Spiro Agnew
Spiro T. Agnew | |
---|---|
Executive of Baltimore County | |
In office December 6, 1962 – December 8, 1966 | |
Preceded by | Christian H. Kahl |
Succeeded by | Dale Anderson |
Personal details | |
Born | Spiro Theodore Agnew November 9, 1918 Baltimore, Maryland, U.S. |
Died | September 17, 1996 (aged 77) Berlin, Maryland, U.S. |
Resting place | Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens |
Political party | Republican |
Spouse | |
Children | 4 |
Education | |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Branch/service | United States Army |
Years of service | 1941–1945 |
Rank | Captain |
Commands | Service Company, 54th Armored Infantry Battalion, 10th Armored Division |
Battles/wars |
|
Awards | Bronze Star |
Spiro Theodore Agnew (
Agnew was born in
At the 1968 Republican National Convention, Richard Nixon asked Agnew to place his name in nomination, and named him as running mate. Agnew's centrist reputation interested Nixon; the law and order stance he had taken in the wake of civil unrest that year appealed to aides such as Pat Buchanan. Agnew made a number of gaffes during the campaign, but his rhetoric pleased many Republicans, and he may have made the difference in several key states. Nixon and Agnew defeated the Democratic ticket of incumbent vice president Hubert Humphrey and his running mate, Senator Edmund Muskie, and American Independent Party candidates George Wallace and Curtis LeMay. As vice president, Agnew was often called upon to attack the administration's enemies. In the years of his vice presidency, Agnew moved to the right, appealing to conservatives who were suspicious of moderate stances taken by Nixon. In the presidential election of 1972, Nixon and Agnew were re-elected for a second term, defeating Senator George McGovern and his running mate Sargent Shriver in one of the largest landslides in American history.
In 1973, Agnew was investigated by the
Early life
Family background
Spiro Agnew's father was born Theophrastos Anagnostopoulos in about 1877, in the Greek town of Gargalianoi, Messenia.[1][2] The family may have been involved in olive growing and been impoverished during a crisis in the industry in the 1890s.[3] Anagnostopoulos emigrated to the United States in 1897[4] (some accounts say 1902)[3][5] and settled in Schenectady, New York, where he changed his name to Theodore Agnew and opened a diner.[3] A passionate self-educator, Agnew maintained a lifelong interest in philosophy; one family member recalled that "if he wasn't reading something to improve his mind, he wouldn't read."[6] Around 1908, he moved to Baltimore, where he purchased a restaurant. Here he met William Pollard, who was the city's federal meat inspector. The two became friends; Pollard and his wife Margaret were regular customers of the restaurant. After Pollard died in April 1917, Agnew and Margaret Pollard began a courtship which led to their marriage on December 12, 1917. Spiro Agnew was born 11 months later, on November 9, 1918.[3]
Margaret Pollard, born Margaret Marian Akers in Bristol, Virginia, in 1883, was the youngest in a family of 10 children.[3] As a young adult she moved to Washington, D.C., and found employment in various government offices before marrying Pollard and moving to Baltimore. The Pollards had one son, Roy, who was 10 years old when Pollard died.[3] After the marriage to Agnew in 1917 and Spiro's birth the following year, the new family settled in a small apartment at 226 West Madison Street, near downtown Baltimore.[7]
Childhood, education, early career, and marriage
In accordance with his mother's wishes, the infant Spiro was baptized as an
During the early 1920s, the Agnews prospered. Theodore acquired a larger restaurant, the Piccadilly, and moved the family to a house in the
In February 1937, Agnew entered Johns Hopkins University at their new Homewood campus in north Baltimore as a chemistry major. After a few months, he found the pressure of the academic work increasingly stressful, and was distracted by the family's continuing financial problems and worries about the international situation, in which war seemed likely. In 1939 he decided that his future lay in law rather than chemistry, left Johns Hopkins and began night classes at the University of Baltimore School of Law. To support himself, he took a day job as an insurance clerk with the Maryland Casualty Company at their "Rotunda" building on 40th Street in Roland Park.[12]
During the three years Agnew spent at the company he rose to the position of assistant underwriter.[12] At the office, he met a young filing clerk, Elinor Judefind, known as "Judy". She had grown up in the same part of the city as Agnew, but the two had not previously met. They began dating, became engaged, and were married in Baltimore on May 27, 1942. They had four children;[13] Pamela Lee, James Rand, Susan Scott, and Elinor Kimberly.[14]
War and after
World War II (1941–1945)
By the time of the marriage, Agnew had been
After a two-day honeymoon, Agnew returned to Fort Knox. He served there, or at nearby
Postwar years (1945–1956)
On return to civilian life, Agnew resumed his legal studies, and secured a job as a law clerk with the Baltimore firm of Smith and Barrett. Until that time, Agnew had been largely non-political; his nominal allegiance had been to the Democratic Party, following his father's beliefs. The firm's senior partner, Lester Barrett, advised Agnew that if he wanted a career in politics, he should become a Republican. There were already many ambitious young Democrats in Baltimore and its suburbs, whereas competent, personable Republicans were scarcer. Agnew took Barrett's advice; on moving with family to the suburb of Lutherville in 1947, Agnew registered as a Republican, though he did not immediately become involved in politics.[18][19]
In 1947, Agnew graduated with a
In 1955, Barrett was appointed a judge in
