History of Botswana
History of Botswana |
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See also |
The history of
Facing threats from German South West Africa and the Afrikaners, the most influential Tswana chiefs negotiated the creation of a protectorate under the United Kingdom in 1885. The British divided the territory into tribal reserves for each of the major chiefs to rule, giving the chiefs more power than they had previously, but it otherwise exercised only limited direct control over the protectorate. The British government took a more active role beginning in the 1930s. Botswana supported British involvement in World War II and many fought as part of the African Auxiliary Pioneer Corps.
A power struggle took place in the 1950s between the
With a strong mandate, Seretse and his party implemented liberal democracy and began developing infrastructure in what was one of the world's poorest nations. Extensive diamond deposits were discovered in 1969, causing a massive reorganisation of Botswana's economy. The Debswana mining company was created in 1978, and Botswana became the world's fastest growing economy. The HIV/AIDS pandemic became a crisis in Botswana in the 1980s, and the 1990s came with the introduction of political factionalism after the political scandal of the Kgabo Commission. Political conflict within the Botswana Democratic Party continued over the following decades with a split occurring in 2010 and the exile of former president Ian Khama at the behest of his protege Mokgweetsi Masisi in 2021.
Pre-colonial history
Early history
The first hominins to appear in present-day Botswana are estimated to have arrived over 186,000 years ago, when Acheulean tools were used by early hominins in the region. Study of southern Africa in the Stone Age has been limited.[1] The earliest modern humans to inhabit the area were the San people.[2]
Agriculture and ceramics were first introduced to the region approximately 2,300 years ago,
The
The
Neighbouring present-day Botswana during the 11th and 12th centuries were the people of Leopard's Kopje, who formed the Kingdom of Mapungubwe and projected influence throughout the region.[13] Their influence declined by the 13th century, and they were replaced as the regional power by Great Zimbabwe as the gold trade became a driving factor in the region's economy. After the fall of Great Zimbabwe in the 15th century, several other states developed. The Kingdom of Butua, formed by the Kalanga peoples, was established on the present-day Botswana–Zimbabwe border.[14]
Migration of Tswana peoples through present-day Botswana occurred over the following centuries as they were displaced by native and colonial populations in the south.
19th century
The
European missionaries first arrived in present-day Botswana in 1816 through the London Missionary Society. This and other missionary groups worked to convert the dikgosi to Christianity and to build missionary schools. British traders arrived in the 1830s and engaged in transactions with the dikgosi.[22] Kgosi Sechele I of the Kwena people took advantage of the new trading routes, securing control of British trade for his tribe.[23]
The merafe reestablished their nation states in the 1840s as each established several towns and villages of varying sizes.[24][25][23] Governance was based around the kgotla, a deliberative forum in which the kgosi or a regional leader heard the concerns of most male citizens before making decisions.[26][27] The first Kgatla people to settle in present-day Botswana, the Mmanaana people, migrated from South Africa in the early 19th century before settling in Moshupa and Thamaga.[28]
The 19th century Tswana people used several economic ideas that were rare in southern Africa, including credit, service contracts, and the mafisa system of the rich loaning cattle to the poor in exchange for labour.[29] They also had a conception of private property by the mid-19th century, and both married men and married women were entitled to land rights.[30] The men typically herded cattle while the women grew crops.[31] Sorghum was the region's most commonly grown crop in the 19th century. Land was widely available, but droughts meant that farming was inconsistent.[32] The influx of European settlers nearby allowed the Tswana tribes to incorporate themselves into the global economy.[33]
Sechele I requested a British protectorate in 1853 to end regional conflicts, but he was denied.[34] By the 1860s, migration out of the region increased as Batswana men travelled to work in South African mines.[35] The discovery of the Tati Goldfields triggered the first European gold rush of Southern Africa in 1868.[22] The major dikgosi were all Christians by the 1870s.[33] By the end of the decade, kgosi Khama III of the Ngwato people seized control of British trade from the Kwena people.[23]
Bechuanaland Protectorate
Formation of the protectorate
Three chiefs went to London in 1885 to request that the British government establish a protectorate, fearing encroachment by German South West Africa and the Afrikaners.[36] They feared that the alternative to British control was settler colonialism by Germany.[37] This voyage saw the Tswana tribes operating as a single entity for the first time, setting a precedent for a unified nation.[36] The United Kingdom feared increasing German influence in the region, and it agreed to form the Bechuanaland Protectorate.[38][39] The British wished to preserve its influence over the Tswana tribes, as they provided a connection between southern and central Africa.[40]
