Zoran Đinđić
This article needs additional citations for verification. (August 2021) |
Zoran Đinđić | |
---|---|
Зоран Ђинђић | |
Prime Minister of Serbia | |
In office 25 January 2001 – 12 March 2003 | |
President | Milan Milutinović Nataša Mićić (acting) |
Preceded by | Milomir Minić |
Succeeded by | Zoran Živković |
67th Mayor of Belgrade | |
In office 21 February 1997 – 30 September 1997 | |
Preceded by | Nebojša Čović |
Succeeded by | Vojislav Mihailović |
Personal details | |
Born | Bosanski Šamac, PR Bosnia and Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia | 1 August 1952
Died | 12 March 2003 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro | (aged 50)
Manner of death | Assassination |
Political party | DS (1990–2003) |
Spouse |
Ružica Đinđić (m. 1990) |
Children | Jovana Luka |
Alma mater | University of Belgrade University of Konstanz |
Signature | |
Website | zorandjindjic |
Zoran Đinđić (Serbian Cyrillic: Зоран Ђинђић, pronounced [zɔ̝̌ran d͡ʑîːnd͡ʑit͡ɕ] ⓘ; 1 August 1952 – 12 March 2003) was a Serbian politician and philosopher who served as the prime minister of Serbia from 2001 until his assassination in 2003. He was the mayor of Belgrade in 1997. Đinđić was a long-time opposition politician and held a doctorate in philosophy.
Đinđić was one of the
As Prime Minister, he advocated pro-democratic reforms and the integration of Serbia into European structures.[3] His government ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and implemented innovations in line with the Council of Europe recommendations, which led to the introduction of institutions for the protection of human rights and freedoms, as well as for Serbia and Montenegro to become a member state of the Council of Europe in 2003.[4] His government strongly advocated cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Following the arrest of Special Operations Unit (JSO) members and extradition to the ICTY, the JSO organized an armed mutiny in November 2001 in Belgrade.[5] Đinđić was assassinated in 2003 by Zvezdan Jovanović, a former JSO member operative with ties to the Zemun Clan.[6][7]
Early life and education
Đinđić was born in
After being convicted in 1974 by the communist authorities and through
. Later, while serving as Serbian prime minister, he also mastered English.Political career
In 1979, Đinđić returned to Yugoslavia to take a teaching post at the University of Novi Sad.[14] In the 1980s, he was a writer for the Literary Review, an influential Belgrade journal.[14] In Serbia in common with the other "submerged" nations of Eastern Europe that have all at one time or other been ruled by outsiders, the intelligentsia has a tremendous prestige as the bearers of the national culture, keeping alive a sense of national identity.
In an essay in the June 1988 edition of the Literary Review, Đinđić called for preserving the status quo established in 1974 with the Kosovo region to remain an autonomous province within the Socialist Republic of Serbia, declaring that if Kosovo were to lose its autonomy: "we will be able to declare with considerable certainty that in every future Serbian state Kosovo will be a permanent source of repression."[14] Đinđić's stance on the Kosovo question marked him as an opponent of Slobodan Milošević who starting in 1987 had campaigned to end Kosovo's autonomy. One intellectual, Drinka Gojković recalled in 1996: "You can't imagine how wonderful it was then to read his writing. While everyone was screaming, using shocking language to fan hatred, Zoran was writing these beautiful essays, arguing that nationalism was not the way".[14] On 28 June 1989, Milošević ended the autonomy of Kosovo, which caused much alarm in the other Yugoslav republics where it was feared that Milošević might do something similar.
On 11 December 1989 together with other Serb intellectuals and pro-democracy activists he
The new balance of power within DS led to an early party conference. At the party conference on 5 January 1994 in Belgrade, Đinđić became president, pushing out personal political mentor Mićunović who was forced into resigning as the local party branches turned against him. The (in)famous quip uttered at the conference by 41-year-old Đinđić about 63-year-old Mićunović was: "Mićunović's time has passed.... He's no Tina Turner who sings better now than when she was thirty".[15] In his embittered speech at the conference during which he resigned his post, Mićunović characterized the manner of Đinđić's takeover of DS as the "combination of Machiavellianism and revolutionary technique".[16] In this internal party showdown with Mićunović, Đinđić also benefited from some discreet support in the Milošević-controlled state-run media.[15] Though many DS members didn't like the way this transfer of power was executed, symbolically referring to it as "oceubistvo" (patricide).Đinđić managed to quickly move DS away from what he occasionally referred to in derisive terms as the "debate club" towards a modern and efficient organizational structure that functioned according to a business management model.[17] In February 1994, Đinđić visited Pale to meet with Radovan Karadžić, saying that he had gone to Bosnia to "express solidarity with the people of the Bosnian Serb republic."[14]
The following year, on 15 April 1995, regular party conference was held and Đinđić got re-elected as party president. Though a much better organized party under Đinđić, DS still experienced trouble formulating a clear stance on the national question. Đinđić's own actions perhaps made a good illustration of this seemingly confused standing on both sides of the issue. Đinđić basically refused to acknowledge the national question as a real issue, making not a single mention of the Serbs living in other parts of the former Yugoslavia in his book Yugoslavia as an Unfinished State. At the same time he maintained close links with
As the
Later that year Đinđić made a bold decision to boycott the
Đinđić and his party boycotted the
In this case,
After former secret policeman, anti-Milošević publisher and journalist
In September 1999, Đinđić was named by Time magazine as one of the most important politicians at the beginning of the 21st century. Upon his return to the country in July 1999, Đinđić was charged with endangering state security in a trial that was closed to the public and subsequently found out to be rigged.