Beginnings in public life
Political awakening
In the 1950s, Agnew volunteered for the congressional campaigns of
In the November 1960 elections, Agnew decided to seek election to the county circuit court, against the local tradition that sitting judges seeking re-election were not opposed. He was unsuccessful, finishing last of five candidates.[4] This failed attempt raised his profile, and he was regarded by his Democratic opponents as a Republican on the rise.[27] The 1960 elections saw the Democrats win control of the county council, and one of their first actions was to remove Agnew from the Zoning Appeals Board. According to Agnew's biographer, Jules Witcover, "The publicity generated by the Democrats' crude dismissal of Agnew cast him as the honest servant wronged by the machine."[28] Seeking to capitalize on this mood, Agnew asked to be nominated as the Republican candidate in the 1962 U.S. congressional elections, in Maryland's 2nd congressional district. The party chose the more experienced J. Fife Symington, but wanted to take advantage of Agnew's local support. He accepted their invitation to run for county executive, the county's chief executive officer; Democrats had held the executive's post and its predecessor, chairman of the board of county commissioners, since 1895.[4][28]
Agnew's chances in 1962 were boosted by a feud in the Democratic ranks, as the retired former county executive, Michael Birmingham, fell out with his successor and defeated him in the Democratic primary. By contrast with his elderly opponent, Agnew was able to campaign as a "White Knight" promising change; his program included an anti-discrimination bill requiring public amenities such as parks, bars and restaurants be open to all races, policies that neither Birmingham nor any Maryland Democrat could have introduced at that time without angering supporters.[29][30] In the November election, despite an intervention by Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson on Birmingham's behalf,[31] Agnew beat his opponent by 78,487 votes to 60,993.[32] When Symington lost to Democrat Clarence Long in his congressional race, Agnew became the highest-ranking Republican in Maryland.[33]
County executive
Agnew's four-year term as county executive saw a moderately progressive administration, which included the building of new schools, increases to teachers' salaries, reorganization of the police department, and improvements to the water and sewer systems.[4][5][34] His anti-discrimination bill passed, and gave him a reputation as a liberal, but its impact was limited in a county where the population was 97 percent white.[35] His relations with the increasingly militant civil rights movement were sometimes troubled. In a number of desegregation disputes involving private property, Agnew appeared to prioritize law and order, showing a particular aversion to any kind of demonstration.[36] His reaction to the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing in Alabama, in which four children died, was to refuse to attend a memorial service at a Baltimore church, and to denounce a planned demonstration in support of the victims.[37]
As county executive, Agnew was sometimes criticized for being too close to rich and influential businessmen,[5] and was accused of cronyism after bypassing the normal bidding procedures and designating three of his Republican friends as the county's insurance brokers of record, ensuring them large commissions. Agnew's standard reaction to such criticisms was to display moral indignation, denounce his opponents' "outrageous distortions", deny any wrongdoing and insist on his personal integrity; tactics which, Cohen and Witcover note, were to be seen again as he defended himself against the corruption allegations that ended his vice presidency.[38]
In the 1964 presidential election, Agnew was opposed to the Republican frontrunner, the conservative Barry Goldwater, initially supporting the moderate California senator Thomas Kuchel, a candidacy that, Witcover remarks, "died stillborn".[39] After the failure of moderate Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton's candidacy at the party convention, Agnew gave his reluctant support to Goldwater, but privately opined that the choice of so extremist a candidate had cost the Republicans any chance of victory.[40]
Governor of Maryland (1967–1969)
Election 1966
As his four-year term as executive neared its end, Agnew knew that his chances of re-election were slim, given that the county's Democrats had healed their rift.[38] Instead, in 1966 he sought the Republican nomination for governor, and with the backing of party leaders won the April primary by a wide margin.[41]
In the Democratic party, three candidates—a moderate, a liberal, and an outright segregationist—battled for their party's
After the campaign, it emerged that Agnew had failed to report three alleged attempts to bribe him that had been made on behalf of the slot-machine industry, involving sums of $20,000, $75,000, and $200,000, if he would promise not to veto legislation keeping the machines legal in Southern Maryland. He justified his silence on the grounds that no actual offer had been made: "Nobody sat down in front of me with a suitcase of money."[49] Agnew was also criticized over his part-ownership of land close to the site of a planned, but never-built second bridge over Chesapeake Bay. Opponents claimed a conflict of interest, since some of Agnew's partners in the venture were simultaneously involved in business deals with the county. Agnew denied any conflict or impropriety, saying that the property involved was outside Baltimore County and his jurisdiction. Nevertheless, he sold his interest.[50]
In office
Agnew's term as governor was marked by an agenda which included tax reform, clean water regulations, and the repeal of laws against interracial marriage.