The region was divided into tribal land, ruled by the dikgosi, and
The Kgafela people settled in Mochudi in 1887. This Kgatla group quickly became influential in the region and its name became synonymous with Kgatla.[44] British soldiers led by Charles Warren arrived in 1891 to formally establish the protectorate.[36] Its government was defined, and a commissioner was appointed as its head. The commissioner was given broad powers over the protectorate, so long as he respected previously established tribal law.[45] Its capital was the South African city of Vryburg, meaning that the colonial rulers did not reside in the protectorate and had little direct involvement in its affairs.[46] The centralisation of British rule in South Africa meant that the Bechuanaland Protectorate was economically dependent on South Africa.[47]
The British government believed the Bechuanaland Protectorate to be only a temporary entity and expected that it would soon be absorbed by a British colony.[48] In the meantime, it believed that a self-sufficient protectorate would cost less to maintain.[37][49] For these reasons, the colonial administration imposed very little direct control of the Bechuanaland Protectorate.[27] The dikgosi benefited from these affairs and were able to empower and enrich themselves; they retained broad autonomy, but colonial backing meant that they no longer needed the consent of the merafe to maintain rule.[50][51] Tribal rule became autocratic, which led to human rights abuses and discrimination against women and ethnic minorities.[52]
Early years of the protectorate
The British planned to eventually incorporate the Bechuanaland Protectorate into the Union of South Africa.
When the United Kingdom raised the
The early colonial economy of the Bechuanaland Protectorate remained much the same as the pre-colonial economy.[56] The United Kingdom primarily used the protectorate as a supply of labour, offering high wages to Batswana who migrated south to work in mines.[57] Taxes were also imposed, beginning with a hut tax in 1899, which was then replaced by a poll tax in 1909.[58] Colonial taxes in the Bechuanaland Protectorate were higher than those in neighbouring colonies.[59] These factors caused mass exodus to the south, and the dikgosi allowed more generous power sharing with citizens to incentivise them to stay.[58] By 1910, all merafe had adopted Christianity.[22] Bechuanaland sent several hundred soldiers to assist the British Army during World War I.[55] The colonial administration established the Native Advisory Council, an annual meeting of the dikgosi and other influential people in the protectorate, in 1920. This allowed the British government to hear from and manage the tribes collectively instead of individually.[60]
Sebele II became kgosi of the Kwena in 1918, succeeding his father, Sechele II. Sechele II had conflicted with the dominant London Missionary Society, permitting an Anglican presence and reinstating many traditional practices such as polygyny, rainmaking, and bogwera. Sebele II continued his father's challenge to the London Missionary Society, to the grievance of the British government.[61] Among the Ngwato people, Sekgoma II was the kgosi for three years until his death in 1926. His son, Seretse Khama, was still an infant, so Tshekedi Khama became regent.[62] Tshekedi came to be recognised as a representative for all of the Tswana tribes.[63]
Development and increased British influence
In the 1920s, kgosi
The British government took a more active role in the protectorate's governance beginning in 1930.[67][49] That year, it began providing direct funding to the protectorate.[68] Charles Rey was appointed Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, and he was responsible for reorganising the economy around cattle exports.[69] An initiative to reform the protectorate toward mining and commercial agricultural development was attempted but saw push back from the dikgosi.[48]
Resident Commissioner Rey came into conflict with kgosi Sebele II, having him exiled in 1931. Sebele II was replaced by his younger brother, Kgari.
Early years of World War II
Fears of German attack in Bechuanaland grew in the lead up to World War II due to its strategic position between Britain's central and southern colonies in Africa. 11 days before war was declared, the British government warned the protectorate to be on standby, and military forces were organised. Four days after Britain declared war on Germany, Resident Commissioner Arden-Clarke held a meeting with the dikgosi where they pledged full support for the war effort.
The earliest years of World War II had almost no effect on the people of Bechuanaland, and many only had a vague idea that the war existed.[77] The colonial administration shrank as large numbers of white residents enlisted in the British Army. Those who remained were focused on security planning in case southern Africa became another front in the war.[78] Against the wishes of the dikgosi, the colonial administration encouraged Batswana who wished to serve with the British Army to enlist with the South African Native Military Corps.[79] About 700 Batswana men enlisted with the group.[80]
Maintaining the Bechuanaland Protectorate became a low priority for the United Kingdom during the Great Depression and World War II,
Batswana participation in World War II
Military recruitment began in Bechuanaland in 1941.
