Idi Amin
Idi Amin | |
---|---|
3rd President of Uganda | |
In office 25 January 1971 – 11 April 1979 | |
Vice President | Mustafa Adrisi |
Preceded by | Milton Obote |
Succeeded by | Yusuf Lule |
Personal details | |
Born | Awon'go Idi Amin Dada 30 May 1928 Uganda Protectorate |
Died | 16 August 2003 Jeddah, Saudi Arabia | (aged 74)
Resting place | Ruwais Cemetery |
Spouses | At least 6, including:
Malyamu
(m. 1966; div. 1974)Kay
(m. 1966; div. 1974)Nora
(m. 1967; div. 1974)Madina
(m. 1972, died) |
Children | 43 (claimed)[1] |
Relatives | |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance |
|
Branch/service |
|
Rank |
|
Commands | Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda Army |
Battles/wars |
|
Idi Amin Dada Oumee (/ˈiːdi ɑːˈmiːn, ˈɪdi -/ , UK also /- æˈmiːn/; 30 May 1928 – 16 August 2003) was a Ugandan military officer and politician who served as the third president of Uganda from 1971 to 1979. He ruled as a military dictator and is considered one of the most brutal despots in modern world history.[2]
Amin was born to a
During his years in power, Amin shifted from being a pro-Western ruler enjoying considerable support from Israel to being backed by
As Amin's rule progressed into the late 1970s, there was increased unrest against his persecution of certain ethnic groups and political dissidents, along with Uganda's very poor international standing due to Amin's support for
Amin's rule was characterized by rampant
Early life
Virtually all retellings of Amin's early life are contradictory, as he did not write an autobiography and never authorized a written account of his life.[12][13] British governmental records put Amin's birth year in 1925, however, no records were kept for native Africans at the time.[12][9] In a 1972 interview with Judith Hare, Amin gives his birth place in the village of Koboko and age as forty-six, which would put his birth year in 1926. In a book published in 1977 by Little, Brown and written by a British advisor in Uganda using the pseudonym David Gwyn, Amin was born in Buganda with his age is given as forty-eight, placing his birth year in 1928. The most comprehensive biography of Amin comes from his family based on oral tradition, which has some authority but its details ultimately cannot be confirmed, family tradition and Saudi authorities in Jeddah puts his birth date as 10 Dhu al-Hijja 1346 in the Islamic calendar.[14][15]
Early childhood and family
According to Amin's family,
He was the third son of Amin Dada Nyabira Tomuresu (1889–1976), a
Nyabira was forcibly conscripted into the British King's African Rifles (KAR) in 1914 where he fought in World War I during East African campaign in Tanganyika before being honorably discharged in 1921 and given a plot of land in Arua. The same year, he joined the Protectorate Police Force in the Nsambia Police Barracks prior to being transferred to the Shimoni Police Barracks in 1928, where Amin was born according to his family. He was transferred to the Kololo Police Barracks and retired from the police force in 1931 and worked at the Office of the Resident District Commissioner in Arua.[12]
His mother, Aisha Aate, was born to a Kakwa mother and Lugbara father. By all accounts, Aate was a traditional healer, herbalist, and a midwife.
According to Amin's family, Aate had cured Irene Drusilla Namaganda, then Queen of Buganda and wife of Daudi Cwa II of Buganda, of her infertility. Aate's high-ranking role in the Allah Water movement allegedly gained the interest of the Bugandan royal family and her alleged connection to the family led to rumors of Amin's biological father being Daudi Chwa II.[12][17] These rumors were reportedly spread by Nyabira's childless senior wife, who was spiteful of Aate bearing two children.[12]
According to Amin's family, Idi Amin was given the name Awon'go (lit. 'noise') referring to rumors about his alleged paternity. Idi was reportedly chosen to take a 'paternity test' as an infant by tribal elders which involved abandoning him for four days in a forest near Mount Liru in Koboko where they returned to find Amin still alive. The elders attributed this apparent miracle to Nakan, a sacred seven-headed snake in Kakwa folk religion.[12] His parents divorced when he was four, and most accounts suggest that he moved with his mother's family in a rural farming town in north-western Uganda.[21] The divorce of his parents was reportedly due to the lasting rumors regarding Idi's paternity, which angered his mother.[17] Despite this, his family insists that he moved with his father per Muslim tradition in Tanganyika Parish, Arua, while his mother continued to practice healing in Buganda.[12]
Boyhood and education
Amin joined an Islamic school in Bombo in 1941. After a few years, he left school with only a fourth-grade English-language education and did odd jobs before being recruited to the army by a British colonial army officer.[18]
King's African Rifles
Amin joined the King's African Rifles (KAR) in 1946 as an assistant cook, while at the same time receiving military training until 1947.