For the most part, Agnew remained somewhat aloof from the state legislature,
Agnew publicly supported civil rights, but deplored the militant tactics used by some black leaders.
Following the
Vice presidential candidate (1968)
Background: Rockefeller and Nixon
At least until the April 1968 disturbances, Agnew's image was that of a liberal Republican. Since 1964 he had supported the presidential ambitions of Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, and early in 1968, with that year's elections looming, he became chairman of the "Rockefeller for President" citizens' committee.[70] When in a televised speech on March 21, 1968, Rockefeller shocked his supporters with an apparently unequivocal withdrawal from the race, Agnew was dismayed and humiliated; despite his very public role in the Rockefeller campaign, he had received no advance warning of the decision. He took this as a personal insult and as a blow to his credibility.[71][72]
Within days of Rockefeller's announcement, Agnew was being wooed by supporters of the former vice president Richard Nixon, whose campaign for the Republican nomination was well under way.[73] Agnew had no antagonism towards Nixon, and in the wake of Rockefeller's withdrawal had indicated that Nixon might be his "second choice".[72] When the two met in New York on March 29 they found an easy rapport.[74] Agnew's words and actions after the April disturbances in Baltimore delighted conservative members of the Nixon camp such as Pat Buchanan, and also impressed Nixon.[75] When on April 30 Rockefeller re-entered the race, Agnew's reaction was cool. He commended the governor as potentially a "formidable candidate" but did not commit his support: "A lot of things have happened since his withdrawal ... I think I've got to take another look at this situation".[76]
In mid-May, Nixon, interviewed by
Republican National Convention
As Nixon prepared for the August 1968 Republican National Convention in
At the convention, held August 5–8, Agnew abandoned his favorite son status, placing Nixon's name in nomination.[82] Nixon narrowly secured the nomination on the first ballot.[83] In the discussions that followed about a running mate, Nixon kept his counsel while various party factions thought they could influence his choice: Strom Thurmond, the senator from South Carolina, told a party meeting that he held a veto on the vice presidency.[84] It was evident that Nixon wanted a centrist, though there was little enthusiasm when he first proposed Agnew, and other possibilities were discussed.[85] Agnew was seen as a candidate who could appeal to Rockefeller Republicans, was acceptable to Southern Conservatives, and had a solid law-and-order record.[86] Some party insiders thought that Nixon had privately settled on Agnew early on, and that the consideration of other candidates was little more than a charade.[87][88] On August 8, after a final meeting of advisers and party leaders, Nixon declared that Agnew was his choice, and shortly afterwards announced his decision to the press.[89] Delegates formally nominated Agnew for the vice presidency later that day, before adjourning.[90]
In his acceptance speech, Agnew told the convention he had "a deep sense of the improbability of this moment".[91] Agnew was not yet a national figure, and a widespread reaction to the nomination was "Spiro who?"[92] In Atlanta, three pedestrians gave their reactions to the name when interviewed on television: "It's some kind of disease"; "It's some kind of egg"; "He's a Greek that owns that shipbuilding firm."[93]
Campaign
In 1968, the Nixon–Agnew ticket faced two principal opponents. The Democrats, at
Initially, Agnew played the centrist, pointing to his civil rights record in Maryland.
