Zanzibar Revolution
Zanzibar Revolution | |||||||
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Part of the Cold War | |||||||
Unguja and Pemba, the two main islands of Zanzibar | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Sultanate of Zanzibar | |||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
John Okello |
Sultan Jamshid bin Abdullah Muhammad Shamte Hamadi | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
600–800 men[1][2] | Zanzibar Police Force | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
At least 80 killed and 200 injured during revolution (the majority were Arabs)[3] | |||||||
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The Zanzibar Revolution (
Zanzibar was an ethnically diverse state consisting of a number of islands off the east coast of Tanganyika. It had become fully independent in 1963, with responsibility for its own defense and foreign affairs, as a result of Britain giving up its protectorate over it. In a series of parliamentary elections preceding this change, the Arab minority succeeded in retaining the hold on power it had inherited from Zanzibar's former existence as an overseas territory of Oman.
Frustrated by under-representation in Parliament, despite winning 54 percent of the vote in the
The Massacre of Arabs during the Zanzibar Revolution ensued, and the insurgents proceeded to loot Arab and South Asian–owned properties and businesses, and rape or murder Arab and Indian civilians on the island. The death toll is disputed, with estimates ranging from several hundred to 20,000. An estimated 10,000 people escaped from the island, with many fleeing to the UK. The moderate ASP leader Abeid Karume became the country's new president and head of state.
The new government's apparent communist ties concerned Western governments. As Zanzibar lay within the British sphere of influence, the British government drew up a number of intervention plans. However, the feared communist government never materialised. Because British and American citizens were successfully evacuated, the UK did not intervene in the island's unrest. The Eastern Bloc powers of East Germany and the Soviet Union, along with the anti-Soviet People's Republic of China, immediately recognised the new government and sent advisors.
Karume succeeded in negotiating a merger of Zanzibar with Tanganyika to form the new nation of Tanzania. Contemporary media assessed this merger as an attempt to prevent communist subversion of Zanzibar. The revolution ended more than 250 years of Arab dominance in Zanzibar. It is commemorated on the island each year with anniversary celebrations and a public holiday. The toll of victims in the massacres is generally not recognized.
Background
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The Zanzibar Archipelago, now part of the Southeast African republic of Tanzania, is a group of islands lying in the Indian Ocean off the coast of Tanganyika. It comprises the main southern island of Unguja (also known as Zanzibar), the smaller northern island of Pemba, and numerous surrounding islets. Merchants and traders regularly visited the islands from Persia, Arabia and India, beginning around the millennium. Some settled there, and Islam became influential in island culture among all ethnicities.
The
By 1964, the country was a
But the island's Arab inhabitants were the major landowners, and were generally wealthier than the Africans.[11] They enjoyed access to higher quality social services, such as health and education, than Africans. Apart from that, British authority considered Zanzibar as an Arab country and always held a position of supporting the Arab minority to stay in power.[12]
With the approach of the withdrawal of the British in the early 1960s, the major political parties organised largely along ethnic lines, with Arabs dominating the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) and Africans the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP).[9] The ZNP looked towards Egypt as its model, which caused some tensions with the British officials on the islands. For centuries Zanzibar had been dominated by its Arab ruling class, and the Colonial Office could not imagine a Zanzibar ruled by black Africans.[13]
In January 1961, as part of the process of British withdrawal from the islands, the island's authorities drew up
In 1963, with the number of parliamentary seats increased to 31,
This removed a large portion of the only security force on the island, and created an angry group of paramilitary-trained men with knowledge of police buildings, equipment and procedures.[17] The new Arab-dominated government made it clear that in foreign policy, the Sultanate of Zanzibar would be seeking close links with the Arab world, especially Egypt, and had no interest in forging relationships with the nations on the African mainland, as the black majority wished.[18]
Slavery in Zanzibar had been abolished in 1897, but much of the Arab elite who dominated the island's politics made little effort to hide their racist views of the black majority as their inferiors, a people fit only for slavery.[18] In Parliament, the Minister of Finance Juma Aley responded to questions from Karume by insultingly saying he need not answer questions from a mere "boatman".[19] Aley said in another speech in Parliament that if Arabs were over-represented in the Cabinet, it was not because of race, but rather it was because the mental abilities of blacks were so abysmally low and the mental abilities of Arabs like himself were so high, a remark that enraged the black majority.[19]
Memories of centuries of
On 10 December 1963, with the termination of the British protectorate, complete independence was achieved, with the ZNP/ZPPP coalition as the government. The government requested a defence agreement from the United Kingdom, asking for a battalion of British troops to be stationed on the island for internal security duties,
In 1959, a charismatic Ugandan named John Okello arrived in Pemba, working as a bricklayer. In February 1963 he moved to Zanzibar.[22] Working as an official in the Zanzibar and Pemba Paint Workers' Union and as an activist of the ASP, Okello had built a following and, almost from the moment when he arrived on Zanzibar, had been organizing a revolution that he planned to take place shortly after independence.[23]
Revolution
Around 3:00 am on 12 January 1964, 600–800 poorly armed, mainly African insurgents, aided by some of the recently dismissed ex-policemen, attacked Unguja's police stations to seize weapons, and then the radio station.[1][2] The attackers had no guns, being equipped only with spears, knives, machetes, and tire irons, but they had the advantage of numbers and surprise.[24] The Arab police replacements had received almost no training and, despite responding with a mobile force, were soon overcome.[1][25] Okello himself led the attack on the Ziwani police HQ, which also happened to be the largest armory on the island.[24] Several of the rebels were fatally shot, but the police were overwhelmed by sheer numbers.