In 1959, Amin was made Effendi class 2 (Warrant Officer),[25] the highest rank possible for a black African in the colonial British military of that time. Amin returned to Uganda the same year and received a short-service commission as a lieutenant on 15 July 1961, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers.[25] He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Uganda's Karamojong and Kenya's Turkana nomads.[18] According to researcher Holger Bernt Hansen, Amin's outlook, behavior and strategies of communication were strongly influenced by his experiences in the colonial military. This included his direct and hands-on leadership style which would eventually contribute to his popularity among certain parts of Ugandan society.[26]
Rise in the Uganda Army
In 1962, following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom, Amin was promoted to captain and then, in 1963, to major. He was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army.[18] In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces.[27]
Amin was an athlete during his time in both the British and Uganda Army. At 1.93 m (6 ft 4 in) tall and powerfully built, he was the
There is a frequently repeated urban myth that he was selected as a replacement by the
In 1965,
Amin began recruiting members of Kakwa, Lugbara,
Seizure of power
Eventually a rift developed between Amin and Obote, exacerbated by the support Amin had built within the Uganda Army by recruiting from the West Nile region, his involvement in operations to support the rebellion in southern Sudan and an attempt on Obote's life in 1969. In October 1970, Obote took control of the armed forces, reducing Amin from his months-old post of commander of all the armed forces to that of the commander of the Uganda Army.[27][37]
Having learned that Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, Amin seized power in a
Amin held a state funeral in April 1971 for Edward Mutesa, former king (kabaka) of Buganda and president who had died in exile.[43]
Presidency
Establishment of military rule
On 2 February 1971, one week after the coup, Amin declared himself President of Uganda,
Amin renamed the presidential lodge in Kampala from Government House to "The Command Post". He disbanded the General Service Unit (GSU), an intelligence agency created by the previous government, and replaced it with the State Research Bureau (SRB). SRB headquarters at the Kampala suburb of Nakasero became the scene of torture and capital punishment over the next few years.[47] Other agencies used to persecute dissenters included the military police and the Public Safety Unit (PSU).[47]
Obote took refuge in Tanzania, having been offered sanctuary there by the Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. Obote was soon joined by 20,000 Ugandan refugees fleeing Amin. The exiles attempted but failed to regain Uganda in 1972, through a poorly organised coup attempt.[48]
Persecution of ethnic and political groups
Amin retaliated against the
The killings, motivated by ethnic, political, and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight years in control.[51] The exact number of people killed is unknown. The International Commission of Jurists estimated the death toll at no fewer than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organizations with the help of Amnesty International puts the number killed at 500,000.[9]
In his book State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin, Henry Kyemba (who was a Ugandan minister for 3 years in Idi Amin's cabinet) states that "Amin's bizarre behavior derives partly from his tribal background. Like many other warrior societies, the Kakwa, Amin's tribe, are known to have practiced blood rituals on slain enemies. These involve cutting a piece of flesh from the body to subdue the dead man's spirit or tasting the victim's blood to render the spirit harmless. Such rituals still exist among the Kakwa. Amin's practices do not stop at tasting blood: on several occasions he has boasted to me and others that he has eaten human flesh". (Kyemba 109–10)[53]
Among the most prominent people killed were Benedicto Kiwanuka, a former prime minister and chief justice; Janani Luwum, the Anglican archbishop; Joseph Mubiru, the former governor of the central bank of Uganda; Frank Kalimuzo, the vice-chancellor of Makerere University; Byron Kawadwa, a prominent playwright; and two of Amin's own cabinet ministers, Erinayo Wilson Oryema and Charles Oboth Ofumbi.[54]
Amin recruited his followers from his own ethnic group, the Kakwas, along with South Sudanese, and Nubians. By 1977, these three groups formed 60 per cent of the 22 top generals and 75 per cent of the cabinet. Similarly, Muslims formed 80 per cent and 87.5 per cent of these groups even though they were only 5 per cent of the population. This helps explain why Amin survived eight attempted coups.[55] The Uganda Army grew from 10,000 to 25,000 by 1978. Amin's military was largely a mercenary force. Half the soldiers were South Sudanese and 26 per cent Congolese, with only 24 per cent being Ugandan, mostly Muslim and Kakwa.[56]
We are determined to make the ordinary Ugandan master of his own destiny and, above all, to see that he enjoys the wealth of his country. Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country's history.