Throughout September, Agnew was in the news, generally as a result of what one reporter called his "offensive and sometimes dangerous banality".[99] He used the derogatory term "Polack" to describe Polish-Americans, referred to a Japanese-American reporter as "the fat Jap",[100] and appeared to dismiss poor socio-economic conditions by stating that "if you've seen one slum you've seen them all."[95] He attacked Humphrey as soft on communism, an appeaser like Britain's prewar prime minister Neville Chamberlain.[101] Agnew was mocked by his Democratic opponents; a Humphrey commercial displayed the message "Agnew for Vice President?" against a soundtrack of prolonged hysterical laughter that degenerated into a painful cough, before a final message: "This would be funny if it weren't so serious..."[102] Agnew's comments outraged many, but Nixon did not rein him in; such right-wing populism had a strong appeal in the Southern states and was an effective counter to Wallace. Agnew's rhetoric was also popular in some Northern areas,[103] and helped to galvanize "white backlash" into something less racially defined, more attuned to the suburban ethic defined by historian Peter B. Levy as "orderliness, personal responsibility, the sanctity of hard work, the nuclear family, and law and order".[104]
In late October, Agnew survived an exposé in
Vice presidency (1969–1973)
Transition and early days
Immediately after the 1968 election, Agnew was still uncertain what Nixon would expect of him as vice president.[110] He met with Nixon several days after the election in Key Biscayne, Florida. Nixon, vice president himself for eight years under Eisenhower, wanted to spare Agnew the boredom and lack of a role he had sometimes experienced in that office.[110] Nixon initially gave Agnew an office in the West Wing of the White House, a first for a vice president, although in December 1969 it was given to deputy assistant Alexander Butterfield and Agnew had to move to an office in the Executive Office Building.[111] When they stood before the press after the meeting, Nixon pledged that Agnew would not have to undertake the ceremonial roles usually undertaken by the holders of the vice presidency, but would have "new duties beyond what any vice president has previously assumed".[110] Nixon told the press that he planned to make full use of Agnew's experience as county executive and as governor in dealing with matters of federal-state relations and in urban affairs.[112]
Nixon established transition headquarters in New York, but Agnew was not invited to meet with him there until November 27, when the two met for an hour. When Agnew spoke to reporters afterwards, he stated that he felt "exhilarated" with his new responsibilities, but did not explain what those were. During the transition period, Agnew traveled extensively, enjoying his new status. He vacationed on
During the transition, Agnew hired a staff, choosing several aides who had worked with him as county executive and as governor. He hired Charles Stanley Blair as chief of staff; Blair had been a member of the House of Delegates and served as Maryland Secretary of State under Agnew. Arthur Sohmer, Agnew's long-time campaign manager, became his political advisor, and Herb Thompson, a former journalist, became press secretary.[114]
Agnew was sworn in along with Nixon on January 20, 1969; as was customary, he sat down immediately after being sworn in, and did not make a speech.
Agnew's pride had been stung by the negative news coverage of him during the campaign, and he sought to bolster his reputation by assiduous performance of his duties. It had become usual for the vice president to preside over the Senate only if he might be needed to break a tie, but Agnew opened every session for the first two months of his term, and spent more time presiding, in his first year, than any vice president since
"Nixon's Nixon": attacking the left
The public image of Agnew as an uncompromising critic of the violent protests that had marked 1968 persisted into his vice presidency. At first, he tried to take a more conciliatory tone, in line with Nixon's own speeches after taking office. Still, he urged a firm line against violence,[120] stating in a speech in Honolulu on May 2, 1969, that "we have a new breed of self-appointed vigilantes arising—the counterdemonstrators—taking the law into their own hands because officials fail to call law enforcement authorities. We have a vast faceless majority of the American public in quiet fury over the situation—and with good reason."[121]
On October 14, 1969, the day before the anti-war
Nixon had Agnew deliver a series of speeches attacking their political opponents. In New Orleans on October 19, Agnew blamed liberal elites for condoning violence by demonstrators: "a spirit of national masochism prevails, encouraged by an effete corps of impudent snobs who characterize themselves as intellectuals".