Okello personally attacked a police sentry, wrestled his rifle from him, and used it to bayonet the policeman to death.
Within six hours of the outbreak of hostilities, the town's telegraph office and main government buildings were under revolutionary control, and the island's only airstrip was captured at 2:18 pm.[26][27] In the countryside, fighting had erupted between the Manga, as the rural Arabs were called, and the Africans.[29] The Manga were armed mainly with hunting rifles, and once the arms seized from the police stations reached the rebels in the countryside, the Manga were doomed.[29] In Stone Town, the fiercest resistance was at the Malindi police station, where under the command of Police Commissioner J. M. Sullivan (a British policeman who stayed on until a local replacement could be hired), all of the rebel attacks were repulsed, not least because the insurgents tended to retreat whenever they came under fire.[29] Sullivan did not surrender the Malindi station until late in the afternoon and only after running out of ammunition. He marched his entire force (not one policeman had been killed or wounded) down to the Stone Town wharf to board some boats that took them out to a ship, the Salama, to take them away from Zanzibar.[30]
Throughout Stone Town, rebels had looted and destroyed shops and homes owned by Arabs and South Asians, and gang-raped numerous Arab and South Asian women.[30] The Sultan, together with Prime Minister Muhammad Shamte Hamadi and members of the cabinet, fled the island on the royal yacht Seyyid Khalifa.[27][31] The revolutionary government seized the Sultan's palace and other property.[3] At least 80 people were killed and 200 injured, the majority of whom were Arabs, during the 12 hours of street fighting that followed.[3]
Sixty-one American citizens, including 16 men staffing a NASA satellite tracking station, sought sanctuary in the English Club in Zanzibar Town, and four US journalists were detained by the island's new government.[27][4]
Not knowing that Okello had given orders to kill no whites, the Americans living in Stone Town fled to the English Club, the point for evacuation.[32] Those travelling in the car convoy to the English Club were shocked to see the battered bodies of Arab men lying out on the streets of Stone Town with their severed penises and testicles shoved into their mouths.[33] As part of Okello's carefully laid out plans, all over the island, gangs of Africans armed with knives, spears and pangas (machetes) went about systematically killing all the Arabs and South Asians they could find.[34] The American diplomat Don Petterson described this horror as he watched from his house a gang of African men storm the house of an Arab, behead him in public with a panga, followed by screams from within his house as his wife and three children were raped and killed, followed by the same scene being repeated at the next house of an Arab, followed by yet another and another.[34] After taking control of Stone Town on the first day, the revolutionaries continued to fight the Manga for control of the countryside for at least two days afterwards; whole families of Arabs were massacred after their homes had been stormed.[35]
According to the official Zanzibari history, the revolution was planned and headed by the ASP leader Abeid Amani Karume.
Okello, in his capacity as the ASP youth branch secretary for Pemba, had sent Karume to the mainland to ensure his safety.