The dikgosi wished to leverage their participation in the war for additional rights within the British Empire, and they feared that British defeat would make them subjects of Germany or South Africa, a fate they wished to avoid.[94] The war effort was also an opportunity to reclaim Tswana men who had migrated to South Africa for mining jobs; the dikgosi wished to end this practice and felt they could do so by offering military jobs.[95] Some military pay was deferred to the families of soldiers, and limitations on exports were lifted during the war, causing an influx of money into Bechuanaland.[96]
Relative to other nations in the British Empire, the people of Beschuanaland approved of the war. Many Batswana held a sense of loyalty to the empire or felt that their interests were aligned.
The High Commissions Territories Corps was stationed in the Middle East from 1946 to 1949.[98]
Independence movement
The end of World War II came with drastic social change. The digosi came to be seen as less essential to social structure, and many gave up their universal claims over tribal cattle.[99] Other public resources, such as land and labour, were privatised and commodified.[100] Access to education created a class of liberal intellectuals who opposed the rule of the dikgosi and began forming their own centres of power in workers' associations and civic groups.[101] By 1946, only 2% of the population had employment outside of agriculture and services.[102] The protectorate saw a major increase in birth rates as part of the mid-20th century baby boom in the years after World War II, accompanied by an increase in life expectancy.[103] The colonial administration began its first development project in the protectorate, a slaughterhouse, in the 1950s.[104] The British, still expecting to merge the protectorate into South Africa, finally scrapped this plan after the beginning of Apartheid. Efforts began to develop a new path for the protectorate's future.[105]
When Seretse Khama came of age, regent Tshekedi Khama attempted to hold on to power.[106] Seretse had married a white woman, Ruth Williams, while studying in the United Kingdom, causing scandal in the Ngwato royal family.[62] Though the public initially opposed the marriage, Tshekedi's unpopularity shifted the issue in Seretse's favour.[67] The issue was raised in the kgotla in 1949, and Tshekedi's rule was overwhelmingly rejected by thousands in attendance.[106][67] Tshekedi and his supporters fled to the Kwena in exile.[107]
The British government was less tolerant of Seretse's marriage to a white woman. In an attempt to appease the Apartheid government of South Africa, it banished the couple from the protectorate in 1950. This provoked a burgeoning nationalist movement among Seretse's supporters in the protectorate, which fully emerged in 1952.[48] During Seretse's absence, the United Kingdom placed the district commissioner in charge for four years before appointing Rasebolai Kgamane, a supporter of Tshekedi, as regent.[107]
The Ngwato tribe rebelled against Seretse's banishment.[108] His supporters petitioned for his return, and riots broke out when they were denied. Seretse was eventually allowed to return in 1956.[109] Throughout this ordeal, power shifted away from the chiefdomship and toward electoral bodies.[110] Tshekedi and Seretse made peace upon Seretse's return, and Seretse became the de facto leader of the Ngwato, though the United Kingdom forbade him from being the official kgosi.[109] With British support, the Ngwato tribe developed a tribal council, of which both Seretse and Tshekedi were members.[108] Other tribes then established similar tribal councils, which served as checks on the power of the dikgosi.[111] Some animosity remained between the two men: Tshekedi wished to retain the tribal government and the power of the dikgosi, while Seretse envisioned a representative democracy and weaker dikgosi.[112] The amount of power invested in the dikgosi became the most contentious issue in the burgeoning independence movement, especially among the Ngwato people and the Khama family.[113]
The
The protectorate's tribes collectively formed a legislative council in 1961.[48] The Kwena people found themselves under a regent, Neale Sechele, in 1963, meaning that they had little political influence as the independence movement developed.[118] The Bechuanaland Protectorate Development Plan 1963/1968 was drafted through a deliberative process in 1963, creating an outline for the nation's independence.[119]
As the population was politically inactive overall, the United Kingdom came to be one of the leading forces toward independence. Worrying that the BPP was too radical, the United Kingdom encouraged its preferred leader, Seretse Khama, to form a political party.