A series of mysterious assassinations, including the shooting of Yugoslav Defence Minister
Đinđić played a prominent role in the
On 1 April 2001, former president Slobodan Milošević was arrested by Yugoslav authorities. Although no official charges were made, Milošević was suspected of
Đinđić played a key role in sending Milošević to the ICTY in The Hague.[21] The extradition caused political turmoil in Yugoslavia. President Koštunica denounced the extradition as illegal and unconstitutional, while a junior party in the Đinđić coalition government left in protest. Đinđić stated there would be negative consequences if the government did not cooperate. Additionally, the government argued that sending Milošević to the ICTY was not extradition as it is a UN institution and not a foreign country.[20] Following the extradition, Yugoslavia received approximately $1 billion dollars in financial aid.[22] Later, Đinđić said that he became disillusioned with the protracted trial of Milošević, qualifying it as a "circus".[23] Đinđić said the court in The Hague was "allowing Milošević to behave like a demagogue and to control the trial".
In August 2001, after meeting with Koštunica's cabinet, former Serbian State Security officer Momir Gavrilović was murdered. Koštunica claimed that Gavrilović was briefing his cabinet about connections of some members of Serbian government with organized crime. This caused Koštunica and his 45 DSS members of parliament to withdraw from DOS and the government. Đinđić attempted to expel the DSS members from parliament, referring to the existence of
Đinđić was received favorably by Western nations. His meetings with Western leaders George W. Bush, Tony Blair, Jacques Chirac and others strongly indicated that the West supported his politics. Đinđić had constant disagreements with his ex-coalition partner and then-Yugoslav federal president Vojislav Koštunica, who was his biggest political rival in Serbia itself. His earlier close relationship with the Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović had also cooled due to Đukanović's separatist aspirations for an independent Montenegro state.[citation needed]
Đinđić had also increased economic reforms while prime minister of Serbia. Such reforms include price liberalization and a reduction of the money supply with the goal of achieving macroeconomic stability. Small-scale privatization also occurred with regards to banking assets and the financial sector. Lastly, the government of Serbia eliminated many trade barriers with the goal of eventually integrating into the European Union. The early economic reforms under the Koštunica-Đinđić government had been maintained after his assassination allowing the economy to increase substantially prior to the global economic crisis of 2008. However, unemployment still remained very high, and the pace and quantity of reforms did not return Serbia to the same living standards it had prior to 1990.[25]
From January 2003, Đinđić launched a wide diplomatic campaign for the determination of the Kosovo issue.[26]
Shortly before his assassination, Đinđić made a statement in which he was talking about an idea of creating a Union of Serb States consisting of Serbia, Montenegro and Republika Srpska, which would be a federal nation state.[27][28]
Assassination
As reported by Reuters on 18 March 2003, according to Carla Del Ponte, Đinđić had predicted his own assassination on 17 February just weeks before it happened.[29] Despite Koštunica's accusations of Đinđić being close to organised crime, the latter always insisted that he was determined to clean Serbia, and created the "Special Tribunal" with a witness protection program.[30] This alarmed organized crime leaders who were intertwined with elements of the Serbian secret police which remained loyal to the ousted Milošević.[citation needed]
Under orders from Milorad "Legija" Ulemek, the former commander of the Special Operations Unit of Yugoslavia's secret police, Đinđić was assassinated by Ulemek's soldier Zvezdan Jovanović in Belgrade on 12 March 2003. Jovanović shot him from the building across from the main Serbian government building at 12:23 PM, hitting him once in the chest. The high-power bullet of a Heckler & Koch G3 battle rifle penetrated his heart and killed him almost instantly.[31]
He was rushed to a hospital where he was treated, but pronounced dead one hour later. Ulemek was blamed as the mastermind of the crime. He was one of the leading persons in the
On 23 May 2007, twelve men were convicted for the assassination of Zoran Đinđić.