During the revolution, Africans committed an orgy of violence against the South Asian and Arab communities, including thousands of women being raped by Okello's followers, and extensive looting and massacres of Arabs all over the island.[30] The American diplomat Don Petterson described the killings of Arabs by the African majority as an act of genocide.[40] Petterson wrote "Genocide was not a term that was as much in vogue then, as it came to be later, but it is fair to say that in parts of Zanzibar, the killing of Arabs was genocide, pure and simple".[40]
Okello frequently took to the radio to urge his followers in thunderous Old Testament language to kill as many Arabs as possible, with the maximum of brutality.[41] As a Pan-African nationalist who made his followers sing "God Bless Africa" whenever he marched through the streets, Okello appealed to the black majority. But as a militant Christian who claimed to hear the voice of God in his head, Okello had lesser appeal to the island's population that was 95 per cent Muslim.[41]
Aftermath
A Revolutionary Council was established by the ASP and Umma parties to act as an interim government, with Karume heading the council as
By 3 February Zanzibar was finally returning to normality, and Karume had been widely accepted by the people as their president.[45] A police presence was back on the streets, looted shops were re-opening, and unlicensed arms were being surrendered by the civilian populace.[45] The revolutionary government announced that its political prisoners, numbering 500, would be tried by special courts. Okello formed the Freedom Military Force (FMF), a paramilitary unit made up of his supporters, which patrolled the streets and looted Arab property.[46][47] The behaviour of Okello's supporters, his violent rhetoric, Ugandan accent, and Christian beliefs were alienating many in the largely moderate Zanzibari and Muslim ASP.[48] By March many members of his FMF had been disarmed by Karume's supporters and the Umma Party militia.
On 11 March Okello was officially stripped of his rank of Field Marshal,[47][48][49] and was denied entry when trying to return to Zanzibar from a trip to the mainland. He was deported to Tanganyika and then to Kenya, before returning destitute to his native Uganda.[48]
In April the government formed the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and completed the disarmament of Okello's remaining FMF militia.[48] On 26 April Karume announced that a union had been negotiated with Tanganyika to form the new country of Tanzania.[50] The merger was seen by contemporary media as a means of preventing communist subversion of Zanzibar; at least one historian states that it may have been an attempt by Karume, a moderate socialist, to limit the influence of the radically left-wing Umma Party.[46][50][51] Babu had become close to Chinese diplomats who had arranged for several shipments of arms to be sent to Zanzibar to allow the Umma Party to have a paramilitary wing.[52]
Both Karume and President Nyerere of Tanganyika were concerned that Zanzibar was starting to become a hot-spot of Cold War tensions as American and British diplomats competed for influence with Soviet, Chinese and East German diplomats. They believed that a union with the non-aligned Tanganyika was the best way to remove Zanzibar from the world spotlight.[52] Many of the Umma Party's socialist policies on health, education and social welfare were adopted by the government.[43]
Foreign reaction
British military forces in Kenya were made aware of the revolution at 4:45 am on 12 January, and following a request from the Sultan were put on 15 minutes' standby to conduct an assault on Zanzibar's airfield.[1][53] However, the British High Commissioner in Zanzibar, Timothy Crosthwait, reported no instances of British nationals being attacked and advised against intervention. As a result, the British troops in Kenya were reduced to four hours' standby later that evening. Crosthwait decided not to approve an immediate evacuation of British citizens, as many held key government positions and their sudden removal would further disrupt the country's economy and government.[53]
Within hours of the revolution, the American ambassador had authorised the withdrawal of US citizens on the island, and a
Western intelligence agencies believed that the revolution had been organised by communists supplied with weapons by the
The deposed Sultan made an unsuccessful appeal to Kenya and Tanganyika for military assistance,[53] although Tanganyika sent 100 paramilitary police officers to Zanzibar to contain rioting.[1] Other than the Tanganyika Rifles (formerly the colonial King's African Rifles), the police were the only armed force in Tanganyika, and on 20 January the police absence led the entire Rifles regiment to mutiny.[1] Dissatisfied with their low pay rates and with the slow progress of the replacement of their British officers with Africans,[61] the soldiers' mutiny sparked similar uprisings in both Uganda and Kenya. However, order on the African mainland was rapidly restored without serious incident by the British Army and Royal Marines.[62]