— Idi Amin on the persecution of minorities[57]
In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from the Indian subcontinent and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda in search of prosperity when India was still a British colony.[58] Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, which formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy.[59][60][61]
On 4 August 1972, Amin issued a decree ordering the expulsion of the 50,000 Asians who were British passport holders. This was later amended to include all 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens. Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK. Others went to Commonwealth countries such as Australia, South Africa, Canada, and Fiji, or to India, Kenya, Pakistan, Sweden, Tanzania, and the United States.[59][60][61] Amin expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and the Europeans and handed them over to his supporters. Without the experienced owners and proprietors, businesses were mismanaged and many industries collapsed from lack of operational expertise and maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining Ugandan economy.[44] At the time, Asians accounted for 90% of the country's tax revenue; with their removal, Amin's administration lost a large chunk of government revenue. The economy all but collapsed.[62]
Idi Amin murdered an estimated 500 Yemeni Hadrami Arab merchants.[63][64]
In 1975,
On 25 June 1976, the Defense Council declared Amin president for life.[67]
International relations
Initially, Amin was supported by Western powers such as
Throughout the first year of his presidency, Amin received key military and financial support from the United Kingdom and Israel. In July 1971 he visited both countries and asked for advanced military equipment, but the states refused to provide hardware unless the Ugandan government paid for it. Amin decided to seek foreign support elsewhere and in February 1972 he visited
Following the expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972, most of whom were of Indian descent, India severed
The Soviet Union under Leonid Brezhnev grew increasingly interested in Uganda as a strategic counterbalance to perceived Chinese influence in Tanzania and Western influence in Kenya. It dispatched a military mission to Uganda in November 1973. While it could not supply the financial level available from the Western powers, the Soviet Union opted to provide Amin with military hardware in exchange for his support.[72] The Soviet Union quickly became Amin's largest arms supplier, sending Uganda tanks, jets, artillery, missiles, and small arms. By 1975, it was estimated that the Soviets had provided Amin's government with $12 million in economic assistance and $48 million in arms. Amin also sent several thousand Ugandans to Eastern Bloc countries for military, intelligence, and technical training, especially Czechoslovakia.[73] East Germany was involved in the General Service Unit and the State Research Bureau, the two agencies that were most notorious for terror. Later during the Ugandan invasion of Tanzania in 1979, East Germany attempted to remove evidence of its involvement with these agencies.[5]
In December 1973 Amin launched a sarcastic 'Save Britain Fund' during the 1973–1975 recession to "save and assist our former colonial masters from economic catastrophe", while offering emergency food supplies and urging Ugandans to donate.[74][75][76]
In June 1976, Amin allowed an
Uganda under Amin embarked on a large military build-up, which raised concerns in Kenya. Early in June 1975, Kenyan officials impounded a large convoy of Soviet-made arms en route to Uganda at the port of Mombasa. Tension between Uganda and Kenya reached its climax in February 1976, when Amin announced that he would investigate the possibility that parts of southern Sudan and western and central Kenya, up to within 32 kilometres (20 mi) of Nairobi, were historically a part of colonial Uganda. The Kenyan Government responded with a stern statement that Kenya would not part with "a single inch of territory". Amin backed down after the Kenyan army deployed troops and armoured personnel carriers along the Kenya–Uganda border.[79] Amin's relations with Rwanda were tense, and during his tenure he repeatedly jeopardized its economy by denying its commercial vehicles transit to Mombasa and made multiple threats to bomb Kigali.[80]
War with Tanzania and deposition