Literary work
He published four books and more than a hundred articles and essays on various topics.
Books published in Serbian:
- Subjektivnost i nasilje, Nastаnak sistemа u filozofiji nemаčkog ideаlizmа, (Subjectivity and Violence: The Origin of Systems in German Idealist Philosophy) Istrаživаčko-izdаvаčki centаr SSO Srbije, Izаzovi, 1982, drugo izdаnje Novi Sаd, Dnevnik, 2003.
- Jesen dijаlektike, Kаrl Mаrks i utemeljenje kritičke teorije društvа, (An Autumn of Dialectics: Karl Marx and the Foundations of Critical Social Theory) Mlаdost, V Velikа edicijа idejа, 1987.
- Jugoslаvijа kаo nedovršena držаvа, (Yugoslavia as an Incomplete State) Književna zаjednicа Novi Sаd, Anthropos, 1988.
- Srbija ni na istoku ni na zаpаdu, (Serbia: Neither East Nor West) Cepelin, 1996.
- Jedna srpska vizija, (One Serbian Vision) Ateneum, 2004
Personal life
Đinđić and his wife Ružica had a daughter and a son, Jovana and Luka, both minors at the time of his assassination.[38]
Legacy
His state procession and funeral, held on 15 March 2003, was attended by hundreds of thousands of citizens and by foreign delegations.[39] Đinđić's death represented a political and moral tragedy to many Serbs who saw in him a statesman of hope who offered peaceful coexistence with neighboring nations, integration to Europe and the rest of the world, economic prosperity and a brighter future.[citation needed] He appealed to people in Serbia whose goal was for their country to join the West and their lives become more normalized.
Đinđić and Vojislav Koštunica both needed each other for their respective goals. Koštunica believed that Serbia needed to join the West so that it could keep Kosovo and so that Republika Srpska could be maintained. Koštunica, who served as Đinđić's political opponent and critic during his premiership, acknowledged his work two years later with these words:
Zoran Đinđić was the first to take this difficult task to lead government in very unstable times. Probably his energy and commitment made it possible for things to move forward. It is one thing to watch it from the sidelines and it is completely different to be a part of it. I understand that now when I am Prime Minister and watch things a bit differently. He was very important for the whole process.[citation needed]
Following his death, a small but influential movement emerged throughout Serbia and the Serbian diaspora organized around a short documentary about Zoran Đinđić (created by Belgrade director Aleksandar Mandić). The documentary – "Ako Srbija Stane" (If Serbia stops)[40] – was a collection of edited speeches given by Đinđić on a speaking tour in Serbia shortly before his death. A movement called "Kapiraj" created a network of students and other young people who were committed to copying and distributing the documentary free of charge. This campaign was known by the slogan "Kapiraj-kopiraj"[41] (which means "Catch on and Copy" in Serbian). Đinđić is often described as a Machiavellian figure due to his political manoeuvrings, though observers also note his pragmatic and modest approach, traits which contrasted with some of the other Serbian politicians of his time.[42][43][44]
References
- ^ Democratic Party official site: Reforming of Democratic Party (in Serbian)
- ^ a b c Democratic Party official site: Dr Zoran Đinđić (1952-2003) (in Serbian)
- ^ Silber, Laura (14 March 2003). "Serbia Loses More Than a Leader". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 January 2010.
- ^ "Serbia and Montenegro: Stabilisation and association" (PDF). European Commission. 26 March 2003. Retrieved 17 November 2019.
- ^ "Mutiny, Assassination and a Serbian Political Conspiracy". Balkan Insight. 13 July 2018. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
- ^ Steven Erlanger (16 March 2003). "The World: Murder in Belgrade; Did Serbia's Leader Do the West's Bidding Too Well?". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 January 2010.
- ^ "2 Suspects in Murder of Serbian Premier Are Killed by Police". The New York Times. 28 March 2003. Retrieved 15 January 2010.
- ^ Serbia, RTS, Radio televizija Srbije, Radio Television of. "Sećanje Topličana na Zorana Đinđića". www.rts.rs. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ "time 05:37, Djindjic on Charlie Rose, 23 September 2002". Charlierose.com. 23 September 2002. Archived from the original on 25 November 2011. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- ^ "PhD Zoran Djindjic – Biographical Information" (PDF). Beograd.rs.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-23111-381-6.
- ISBN 978-0-23023-669-1.