A conference was held in 1963 to oversee the creation of a new constitution. Internal strife within the BPP meant that the BDP had the most influence over the process. Tshekedi Khama had died by this time, so Bathoen II became the leader of the pro-federalisation faction, believing it would keep power in the hands of the dikgosi. The United Kingdom and the Batswana politicians endorsed a unitary national government because Botswana was too poor to divide its resources and because a lack of centralization would make it vulnerable to attacks from other nations.
Gaborone was built in 1965 and declared the new capital.[116] Its location was chosen as a neutral setting between the major merafe.[126] The constitution was implemented the same year.[116] With this in effect, the United Kingdom granted the protectorate self-governance.[127] 1965 also saw the establishment of the state-owned National Development Bank.[128]
The BDP ran an extensive campaign during the first general election. Led by Seretse Khama and Quett Masire, the party campaigned in almost every village in the protectorate. Unlike other political figures in Bechuanaland, Seretse Khama had appeal across the different tribes.[118] The BDP was subsequently elected to lead the first government.[127] After its formation, the Ntlo ya Dikgosi delivered a vote of no confidence in the constitution in 1966, leading to a national campaign in support of the constitution that garnered enough support for the dikgosi to end their efforts to challenge it.[129] The protectorate was granted independence as the Republic of Botswana in 1966.[127]
Republic of Botswana
Botswana in 1966
Independence for Botswana meant the implementation of
The United Kingdom continued funding Botswana for the first five years of its existence.[127] At the time of independence, Botswana was an extremely poor nation, more so than most others in Africa.[126][141] It did not have an educated workforce, with only 40 citizens having university degrees, and there were no known natural resource supplies to support the nation.[142] Botswana was dependent on the Apartheid regime in South Africa for access to the global community, and the majority of Botswana's labourers were migrant workers in South Africa.[143] Botswana came into more direct conflict with Rhodesia, which caused military skirmishes until 1978.[101]
Limited British involvement meant that little development had taken place since colonisation.
The early leadership of Botswana was dominated by the ruling tribal families as well as a small number of highly educated public servants.[149] Their economic and ideological similarities meant that the government remained stable without political infighting.[150] Though Bathoen left his position as chief to pursue politics, most other dikgosi accepted their reduced political power in the new government.[151] A lack of corruption gave the state more legitimacy and won the favour of Western allies.[152] Unlike most newly formed African nations, much of the leadership came from the agricultural community, meaning that their interests aligned with the majority.[37][145] This encouraged the new government to retain colonial-era policies that benefited cattle farmers.[153] The BDP's pan-tribal appeal and the mutual interest in establishing independence further incentivised the new government to act in the interest of the majority.[154] Small groups of white settlers remained in the country and objected to its independence.[101] Though they would later be crucial in Botswana's development, mineral rights were given low priority upon independence, and the merafe transferred them to the central government in 1967.[155]
Presidency of Seretse Khama
In 1967, diamonds were discovered in Botswana by the South African diamond company De Beers, and mining began shortly after.[156][157] The government was involved with a renegotiation of the Southern African Customs Union in 1969 to greatly improve its economic leverage in the region.[158] It partnered with De Beers the same year to carry out larger mining operations.[159]
Khama and his administration implemented policies geared toward the creation of infrastructure and public goods, particularly the paving of roads.