In January 1977 Amin appointed General Mustafa Adrisi Vice President of Uganda.[81][82] That year, a split in the Uganda Army developed between supporters of Amin and soldiers loyal to Adrisi, who held significant power in the government and wanted to purge foreigners, particularly Sudanese, from the military.[83] The growing dissatisfaction in the Uganda Army was reflected by frequent coup attempts;[84] Amin was even wounded during one of them, namely Operation Mafuta Mingi in June 1977.[85][86] By 1978, the number of Amin's supporters and close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from the populace within Uganda as the economy and infrastructure collapsed as a result of the years of neglect and abuse. After the killings of Bishop Luwum and ministers Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi in 1977, several of Amin's ministers defected or fled into exile.[87] In early 1978, Adrisi was severely injured in a car accident and flown to Cairo for treatment. While he was there, Amin stripped him of his positions as Minister of Defense and Minister of Home Affairs and denounced him for retiring senior prison officials without his knowledge. Amin then proceeded to purge several high-ranking officials from his government[88] and took personal control of several ministerial portfolios. The shakeup caused political unrest and especially angered Adrisi's followers, who believed that the car accident was a failed assassination attempt.[89]
In November 1978, troops loyal to Adrisi mutinied. Amin sent troops against the mutineers, some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border.[44] Fighting consequently broke out along that border, and the Uganda Army invaded Tanzanian territory under unclear circumstances.[90] According to several experts and politicians, Amin directly ordered the invasion in an attempt to distract the Ugandan military and public from the crisis at home.[91][92] Other accounts suggest, however, that Amin had lost control of parts of the Uganda Army, so Amin's sanction for the invasion was a post-facto action to save face regarding troops who had acted without his orders.[93][94] In any case, Amin accused Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere of initiating the war against Uganda after the hostilities had erupted, and proclaimed the annexation of a section of Kagera when the Ugandan invasion initially proved to be successful.[44][48] However, as Tanzania began to prepare a counter-offensive, Amin reportedly realized his precarious situation, and attempted to defuse the conflict without losing face.[95] The Ugandan President publicly suggested that he and Nyerere participate in a boxing match which, in lieu of military action, would determine the outcome of the conflict.[96][a] Nyerere ignored the message.[96]
In January 1979, Nyerere mobilized the
Exile
Amin first escaped to Libya, where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled in Saudi Arabia, where the Saudi royal family allowed him sanctuary and paid him a generous subsidy in return for staying out of politics.[22] Amin lived for a number of years on the top two floors of the Novotel Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah. Brian Barron, who covered the Uganda–Tanzania War for the BBC as chief Africa correspondent, together with cameraman Mohamed Amin (no relation) of Visnews in Nairobi, located Amin on June 4th, 1980, and secured the first interview with him since his deposition.[109][110] While in exile, Amin funded remnants of his army that fought in the Ugandan Bush War.[111] Though he continued to be a controversial figure, some of Amin's former followers as well as several rebel groups continued to fight in his name for decades[112] and occasionally advocated for his amnesty[113] and even his restoration to Ugandan Presidency.[114] During interviews he gave during his exile in Saudi Arabia, Amin held that Uganda needed him and never expressed remorse for the brutal nature of his regime.[115]
In January 1989, Amin left his exile without authorization by the Saudi Arabian government and flew alongside one of his sons to Zaire. There, he intended to mobilize a rebel force to reconquer Uganda[116][117] which was engulfed in another civil war at the time.[118] The rest of his family stayed in Jeddah.[117] Despite using a false Zairean passport, Amin was easily recognized upon arriving with Air Zaïre at N'djili Airport and promptly arrested by Zairean security forces. The Zairean government reacted unfavorably to Amin's arrival and attempted to expel him from the country.[119] At first, Saudi Arabia refused to allow him to return,[116][117] as its government was deeply offended that he had "abused their hospitality" by leaving without permission, and doing so for political reasons.[120] The Zairean government wanted neither to extradite Amin to Uganda where the ex-president faced murder charges nor keep him in Zaire, thereby straining international relations. As a result, Amin was initially expelled to Senegal from where he was supposed to be sent to Saudi Arabia, but the Senegalese government sent him back to Zaire when Saudi Arabia continued to refuse Amin a visa.[117][120] Following appeals by Moroccan King Hassan II, the Saudi Arabian government finally relented and allowed Amin to return.[116][120] In return, Amin had to promise to never again participate in any political or military activities, nor give interviews. He consequently spent the remainder of his life in Saudi Arabia.[116]