In the wake of these remarks, Nixon delivered his
Historically, the press had enjoyed considerable prestige and respect to that point, though some Republicans complained of bias.[132] But in his Des Moines speech, Agnew attacked the media, complaining that immediately after Nixon's speech, "his words and policies were subjected to instant analysis and querulous criticism ... by a small band of network commentators and self-appointed analysts, the majority of whom expressed in one way or another their hostility to what he had to say ... It was obvious that their minds were made up in advance."[133] Agnew continued, "I am asking whether a form of censorship already exists when the news that forty million Americans receive each night is determined by a handful of men ... and filtered through a handful of commentators who admit their own set of biases".[134]
Agnew thus put into words feelings that many Republicans and conservatives had long felt about the news media.[133] Television network executives and commentators responded with outrage. Julian Goodman, president of NBC, stated that Agnew had made an "appeal to prejudice ... it is regrettable that the Vice President of the United States should deny to TV freedom of the press".[135] Frank Stanton, head of CBS, accused Agnew of trying to intimidate the news media, and his news anchor, Walter Cronkite, agreed.[136] The speech was praised by conservatives from both parties, and gave Agnew a following among the right.[137] Agnew deemed the Des Moines speech one of his finest moments[138]
On November 20 in Montgomery, Alabama, Agnew reinforced his earlier speech with an attack on The New York Times and The Washington Post, again originated by Buchanan. Both papers had enthusiastically endorsed Agnew's candidacy for governor in 1966 but had castigated him as unfit for the vice presidency two years later. The Post in particular had been hostile to Nixon since the Hiss case in the 1940s. Agnew accused the papers of sharing a narrow viewpoint alien to most Americans.[139] Agnew alleged that the newspapers were trying to circumscribe his First Amendment right to speak of what he believed, while demanding unfettered freedom for themselves, and warned, "the day when the network commentators and even the gentlemen of The New York Times enjoyed a form of diplomatic immunity from comment and criticism of what they said is over."[140]
After Montgomery, Nixon sought a détente with the media, and Agnew's attacks ended. Agnew's approval rating soared to 64 percent in late November, and the Times called him "a formidable political asset" to the administration.[141] The speeches gave Agnew a power base among conservatives, and boosted his presidential chances for the 1976 election.[142]
1970: Protesters and midterm elections
Agnew's attacks on the administration's opponents, and the flair with which he made his addresses, made him popular as a speaker at Republican fundraising events. He traveled over 25,000 miles (40,000 km) on behalf of the Republican National Committee in early 1970,
Agnew continued to try to increase his influence with Nixon, against the opposition of Haldeman, who was consolidating his power as the second most powerful person in the administration.[146] Agnew was successful in being heard at an April 22, 1970, meeting of the National Security Council. An impediment to Nixon's plan for Vietnamization of the war in Southeast Asia was increasing Viet Cong control of parts of Cambodia, beyond the reach of South Vietnamese troops and used as sanctuaries. Feeling that Nixon was getting overly dovish advice from Secretary of State William P. Rogers and Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird, Agnew stated that if the sanctuaries were a threat, they should be attacked and neutralized. Nixon chose to attack the Viet Cong positions in Cambodia, a decision that had Agnew's support, and that he remained convinced was correct after his resignation.[147]
The continuing student protests against the war brought Agnew's scorn. In a speech on April 28 in Hollywood, Florida, Agnew stated that responsibility of the unrest lay with those who failed to guide them, and suggested that the alumni of
Nixon's agenda had been impeded by the fact that Congress was controlled by Democrats and he hoped to take control of the Senate in the 1970 midterm elections.[143] Worried that Agnew was too divisive a figure, Nixon and his aides initially planned to restrict Agnew's role to fundraising and the giving of a standard stump speech that would avoid personal attacks.[153] The president believed that appealing to white, middle- and lower-class voters on social issues would lead to Republican victories in November. He planned not to do any active campaigning, but to remain above the fray and let Agnew campaign as spokesman for the Silent Majority.[154]
On September 10 in
Nixon wanted to get rid of Goodell, a Republican who had been appointed by Governor Rockefeller after the
Re-election in 1972
Through 1971, it was uncertain if Agnew would be retained on the ticket as Nixon sought a second term in 1972. Neither Nixon nor his aides were enamored of Agnew's independence and outspokenness, and were less than happy at Agnew's popularity among conservatives suspicious of Nixon. The President considered replacing him with Treasury Secretary John Connally, a Democrat and former Governor of Texas. For his part, Agnew was unhappy with many of Nixon's stances, especially in foreign policy, disliking Nixon's rapprochement with China (on which Agnew was not consulted) and believing that the Vietnam War could be won with sufficient force. Even after Nixon announced his re-election bid at the start of 1972, it was unclear if Agnew would be his running mate, and it was not until July 21 that Nixon asked Agnew and the vice president accepted. A public announcement was made the following day.[161]
Nixon instructed Agnew to avoid personal attacks on the press and the Democratic presidential nominee, South Dakota Senator