Quett Masire, serving as Vice-President under Seretse Khama as well as secretary general of the BDP, exercised control over the nation's budgeting and spending by creating a series of National Development Plans, subject to the approval of the National Assembly and the Economic Committee of the Cabinet.[165]
The Water Act and the Tribal Land Act were enacted in 1968, creating the Water Apportionment Board and twelve land boards, respectively. These oversaw the apportionment of water and land rights by the state rather than through the ownership of each morafe.[166] The Tribal Grazing Lands Policy was implemented in 1975 to prevent overgrazing, but it proved unsuccessful.[167]
The first election after independence took place in 1969.[168] The BDP did slightly worse relative to its 1965 performance, and Vice-President Masire lost his seat to Bathoen, requiring him to take a specially elected seat.[169] The Botswana National Front (BNF) was founded by Kenneth Koma and became the primary opposition party to the BDP.[170][171] The BPP faded in relevance as the politics of Botswana developed.[121]
The state-owned
With the 1970s came an increase in locally educated Batswana, who became more influential in government.[130] The BDP was again highly successful in the 1974 election.[169] Minimum wages were introduced the same year,[175] and the country began issuing its own currency, the Botswana pula, in 1976.[176] Within a decade of independence, it was one of the wealthiest nations in the Third World.[139] The economic transformation is referred to as Botswana's "miracle".[158]
The military of Botswana was established in 1977. Prior to this, the Botswana Police Service was responsible for national security. The lack of military meant that Botswana was not susceptible to leading causes of instability in other African nations: military coups and corruption through military spending.[177]
In its partnership with De Beers, the government of Botswana formed the Debswana mining company in 1978, acquiring significant income for the state.[178] Mining became the predominant industry of the nation's economy over the following decades,[179] and Botswana became the world's fastest growing economy.[180] Cattle farming saw a corresponding drop and lost the significance that it had previously held.[179]
Presidency of Quett Masire
After Seretse Khama's death in 1980, Vice-President Quett Masire became the president of Botswana.[181] The 1980s saw the introduction of HIV/AIDS in Botswana, and it became one of the most heavily affected countries in the world.[182] During the 1980s, South Africa began military incursions into Botswana to seek out South African rebels. In response to the civilian casualties, the government of Botswana increased military spending.[183][184] A severe drought affected Botswana from 1982 to 1987, necessitating government food assistance for about 65% of rural Batswana.[185] Mid-way through the 1980s, the diamond industry reached its peak at 53% of the national GDP.[156] Strong opposition to the BDP-controlled government first arose in the 1980s. Opposition parties began winning local elections, interest groups began forming, and five major anti-BDP newspapers began publication.[130] The government responded to a burgeoning labour movement by passing heavy restrictions on unions in 1983.[186] Free secondary education was established in 1989.[185]
The Kgabo Commission was held in 1991 to investigate governmental land boards, and it found that ethical violations had been committed by Vice-President Peter Mmusi and BDP Secretary General Daniel Kwelagobe, both of whom were also members of the Cabinet of Botswana.[187][188] Facing outrage within the government and among the public, both resigned.[188] The fallout created two polarised factions within the party, one led by the two former cabinet members (the Big Two) and one led by their opponents (the Big Five).[189] Masire chose Festus Mogae as the new vice-president because he was not affiliated with either faction.[190] The scandal and the resulting schism in the BDP allowed the Botswana National Front (BNF) to become a major opposition party after the 1994 general election.[191][187] With the added complication of urbanization reducing the BDP's rural base, opposition parties held a significant minority in the National Assembly.[192] Following Mmusi's death, Kwelagobe aligned with Ponatshego Kedikilwe, and they formed the Barata-Phathi faction of the BDP. The Big Five developed into the A-Team faction.[187]
Masire wished to create a stable order of succession and to ensure that his chosen successor Vice-President Mogae became president. To this end, he worked with the lawyer Parks Tafa to draft a constitutional amendment that implemented automatic succession and term limits for the presidency.[193] He then forced the amendment through on his own initiative.[194]
Presidency of Festus Mogae
Masire stepped down as president on 1 April 1998, and he was succeeded by Vice-President Festus Mogae.[195] Mogae made the controversial decision to appoint Ian Khama, commander of the army and the son of Seretse Khama, as the next vice-president,[163] passing his choice through by threatening to dissolve parliament.[196] Although they were officially neutral between the factions of the BDP, Mogae and Khama were both understood to be major figures among the A-Team.[197]
1998 saw one of many splits within the BNF opposition party. It had divided into two factions: the conservatives who held socialist beliefs and the progressives who held social democratic beliefs. Violence at the party's congress saw progressives split off into their own party, the Botswana Congress Party, which became the main opposition party until they lost most of their seats in the following election.[198]
In the 2000s, Botswana invested heavily in the development of an air force.[183] Mogae had one of the government's most prominent critics, Kenneth Good, deported in February 2005.[199]
Presidency of Ian Khama