In the final years of his life, Amin reportedly ate a
Illness and death
On 19 July 2003, Amin's fourth wife, Nalongo Madina, reported that he was in a
After Amin's death, David Owen revealed that during his term as the British Foreign Secretary (1977 to 1979), he had proposed having Amin assassinated. He has defended this, arguing: "I'm not ashamed of considering it, because his regime goes down in the scale of Pol Pot as one of the worst of all African regimes".[126]
Family and associates
Idi Amin married at least six women, three of whom he divorced. He married his first and second wives, Malyamu and Kay, in 1966. In 1967, he married Nora, and then married Nalongo Madina in 1972. On 26 March 1974, he announced on Radio Uganda that he had divorced Malyamu, Nora, and Kay.[127][128] Malyamu was arrested in Tororo on the Kenyan border in April 1974 and accused of attempting to smuggle a bolt of fabric into Kenya.[127][129] In 1974, Kay Amin died under mysterious circumstances, with her body found dismembered.[130] Nora fled to Zaire in 1979; her current whereabouts are unknown.[129]
In July 1975, Amin staged a £2 million wedding to 19-year-old
By 1993, Amin was living with the last nine of his children and one wife, Mama a Chumaru, the mother of the youngest four of his children. His last known child, daughter Iman, was born in 1992.[133] According to The Monitor, Amin married again a few months before his death in 2003,[129] and converted to Islam during his exile.[134]
Amin fathered as many as 60 children.[b] Until 2003, Taban Amin (born 1955),[137] Idi Amin's eldest son, was the leader of West Nile Bank Front (WNBF), a rebel group opposed to the government of Yoweri Museveni. In 2005, he was offered amnesty by Museveni, and in 2006, he was appointed Deputy Director General of the Internal Security Organisation.[138] Another of Amin's sons, Haji Ali Amin, ran for election as Chairman (i.e. mayor) of Njeru Town Council in 2002 but was not elected.[139]
Sarah Kyolaba's third child, Faisal Wangita (born in 1983 in Uganda; according to himself born in 1981 in Saudi Arabia) was involved in a brutal gang murder in Camden, North London, in 2006. In connection with this, he was sentenced to 5 years detention in 2007, for conspiracy to wound, conspiracy to possess offensive weapons and violent disorder. He had been convicted for possession of offensive weapons, theft and fraud in the years before.[140]
In early 2007, the award-winning film The Last King of Scotland prompted one of his sons, Jaffar Amin (born in 1967),[141] to speak out in his father's defense. Jaffar Amin said he was writing a book to rehabilitate his father's reputation.[142] Jaffar is the tenth of Amin's 40 official children by seven official wives.[141]
Among Amin's closest associates was the Briton Bob Astles.[143] Isaac Maliyamungu was an instrumental affiliate and one of the more feared officers in Amin's army.[87]
Character
Nicknames
Over the course of his career, Amin gained numerous nicknames, many of them derogatory:
- "Big Daddy":[144][145] affectionate nickname[146]
- kijambiya ("the machete"):[147] attributed to Ugandan security forces often murdering their victims with machetes[148]
- "Butcher of Uganda"[144]
- "Butcher of Africa"[149]
- "Butcher of Kampala"[120]
- "Black Hitler"[120]
- "Dada": It is disputed whether this was part of Amin's family name or a nickname. Some observers have claimed that it originated as a nickname for Amin's "cowardly" behavior, as it can be translated as "sister", though this has been strongly disputed by others.[150][151] Amin's family has stated that "Dada" was simply an alternative name for the Lugbara people which is occasionally used as a personal name. Researcher Mark Leopold judged this to be more likely than the nickname theory.[152]
- "Dr. Jaffa":[122] he earned this nickname in exile in Saudi Arabia due to his daily consumption of oranges, especially after allegedly transitioning to fruitarianism.[121][123]
Erratic behavior, self-bestowed titles and media portrayal
As the years progressed, Amin's behavior became more erratic, unpredictable, and strident. After the United Kingdom broke off all diplomatic relations with his regime in 1977, Amin declared that he had defeated the British, and he conferred on himself the decoration of CBE (Conqueror of the British Empire). His full self-bestowed title ultimately became: "His Excellency, President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin Dada, VC,
Amin became the subject of rumors, including a widespread belief that he was a cannibal.[155] Amin reportedly also boasted that he kept the severed heads of political enemies in his freezer, although he said that human flesh was generally "too salty" for his taste.[156]
During Amin's time in power, popular media outside of Uganda often portrayed him as an essentially comic and eccentric figure.