The possible emergence of an African communist state remained a source of disquiet in the West. In February, the British Defence and Overseas Policy Committee said that, while British commercial interests in Zanzibar were "minute" and the revolution by itself was "not important", the possibility of intervention must be maintained.[63] The committee was concerned that Zanzibar could become a centre for the promotion of communism in Africa, much like Cuba had in the Americas.[63] Britain, most of the Commonwealth, and the US withheld recognition of the new regime until 23 February, by which time it had already been recognised by much of the communist bloc.[64] In Crosthwait's opinion, this contributed to Zanzibar aligning itself with the Soviet Union; Crosthwait and his staff were expelled from the country on 20 February and were only allowed to return once recognition had been agreed.[64]
British military response
Following the evacuation of its citizens on 13 January, the US government stated that it recognised that Zanzibar lay within Britain's sphere of influence, and would not intervene.[65] The US did, however, urge that Britain cooperate with other Southeast African countries to restore order.[65] The first British military vessel on the scene was the survey ship HMS Owen, which was diverted from the Kenyan coast and arrived on the evening of 12 January.[55] Owen was joined on 15 January by the frigate Rhyl and the Royal Fleet Auxiliary ship Hebe. While the lightly armed Owen had been able to provide the revolutionaries with an unobtrusive reminder of Britain's military power, the Hebe and Rhyl were different matters.[55] Due to inaccurate reports that the situation in Zanzibar was deteriorating, the Rhyl was carrying a company of troops of the first battalion of the Staffordshire Regiment from Kenya, the embarkation of which was widely reported in the Kenyan media, and would hinder British negotiations with Zanzibar.[55] The Hebe had just finished removing stores from the naval depot at Mombasa and was loaded with weapons and explosives. Although the Revolutionary Council was unaware of the nature of Hebe's cargo, the Royal Navy's refusal to allow a search of the ship created suspicion ashore and rumors circulated that she was an amphibious assault ship.[55]
A partial evacuation of British citizens was completed by 17 January,[66] when the army riots in Southeast Africa prompted Rhyl's diversion to Tanganyika so that the troops she was carrying could assist in quelling the mutiny. In replacement, a company of the Gordon Highlanders was loaded aboard Owen so an intervention could still be made if necessary.[67] The aircraft carriers Centaur and Victorious were also transferred to the region as part of Operation Parthenon.[64] Although never enacted, Parthenon was intended as a precaution should Okello or the Umma party radicals attempt to seize power from the more moderate ASP.[48] In addition to the two carriers, the plan involved three destroyers, Owen, 13 helicopters, 21 transport and reconnaissance aircraft, the second battalion of the Scots Guards, 45 Commando of the Royal Marines and one company of the second battalion of the Parachute Regiment. The island of Unguja, and its airport, were to be seized by parachute and helicopter assault, followed up by the occupation of Pemba. Parthenon would have been the largest British airborne and amphibious operation since the Suez Crisis.[48]
Following the revelation that the revolutionaries may have received communist bloc training, Operation Parthenon was replaced by Operation Boris. This called for a parachute assault on Unguja from Kenya, but was later abandoned due to poor security in Kenya and the Kenyan government's opposition to the use of its airfields.
With the merger of Tanganyika and Zanzibar on 23 April, there were concerns that the Umma Party would stage a coup; Operation Shed was designed to provide for intervention should this happen.
Legacy
One of the main results of the revolution in Zanzibar was to break the power of the Arab/Asian ruling class, who had held it for around 200 years.
The domestic government is led by the
The government sought help from the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), and People's Republic of China for funding for several projects and military advice.[73] The failure of several GDR-led projects including the New Zanzibar Project, a 1968 urban redevelopment scheme to provide new apartments for all Zanzibaris, led to Zanzibar focusing on Chinese aid.[76][77] The post-revolution Zanzibar government was accused of draconian controls on personal freedoms and travel, and exercised nepotism in appointments to political and industrial offices, with the new Tanzanian government being powerless to intervene.[78][79]
Dissatisfaction with the government came to a head with the assassination of Karume on 7 April 1972, which was followed by weeks of fighting between pro- and anti-government forces.
The revolution itself remains an event of interest for Zanzibaris and academics. Historians have analysed the revolution as having a racial and a social basis, with some stating that the African revolutionaries represent the proletariat rebelling against the ruling and trading classes, represented by the Arabs and South Asians.[83] Others discount this theory and present it as a racial revolution that was exacerbated by economic disparity between races.[84]
Within Zanzibar, the revolution is a key cultural event, marked by the release of 545 prisoners on its tenth anniversary and by a military parade on its 40th.[85] Zanzibar Revolution Day has been designated as a public holiday by the government of Tanzania; it is celebrated on 12 January each year.[86]
The
References
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- ^ a b c d Conley, Robert (14 January 1964). "Regime Banishes Sultan". The New York Times. p. 4. Archived from the original on 7 January 2020. Retrieved 16 November 2008..