Iam Khama succeeded to the presidency at the end of Mogae's term on 1 April 2008.[200] As the party chose its leadership in 2009, Khama appointed numerous A-Team figures to party sub-committees despite the victory of the Barata-Phathi during the party's congress.[201][202] When the party's secretary general Gomolemo Motswaledi consulted with lawyers to question the legality of Khama's actions, Khama had him suspended from the committee. After taking the issue to court, it was found that the incumbent president is immune from legal prosecution, and Khama suspended Motswaledi from the BDP entirely.[202] In early 2010, Khama suspended and then expelled several other members of the Barata-Phathi faction from the BDP.[203] This led to the BDP's first major split in March when the Barata-Phathi faction left the party to form the Botswana Movement of Democracy.[204][205]
After a steady decline, the diamond industry of Botswana stabilised at about 39% of the GDP in 2009.[156] The Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions (BOFEPUSU) led an unprecedented two-month strike of the nation's civil service to demand a 16% pay raise in 2011, and the government responded by removing thousands of employees from their positions.[200] The removals were overseen by Mokgweetsi Masisi, the Minister for Presidential Affairs.[206] To oppose the government's position, BOFEPUSU facilitated a merger of major opposition parties into the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC).[200] The BDP retained its majority in the legislature after the following election, but it did so with only a plurality of the popular vote.[206] This was the first time that the BDP fell short of a majority.[207] Ian Khama then appointed Masisi as his vice-president. According to Mogae, this was done with the understanding that Masisi would appoint Tshekedi Khama II as vice-president after taking the presidency himself.[206]
Botsalo Ntuane was elected Secretary General of the BDP in 2015 on a platform of anti-corruption and electoral reform. This threatened the entrenched nature of the BDP, and Ntuane found a political rival in Masisi.[206]
Presidency of Mokgweetsi Masisi
Masisi and Ian Khama had a falling out after Masisi became president. Ian Khama attempted to recruit Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi as an alternative BDP candidate against Masisi, and when that failed, he founded his own party, the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF).[206] The 2019 general election was marred by government pressure and sometimes raids against opposition figures. The UDC challenged the results of the election, but the challenge was unsuccessful.[208]
Like most nations, Botswana saw major economic decline during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the country stayed in lockdown for much of 2020 and 2021.[209] Anti-Indian sentiment became widespread as the Indian community in Botswana was relatively wealthy.[210]
Ian Khama fled to South Africa in exile in November 2021, and the government of Botswana charged him with illegal ownership of weapons soon after.[211]
See also
- List of commissioners of Bechuanaland
- Heads of government of Botswana
- History of Africa
- History of Southern Africa
- History of Gaborone
- Timeline of Gaborone
- List of presidents of Botswana
- Politics of Botswana
- Postage stamps and postal history of Bechuanaland Protectorate
Footnotes
- ^ Klehm 2021, p. 6.
- ^ a b van Waarden 2022, p. 6.
- ^ a b Klehm 2021, p. 8.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 35.
- ^ Klehm 2021, pp. 8–9.
- ^ a b Klehm 2021, p. 9.
- ^ a b c Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 27.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 28.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 40.
- ^ a b Klehm 2021, p. 11.
- ^ Klehm 2021, p. 10.
- ^ a b Klehm 2021, p. 13.
- ^ Klehm 2021, pp. 12–13.
- ^ a b Klehm 2021, p. 14.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 19.
- ^ a b c Hjort 2009, p. 703.
- ^ Robinson & Parsons 2006, p. 113.
- ^ Klehm 2021, p. 17.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 25.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 29.
- ^ Klehm 2021, p. 18.
- ^ a b c Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 38.
- ^ a b c d Robinson & Parsons 2006, p. 114.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 31.
- ^ Hjort 2009, p. 693.
- ^ a b Hjort 2009, p. 695.
- ^ a b Holm & Molutsi 1992, p. 77.
- ^ Matemba 2003, p. 53, 56.
- ^ Hjort 2009, p. 701.
- ^ Hjort 2009, p. 698.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 34.
- ^ a b Samatar 1999, p. 43.
- ^ Beaulier & Subrick 2006, p. 107.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 96.
- ^ a b c d Molutsi 2004, p. 161.
- ^ a b c d Hjort 2009, p. 694.
- ^ a b Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 40.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 23.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 44.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 30n1.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 46–47.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 24.
- ^ Matemba 2003, p. 53.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 45.
- ^ a b c Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 41.
- ^ Molutsi 2004, p. 162.
- ^ a b c d Robinson & Parsons 2006, p. 115.
- ^ a b c Beaulier & Subrick 2006, p. 108.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 66–67.
- ^ Molutsi 2004, pp. 161–162.
- ^ Hjort 2009, p. 704.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 29.
- ^ a b Jackson 1999, p. 32.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 26.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 42.
- ^ a b Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 43.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 44.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 47–49.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 78.
- ^ a b Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 87.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 25.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 70.
- ^ Hjort 2009, pp. 699–700.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 69.