The foreign media were often criticized by Ugandan exiles and defectors for emphasizing Amin's self-aggrandizing eccentricities and taste for excess while downplaying or excusing his murderous behavior.[161] Other commentators even suggested that Amin had deliberately cultivated his eccentric reputation in the foreign media as an easily parodied buffoon in order to defuse international concern over his administration of Uganda.[162] Ugandan soldier and rebel Patrick Kimumwe argued that Amin's "clowning conceal[ed] a ruthless extinction of human rights" in Uganda.[163] Journalists Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey wrote, "facile explanations of Amin's regime, as either a one-man show or a lawless and ruthless band of killers, do not get at the heart of the power structure."[164]
Legacy
Gender historian Alicia Decker wrote that the "deeply embedded culture of militarism in Uganda is undoubtedly Amin's most enduring legacy."[165] In the immediate aftermath of his deposition, war correspondent Al J Venter stated that Ugandans still spoke about Amin "with a certain amount of awe, now laced with venom".[108] His reputation in Uganda has been viewed over the decades following his rule in more complex ways than in the international community. Some Ugandans have praised him as a "patriot" and supported his decision to expel Asians from the country.[166] At the time of his death, he was particularly well-regarded in north-western Uganda.[167] One of Amin's sons, Jaffar Remo, criticized the negative public perception of his father and called for a commission to investigate the veracity of the abuses committed under his rule.[168]
In popular culture
During the 1970s, while Amin was at the height of his infamy, British comic actor
A 1974 documentary film General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait by director Barbet Schroeder was made with the support and participation of Idi Amin. Rise and Fall of Idi Amin (1981) is a Kenyan film that details the history of Idi Amin's reign. This film popularized many rumors about Amin's brutality, such as his alleged mutilation of one of his wives. Amin is played by Joseph Olita, who reprised this role in Mississippi Masala (1991), a film about romance between African and Asian-Americans following Amin's 1972 expulsion of Asians from Uganda.
Amin is the subject of English journalist
See also
Notes
- ^ Amin also proposed that Muhammad Ali could act as referee.[97] Researcher Alicia C. Decker reasoned that the suggestion of a boxing match was supposed to "bolster [Amin's] masculinity" and thereby showcase that he remained a strong leader in the face of mounting opposition to his regime. Accordingly, the proposal was mostly directed toward a Ugandan audience, and part of Amin's "performative" ruling style.[98]
- ^ A report in The Monitor says he was survived by 45 children,[129] while another in the BBC gives the figure of 54.[135] Some members of his family estimated that he had near 60 children.[136]
References
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- JSTOR 1793302.
- ^ Dale C. Tatum. Who influenced whom?. p. 177.
- ^ a b Gareth M. Winrow. The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, p. 141.
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- ^ ISBN 978-0-300-15439-9.
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External links
- The Idi Amin I knew, Brian Barron, BBC, 16 August 2003. Includes a video of Brian Barron interviewing Idi Amin in exile in 1980. The Atlantic – 1 April 2001 Memo and Quincy LS the series
- General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait on Google Videos (Flash Video)
- idiamindada.com, a website devoted to Idi Amin's legacy created by his son Jaffar Amin
- Idi Amin at IMDb