alaska Peninsula Corporation |
Stebbins (Tapraq) | Stebbins Community Association | Stebbins Native Corporation | Bering Straits Native Corp. |
Stony River | Village of Stony River | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Togiak (Tuyuryaq) | Traditional Village of Togiak | Togiak Natives Limited | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Toksook Bay (Nunakauyaq) | Nunakauyarmiut Tribe (formerly the Native Village of Toksook Bay) | Nunakauiak Yupik Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Tuluksak (Tuulkessaaq) | Tuluksak Native Community | Tulkisarmute Inc. | Calista Corporation |
Tuntutuliak (Tuntutuliaq) | Native Village of Tuntutuliak | Tuntutuliak Land Limited | Calista Corporation |
Tununak (Tununeq) | Native Village of Tununak | Tununrmiut Rinit Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Twin Hills (Ingricuar) | Twin Hills Village | Twin Hills Native Corporation | Bristol Bay Native Corporation |
Umkumiute | Umkumiute Native Village | Umkumiute Limited | Calista Corporation |
Upper Kalskag (Qalqaq) | Village of Kalskag | Kuskokwim Corporation | Calista Corporation |
Notable Central Alaskan Yupʼik people
- Rita Pitka Blumenstein (1936–2021), the first certified traditional doctor in Alaska
- musher, descended from the Yupʼik Eskimos and Athabaskan Indians
- Callan Chythlook-Sifsof (born 1989), a Yupʼik-Inupiaq snowboarder Olympian and the first Yupʼik Eskimo (Inuit) on the U.S. National Snowboard Team and Winter Olympic Team
- Crow Village Sam (1893–1974)
- Valerie Nurr'araaluk Davidson, Lieutenant Governor of Alaska
- Lyman Hoffman, a Democratic member of the Alaska Senate
- Emily Johnson (born 1976), an American dancer, writer, and choreographer of Yupʼik descent
- Oscar Kawagley (Angayuqaq) (born 1934), a Yupʼik anthropologist, teacher, and actor
- Marie Meade, a Yugtun language expert[111]
- Olga Michael (1916–1979), a priest's wife from Kwethluk village; Native Alaskan of Yupʼik origin.
- Peter Kaiser, first musher of Yupʼik descent to win the Iditarod[112]
- Walt Monegan (born 1951), the former Police Chief of Anchorage
- Byron Nicholai, viral musician
- U.S. House of Representatives
- Helper Neck) (c. 1860–1924), Moravian helper, author, translator, and inventor of a Yupʼik writing system[113]
Non-enrolled lineal descendants
- Bristol Palin, public speaker and reality television personality.[114]
- First Gentleman of Alaska, 2006–2009).[114]
See also
- Dear Lemon Lima, a family comedy feature film is about a 13-year-old half-Yupʼik girl navigating her way through her first heartbreak and the perils of prep school in Fairbanks, Alaska.
References
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{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) and "Keynote Speaker: Christopher (Chris) J. Kiana, M.B.A., MA-RD, Ph.D., candidate", WCSpeakers.com (accessed: December 01 2016). - OCLC 103303229.
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