- ^ a b c Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 58.
- ^ a b Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 63.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 79.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 49.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 72–73.
- ^ a b Samatar 1999, p. 50.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 34.
- ^ a b Jackson 1999, p. 35.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 38.
- ^ a b Jackson 1999, p. 50.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 124.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 123.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 138.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 136.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 128–131.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 34–35.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 44.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 46.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 44–46.
- ^ a b Jackson 1999, p. 43.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 47.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 55.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 41–43.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 133.
- ^ Jackson 1999, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Jackson 1999, p. 31.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 51.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 52.
- ^ a b c Molutsi 2004, p. 165.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 57.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Holm & Molutsi 1992, p. 81.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 24–25.
- ^ a b Hjort 2009, p. 696.
- ^ a b Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 89.
- ^ a b Samatar 1999, p. 53.
- ^ a b Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 90.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 91.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 26.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 91–92.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 94.
- ^ a b Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 95.
- ^ a b c d e Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 74.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 27.
- ^ a b c Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 102.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 96.
- ^ a b Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 149.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 78.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 97.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 98–99.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 56.
- ^ a b c Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 104.
- ^ a b c d Robinson & Parsons 2006, p. 116.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 95.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 100–101.
- ^ a b c d Holm & Molutsi 1992, p. 78.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 28.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 54.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 7.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 30, 56.
- ^ Sebudubudu & Botlhomilwe 2012, p. 36.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 30.
- ^ Sebudubudu & Botlhomilwe 2012, p. 35.
- ^ a b c Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 105.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 59.
- ^ a b Sebudubudu & Botlhomilwe 2012, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 62, 64.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 64.
- ^ a b Molutsi 2004, p. 160.
- ^ a b Leith 2005, p. 55.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 63.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 1.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 6.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 71.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Molutsi 2004, p. 166.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 75.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 103–104.
- ^ a b c d Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 110.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 61.
- ^ a b c Samatar 1999, p. 65.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 136.
- ^ Beaulier & Subrick 2006, p. 111.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 86.
- ^ Molutsi 2004, p. 164.
- ^ a b c Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 305.
- ^ Samatar 1999, p. 4.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 58.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 76.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 67.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 31.
- ^ a b Samatar 1999, p. 80.
- ^ Beaulier & Subrick 2006, p. 109.
- ^ Leith 2005, pp. 31–33.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 5.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 212.
- ^ Samatar 1999, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 89.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 71.
- ^ Beaulier & Subrick 2006, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 95.
- ^ a b Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 77.
- ^ Sebudubudu & Botlhomilwe 2012, p. 33.
- ^ Robinson & Parsons 2006, p. 117.
- ^ Hillbom & Bolt 2018, p. 155.
- ^ a b Beaulier & Subrick 2006, p. 112.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 87.
- ^ a b Holm & Molutsi 1992, p. 82.
- ^ Holm & Molutsi 1992, p. 79.
- ^ a b c Lotshwao & Suping 2013, p. 346.
- ^ a b Ntuane 2018, p. 333.
- ^ Ntuane 2018, pp. 333–335.
- ^ Ntuane 2018, p. 334.
- ^ Ntuane 2018, pp. 335–336.
- ^ Leith 2005, p. 33.
- ^ Ntuane 2018, pp. 337–338.
- ^ Makgala & Malila 2022, pp. 304–305.
- ^ Ntuane 2018, p. 338.
- ^ Botlhomilwe, Sebudubudu & Maripe 2011, p. 333.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, p. 347.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, p. 344.
- ^ Botlhomilwe, Sebudubudu & Maripe 2011, pp. 333–334.
- ^ a b c Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 306.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, pp. 347–348.
- ^ a b Botlhomilwe, Sebudubudu & Maripe 2011, p. 335.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, pp. 354–355.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, p. 345.
- ^ Botlhomilwe, Sebudubudu & Maripe 2011, p. 344.
- ^ a b c d e Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 307.
- ^ Lotshwao & Suping 2013, p. 356.
- ^ Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 308.
- ^ Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 309.
- ^ Makgala & Malila 2022, p. 310.
- ^ Makgala & Malila 2022, pp. 311–312.
References
Books
- Gulbrandsen, Ørnulf (2012). The State and the Social: State Formation in Botswana and its Precolonial and Colonial Genealogies. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-0-85745-298-6.