Nixon took the high road in the campaign, but still wanted McGovern attacked for his positions, and the task fell in part to Agnew. The vice president told the press he was anxious to discard the image he had earned as a partisan campaigner in 1968 and 1970, and wanted to be perceived as conciliatory. He defended Nixon on Watergate, and when McGovern alleged that the Nixon administration was the most corrupt in history, made a speech in South Dakota, describing McGovern as a "desperate candidate who can't seem to understand that the American people don't want a philosophy of defeat and self-hate put upon them".[164]
The race was never close, as the McGovern/Shriver ticket's campaign was effectively over before it even began. The Nixon/Agnew ticket easily won reelection, winning 49 states (losing only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia) and over 60 percent of the vote. Trying to position himself as the front-runner for 1976, Agnew campaigned widely for Republican candidates, something Nixon would not do. Despite Agnew's efforts, Democrats easily held both houses of Congress, gaining two seats in the Senate, though the Republicans gained twelve in the House.[165]
Criminal investigation and resignation
In early 1972, George Beall, the United States Attorney for the District of Maryland, opened an investigation of corruption in Baltimore County, involving public officials, architects, engineering firms, and paving contractors.[166] Beall's target was the then-current political leadership in Baltimore County.[167] There were rumors that Agnew might be involved, which Beall initially discounted; Agnew had not been county executive since December 1966, so any wrongdoing potentially committed while he held that office could not be prosecuted because the statute of limitations had expired. As part of the investigation, Lester Matz's engineering firm was served with a subpoena for documents, and through his counsel he sought immunity in exchange for cooperation in the investigation. Matz had been kicking back to Agnew five percent of the value of contracts received through his influence, first county contracts during his term in Towson, and subsequently state contracts while Agnew was governor.[166][168]
Investigative reporters and Democratic operatives had pursued rumors that Agnew had been corrupt during his years as a Maryland official, but had been unable to substantiate them.[169] In February 1973, Agnew heard of the investigation and had Attorney General Richard Kleindienst contact Beall.[170] The vice president's personal attorney, George White, visited Beall, who stated that Agnew was not under investigation, and that prosecutors would do their best to protect Agnew's name.[171] In June, Matz's attorney disclosed to Beall that his client could show that Agnew not only had been corrupt, but that payments to him had continued into his vice presidency. The statute of limitations would not prevent Agnew from being prosecuted for these later payments.[172] On July 3, Beall informed the new Attorney General, Elliot Richardson. At the end of the month Nixon, through his chief of staff, Alexander Haig, was informed. Agnew had already met with both Nixon and Haig to assert his innocence. On August 1, Beall sent a letter to Agnew's attorney, formally advising that the vice president was under investigation for tax fraud and corruption.[173] Matz was prepared to testify that he had met with Agnew at the White House and given him $10,000 in cash[174] Another witness, Jerome B. Wolff, head of Maryland's road commission, had extensive documentation that detailed, as Beall put it, "every corrupt payment he participated in with then-Governor Agnew".[166]
Richardson, whom Nixon had ordered to take personal responsibility for the investigation, met with Agnew and his attorneys on August 6 to outline the case, but Agnew denied culpability, saying the selection of Matz's firm had been routine, and the money was a campaign contribution. The story broke in The Wall Street Journal later that day.[175] Agnew publicly proclaimed his innocence and on August 8 held a press conference at which he called the stories "damned lies".[176] Nixon, at a meeting on August 7, assured Agnew of his complete confidence, but Haig visited Agnew at his office and suggested that if the charges could be sustained, Agnew might want to take action before being indicted. By this time, the Watergate investigation that would lead to Nixon's resignation was well advanced. For the next two months, fresh revelations in each scandal were almost daily fare in the newspapers.[176]
Under increasing pressure to resign, Agnew took the position that a sitting vice president could not be indicted and met with Speaker of the House Carl Albert on September 25, asking for an investigation. He cited as precedent an 1826 House investigation of Vice President John C. Calhoun, who was alleged to have taken improper payments while a cabinet member. Albert, second in line to the presidency under Agnew, responded that it would be improper for the House to act in a matter before the courts.[177] Agnew also filed a motion to block any indictment on the grounds that he had been prejudiced by improper leaks from the Justice Department, and tried to rally public opinion, giving a speech before a friendly audience in Los Angeles asserting his innocence and attacking the prosecution.[178] Nevertheless, Agnew entered into negotiations for a plea bargain on the condition that he would not serve jail time.[179] He wrote in his memoirs that he entered the plea bargain because he was worn out from the extended crisis, to protect his family, and because he feared he could not get a fair trial.[180] He made his decision on October 5, and plea negotiations took place over the following days. On October 9, Agnew visited Nixon at the White House and informed the President of his impending resignation.[181]