- ISBN 978-1-60426-471-5.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Pomfret, John (28 December 1996). "Serbia's Elastic Man". The Washington Post. Retrieved 25 January 2022.
- ^ a b Vukadinović, Đorđe (17 January 2002). "Čovek na mestu ili konac delo krasi". Vreme. Retrieved 17 July 2014.
- ^ Nikčević, Tamara (7 March 2013). "O sukobu, pomirenju i saradnji sa Zoranom Đinđićem" [On Conflict, Reconciliation and Cooperation with Zoran Đinđić] (in Serbian). Vreme. Retrieved 17 July 2014.
- ^ Vukadinović, Đorđe (12 February 2010). "Dvadeset godina DS-a – istorija i izazovi" [Twenty Years of DS – History and Challenges] (in Serbian). Nova srpska politička misao. Retrieved 17 July 2014.
- ^ NIN 2010, p.18
- ^ a b "Milosevic arrested". BBC News. 1 April 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.
- ^ a b c "Milosevic extradited". BBC News. 28 June 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.
- ^ Obituary: Zoran Djindjic profile, bbc.co.uk; accessed 22 August 2016.
- ^ "Milosevic extradition unlocks aid coffers". BBC News. 29 June 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.
- ^ "Milosevic trial a 'political risk'". 26 April 2002. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ Antiwar.com: GO FOR IT, KOSTUNICA! Archived 21 October 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Hayton, Bill (9 August 2002). "Serbia's Machiavellian politics". BBC News.
- ^ Bilbija, Đ.; Ognjanović, R. (6 March 2003). "SRBIJA NIJE ŽETON ZA PLAĆANJE DUGOVA". novosti.rs (in Serbian). Retrieved 15 February 2017.
- ^ "SRBIJA, CRNA GORA I SRPSKA TREBA DA SE UJEDINE U JAKU NACIONALNU DRŽAVU! Sećate li se ove Đinđićeve izjave? (VIDEO)". espreso.co.rs (in Serbian). Retrieved 12 March 2021.
- ^ ИН4С (22 February 2020). "(AUDIO) Đinđić o značaju nacionalne države, o tome da su Crnogorci Srbi i ujedinjenju srpskih država" (in Serbian). Retrieved 12 March 2021.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ "LISTSERV 16.0 - JUSTWATCH-L Archives". Listserv.buffalo.edu. Retrieved 27 June 2016.
- ^ "15th anniversary of Djindjic assassination marked". B92.net. 12 March 2018. Retrieved 22 February 2019.
- ^ "Serb police kill Đinđić suspects". BBC News. 28 March 2003. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- ^ "Djindjic successor vows to continue war on crime gangs". The Independent. 17 March 2003. Archived from the original on 7 May 2022. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ Subjects of INTERPOL Red Notices convicted of Serbian Prime Minister’s murder
- ^ "The Serbian authorities are searching for..." Interpol.int. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- ^ B92: Zagreb: Uhapšen Sretko Kalinić; accessed 22 August 2016.(in Croatian)
- ^ B92: Uhapšen Miloš Simović; accessed 22 August 2016.(in Croatian)
- ^ Andrey Shary & Aja Kuge. A Prayer for Serbia: The Secret of Zoran Djindjic's Death; accessed 22 August 2016.
- ^ "Jovana i Luka ponosno nastavili tatinim stopama". Novosti.rs. 12 March 2018.
- ^ "Thousands of Serbs pay their respects to Djindjic". The Independent. 16 March 2003. Archived from the original on 7 May 2022. Retrieved 5 February 2020.
- ^ "www.srbijauevropi.org". srbijauevropi.org. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- ^ "Kapiraj-kopiraj". Kapiraj.org. Retrieved 27 June 2016.
- ^ "Zoran Djindjic". The Independent. 13 March 2003. Archived from the original on 7 May 2022.
- ^ Smith, R. Jeffrey (13 March 2003). "Assassination in Belgrade Costs U.S. a Powerful Ally". Los Angeles Times.
- ^ York, Steve (14 March 2003). "Warts and All, a True Serbian Patriot". Los Angeles Times.
Media
External links
- Др Зоран Ђинђић (1952-2003). Библиотеке целине и легати (in Serbian). Belgrade: Digital National Library of Serbia. 2012. Archived from the original on 10 November 2014.
- Fund "Dr Zoran Djindjic"
- Obituary by Gabriel Partos, BBC News Online
- (in Serbian) Official memorial website
- Srbija u Evropi – four documentaries about Zoran Djindjic directed by Aleksandar Mandic
- "Kapiraj" Movement
- VIDEO: The Killing of Zoran Djindjic - Documentary on YouTube