- ^ a b c d Conley, Robert (19 January 1964). "Nationalism Is Viewed as Camouflage for Reds". The New York Times. p. 1. Archived from the original on 3 July 2019. Retrieved 16 November 2008..
- ^ a b Los Angeles Times (20 January 1964). "Slaughter in Zanzibar of Asians, Arabs Told". Los Angeles Times. p. 4. Archived from the original on 16 January 2009. Retrieved 16 April 2009.
- ^ Hernon 2003, p. 397.
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- ^ Petterson 2004, pp. 25–26.
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- ^ a b c Petterson 2004, p. 49.
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- ^ a b Speller 2007, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b c d Conley, Robert (13 January 1964). "African Revolt Overturns Arab Regime in Zanzibar". The New York Times. p. 1. Archived from the original on 5 April 2014. Retrieved 16 November 2008..
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General and cited references
- Bakari, Mohammed Ali (2001), The Democratisation Process in Zanzibar, GIGA-Hamburg, ISBN 978-3-928049-71-9, archivedfrom the original on 12 January 2023, retrieved 3 May 2021.
- Clayton, Anthony (1999), Frontiersmen: Warfare in Africa Since 1950, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 978-1-85728-525-3.
- Daly, Samuel Fury Childs (2009), Our Mother is Afro-Shirazi, Our Father Is the Revolution (PDF), New York: Columbia University, archived from the original (PDF) on 14 December 2011.
- Guevara, Ernesto (1968), Venceremos!:The speeches and writings of Ernesto Che Guevara, Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-297-76438-0, archivedfrom the original on 12 January 2023, retrieved 31 October 2015.
- Hernon, Ian (2003), Britain's Forgotten Wars: Colonial Campaigns of the 19th century, Stroud, Gloucestershire: ISBN 978-0-7509-3162-5.
- Ingrams, William H. (1967), Zanzibar: Its History and Its People, Abingdon: OCLC 186237036.
- Kalley, Jacqueline Audrey; Schoeman, Elna; Andor, Lydia Eve (1999), Southern African Political History, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-313-30247-3, archivedfrom the original on 12 January 2023, retrieved 3 May 2021.
- Kuper, Leo (1971), "Theories of Revolution and Race Relations", Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1): 87–107, S2CID 145769109.
- Lofchie, Michael F. (October–November 1967), "Was Okello's Revolution a Conspiracy?", Transition (33): 36–42, JSTOR 2934114.
- Myers, Garth A. (1994), "Making the Socialist City of Zanzibar", Geographical Review, 84 (4): 451–464, JSTOR 215759.
- Parsons, Timothy (2003), The 1964 Army Mutinies and the Making of Modern East Africa, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-325-07068-1, archivedfrom the original on 12 January 2023, retrieved 3 May 2021.
- Petterson, Don (22 September 2004), Revolution in Zanzibar: An American's Cold War Tale, New York: Basic Books, ISBN 9780813342689
- Plekhanov, Sergey (2004), A Reformer on the Throne: Sultan Qaboos Bin Said Al Said, Trident Press Ltd, ISBN 978-1-900724-70-8.
- Sheriff, Abdul; Ferguson, Ed (1991), Zanzibar Under Colonial Rule, James Currey Publishers, ISBN 978-0-85255-080-9.
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Further reading
- Fouéré, Marie-Aude, and William C. Bissell (eds) (2018). Social Memory, Silenced Voices, and Political Struggle: Remembering the Revolution in Zanzibar Archived 12 January 2023 at the ISBN 978-9987-08-317-6.
- Glassman, Jonathon (2011), War of Words, War of Stones: Racial Thought and Violence in Colonial Zanzibar, Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, ISBN 978-0-253-22280-0.
- Mwakikagile, Godfrey. The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Formation of Tanzania and Its Challenges, ISBN 978-9987160464.
- Mwakikagile, Godfrey. Why Tanganyika united with Zanzibar to form Tanzania, ISBN 978-9987-16-045-7.
- Mwakikagile, Godfrey. The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of the Cold War?, ISBN 978-0981425856.