On October 10, 1973, Agnew appeared before the federal court in Baltimore, and pleaded nolo contendere (no contest) to one felony charge, tax evasion, for the year 1967. Richardson agreed that there would be no further prosecution of Agnew, and released a 40-page summary of the evidence. Agnew was fined $10,000 and placed on three years' unsupervised probation. Immediately prior to entering court, Agnew had an aide submit his formal letter of resignation to the Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, and sent a letter to Nixon stating he was resigning in the best interest of the nation. Nixon responded with a letter concurring that the resignation was necessary to avoid a lengthy period of division and uncertainty, and applauding Agnew for his patriotism and dedication to the welfare of the United States.[182]
Post-vice presidency (1973–1996)
Subsequent career: 1973–1990
Soon after his resignation, Agnew moved to his summer home at
Agnew pursued other business interests: an unsuccessful land deal in Kentucky, and an equally fruitless partnership with golfer Doug Sanders over a beer distributionship in Texas.[187] In 1976 he published a novel, The Canfield Decision, about an American vice president's troubled relationship with his president. The book received mixed reviews, but was commercially successful, with Agnew receiving $100,000 for serialization rights alone.[188] The book landed Agnew in controversy; his fictional counterpart, George Canfield, refers to "Jewish cabals and Zionist lobbies" and their hold over the American media, a charge which Agnew, while on a book tour, asserted was true in real life.[189] This brought complaints from Seymour Graubard, of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, and a rebuke from President Ford, then campaigning for re-election.[190] Agnew denied any antisemitism or bigotry: "My contention is that routinely the American news media ... favors the Israeli position and does not in a balanced way present the other equities".[191] Also in 1976, Agnew announced that he was establishing a charitable foundation "Education for Democracy", but nothing more was heard of this after B'nai B'rith accused it of being a front for Agnew's anti-Israeli views.[187]
In 1977 Agnew was wealthy enough to move to a new home at The Springs Country Club in
In 1980, Agnew wrote to Fahd bin Abdulaziz, at the time Crown Prince and de facto Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia, claiming that he had been bled dry by attacks on him by Zionists, whom he blamed for forcing him out of office. He requested an interest-free three-year loan of $2 million, to be deposited in a Swiss bank account, on which the interest would be available to Agnew. He stated that he would use the funds to "continue my effort to inform the American people of their (i.e., Zionists') control of the media and other influential sectors of American society." He also congratulated the crown prince on his call for jihad against Israel, whose declaration of Jerusalem as its capital he characterized as "the final provocation". A month later he thanked the crown prince for giving him "the resources to continue the battle against the Zionist community here in the U.S."[193][194]
In 1980, Agnew published a memoir, Go Quietly ... or Else. In it, he protested his total innocence of the charges that had brought his resignation. His assertions of innocence were undermined when his former lawyer George White testified that his client had admitted statehouse bribery to him, saying it had been going on "for a thousand years".[195] Agnew also made a new claim: that he resigned because he had been warned by White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig to "go quietly" or face an unspoken threat of possible assassination. Haig denied the story, saying that it was "preposterous", and the Agnew aide who supposedly reported this warning to Agnew also denied it, saying there was "never any threat of bodily harm".[196] Agnew biographer Joseph P. Coffey describes the claim as "absurd".[188]
After the publication of Go Quietly, Agnew largely disappeared from public view.
Agnew also was briefly in the news in 1987, when as the plaintiff in Federal District Court in Brooklyn, he revealed information about his then-recent business activities through his company, Pathlite, Inc. Among other activities, Agnew arranged contracts in Taiwan and Saudi Arabia, and represented a conglomerate based in South Korea, a German aircraft manufacturer, a French company that made uniforms, and a dredging company from Greece. He also represented the Hoppmann Corporation, an American company attempting to arrange for communications work in Argentina. He also discussed with local businessmen a potential concert by Frank Sinatra in Argentina. Agnew wrote in court papers "I have one utility, and that's the ability to penetrate to the top people."[5]
Final years and death
External videos | |
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Spiro Agnew bust unveiling, U.S. Capitol building, May 24, 1995, C-SPAN |
For the remainder of his life, Agnew kept distant from news media and Washington politics. Stating he felt "totally abandoned", Agnew declined to take any and all phone calls from President Nixon.[200] When Nixon died in 1994, his daughters invited Agnew to attend the funeral at Yorba Linda, California. At first he refused, still bitter over how he had been treated by the White House in his final days as vice president; over the years he had rejected various overtures from the Nixon camp to mend fences. He was persuaded to accept the invitation, and received a warm welcome there from his former colleagues.[201] "I decided after twenty years of resentment to put it aside", he said.[202] A year later, Agnew appeared at the Capitol in Washington for the dedication of a bust of him, to be placed with those of other vice presidents. Agnew commented: "I am not blind or deaf to the fact that some people feel that ... the Senate by commissioning this bust is giving me an honor I don't deserve. I would remind these people that ... this ceremony has less to do with Spiro Agnew than with the office I held".[203]