- Hillbom, Ellen; Bolt, Jutta (2018). Botswana – A Modern Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-3-319-73144-5.
- Holm, John D.; Molutsi, Patrick P. (1992). "State-Society Relations in Botswana: Beginning Liberalization". In Hydén, Göran; Bratton, Michael (eds.). Governance and Politics in Africa. Lynne Rienner Publishers. pp. 75–95. ISBN 978-1-55587-285-4.
- ISBN 978-0-19-820764-1.
- Leith, James Clark (2005). Why Botswana Prospered. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-2821-5.
- Molutsi, Patrick (2004). "Botswana: The Path to Democracy and Development". In Gyimah-Boadi, E. (ed.). Democratic Reform in Africa. Lynne Rienner Publishers. pp. 159–182. ISBN 9781685857325.
- ISBN 978-0-325-00068-8.
Journals
- ISSN 1043-4062.
- Botlhomilwe, Mokganedi Zara; Sebudubudu, David; Maripe, Bugalo (2011). "Limited freedom and intolerance in Botswana". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 29 (3): 331–348. ISSN 0258-9001.
- Hjort, Jonas (2009). "Pre-Colonial Culture, Post-Colonial Economic Success? The Tswana and the African Economic Miracle". The Economic History Review. 63 (3): 688–709. PMID 20617585.
- Lotshwao, Kebapetse; Suping, Kekgaoditse (2013). "The 2010 Split of the Botswana Democratic Party". Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies. 27 (2): 343–360.
- Makgala, Christian John; Malila, Ikanyeng Stonto (2022). "Challenges of Constitutional Reform, Economic Transformation and Covid-19 in Botswana". Review of African Political Economy. 49 (172): 303–314. ISSN 0305-6244.
- Matemba, Yonah Hisbon (1 January 2003). "The pre-colonial political history of BaKgatla ba ga Mmanaana of Botswana, c.l600-1881 Yonah". Botswana Notes and Records. 35 (1): 53–67. .
- Ntuane, Botsalo (2018). "President Festus Mogae: The Regent Who Became King". Botswana Notes and Records. 50: 333–338. JSTOR 90026925.
- ISSN 0963-8024.
- Sebudubudu, David; Botlhomilwe, Mokganedi Zara (2012). "The Critical Role of Leadership in Botswana's Development: What Lessons?". Leadership. 8 (1): 29–45. ISSN 1742-7150.
Oxford Research Encyclopedia
- Klehm, Carla (28 June 2021). "Archaeology of Botswana". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4.
- van Waarden, Catrien (24 February 2022). "The Early Iron Age of Botswana". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. ISBN 978-0-19-085458-4.
Further reading
- Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. "An African success story: Botswana." (2002). online
- Clothier, Norman (1991). "The Erinpura: Basotho Tragedy". South African Military History Society Journal. 8 (5). ISSN 0026-4016. Archived from the originalon April 5, 2023. Retrieved 5 January 2020.
- Cohen, Dennis L. "The Botswana Political Elite: Evidence from the 1974 General Election," Journal of Southern African Affairs, (1979) 4, 347–370.
- Colclough, Christopher and Stephen McCarthy. The Political Economy of Botswana: A Study of Growth and Income Distribution (Oxford University Press, 1980)
- Denbow, James & Thebe, Phenyo C. (2006). Culture and Customs of Botswana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-33178-2.
- Edge, Wayne A. and Mogopodi H. Lekorwe eds. Botswana: Politics and Society (Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik, 1998)
- Fawcus, Peter and Alan Tilbury. Botswana: The Road to Independence (Pula Press, 2000)
- Good, Kenneth. "Interpreting the Exceptionality of Botswana," Journal of Modern African Studies (1992) 30, 69–95.
- Good, Kenneth. "Corruption and Mismanagement in Botswana: A Best-Case Example?" Journal of Modern African Studies, (1994) 32, 499–521.
- Parsons, Neil. King Khama, Emperor Joe and the Great White Queen (University of Chicago Press, 1998)
- Parsons, Neil, Thomas Tlou and Willie Henderson. Seretse Khama, 1921-1980 (Bloemfontein: Macmillan, 1995)
- ISBN 0-333-36531-3
- Chirenje, J. Mutero, Church, State, and Education in Bechuanaland in the Nineteenth Century, International Journal of African Historical Studies, (1976)
- Chirenje, J. Mutero, Chief Kgama and His Times, 1835-1923