On September 16, 1996, Agnew collapsed at his summer home in Ocean City, Maryland. He was taken to Atlantic General Hospital in Berlin, Maryland, where he died the following evening. The cause of death was undiagnosed acute leukemia. Agnew remained fit and active into his seventies, playing golf and tennis regularly, and was scheduled to play tennis with a friend on the day of his death. The funeral, at Timonium, Maryland, was mainly confined to family; Buchanan and some of Agnew's former Secret Service detail also attended to pay their final respects.[203][204] In recognition of his service as vice president, an honor guard of the combined military services fired a 21-gun salute at the graveside.[205] Agnew's wife Judith survived him by 16 years, dying at Rancho Mirage on June 20, 2012.[13]
Legacy
At the time of his death, Agnew's legacy was perceived largely in negative terms. The circumstances of his fall from public life, particularly in the light of his declared dedication to law and order, did much to engender cynicism and distrust towards politicians of every stripe.[4] His disgrace led to a greater degree of care in the selection of potential vice presidents. Most of the running mates selected by the major parties after 1972 were seasoned politicians—Walter Mondale, George H. W. Bush, Lloyd Bentsen, Al Gore, Jack Kemp, Joe Lieberman, Dick Cheney and Joe Biden—some of whom themselves became their party's nominee for president.[203]
Some recent historians have seen Agnew as important in the development of the New Right, arguing that he should be honored alongside the acknowledged founding fathers of the movement such as Goldwater and Reagan; Victor Gold, Agnew's former press secretary, considered him the movement's "John the Baptist".[206] Goldwater's crusade in 1964, at the height of Johnsonian liberalism, came too early, but by the time of Agnew's election, liberalism was on the wane, and as Agnew moved to the right after 1968, the country moved with him.[203] Agnew's fall shocked and saddened conservatives, but it did not inhibit the growth of the New Right.[207] Agnew, the first suburban politician to achieve high office, helped to popularize the view that much of the national media was controlled by elitist and effete liberals.[206] Levy noted that Agnew "helped recast the Republicans as a Party of 'Middle Americans' and, even in disgrace, reinforced the public's distrust of government."[208]
For Agnew himself, despite his rise from his origins in Baltimore to next in line to the presidency, "there could be little doubt that history's judgment was already upon him, the first Vice President of the United States to have resigned in disgrace. All that he achieved or sought to achieve in his public life ... had been buried in that tragic and irrefutable act".[209]
Levy sums up the "might-have-been" of Agnew's career thus:
It is not a far stretch to imagine that if Agnew had contested corruption charges half as hard as Nixon denied culpability for Watergate—as Goldwater and several other stalwart conservatives wanted him to—today we might be speaking of Agnew-Democrats and Agnewnomics, and deem Agnew the father of modern conservatism.[210]
See also
References
Notes
- ^ "Athens rules out pressure by U.S." The New York Times. October 10, 1971. Archived from the original on December 3, 2017. Retrieved January 28, 2018.
- ISBN 978-1351516693.
- ^ a b c d e f Coffey 2015, p. 7.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Wepman 2001.
- ^ a b c d e f g "Spiro T. Agnew, Ex-Vice President, Dies at 77". The New York Times. September 18, 1996. Archived from the original on August 21, 2017. Retrieved August 16, 2017.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 33.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 30.
- ^ a b Coffey 2015, p. 8.
- ^ a b Witcover 1972, p. 36.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 34.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 35.
- ^ a b Witcover 1972, pp. 37–38.
- ^ a b Martin, Douglas (June 27, 2012). "Judy Agnew, Wife of Vice President, Dies at 91". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 1, 2017. Retrieved August 18, 2017.
- ^ "Nation: Running Mate's Mate". Time. August 23, 1968. Archived from the original on October 29, 2010. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
- ^ a b c Coffey 2015, pp. 9–10.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 39.
- ^ a b c Witcover 1972, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 10.
- ^ a b Witcover 1972, p. 44.
- ^ a b Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 45–48.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 49–52.
- ^ Manchester 1975, p. 476.
- ^ "Nation: The Counterpuncher". Time. New York, NY: Time Inc. September 20, 1968. p. 7. Retrieved December 28, 2023.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 59–61.
- ^ a b Witcover 1972, pp. 62–63.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 64–71.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 20.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 16.
- ^ a b c Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 72–73.
- ^ "Spiro T. Agnew, 39th Vice President (1969–1973)". United States Senate. Archived from the original on October 10, 2017. Retrieved August 22, 2017.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 18.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 75–80.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 88.
- ^ a b Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 22–23.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 120.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 121–126.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 126–127.
- ^ "Primary Election Returns, September 13, 1966: Governor of Maryland". Maryland State Archives. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved August 24, 2017.
- ^ a b Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 24.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 127.
- ^ Gallagher, Joseph (October 18, 1998). "The Last Time Md. Elected a Republican, 1966". The Baltimore Sun. Archived from the original on August 29, 2017. Retrieved August 24, 2017.
- ^ Kabaservice 2012, p. 191.
- ^ "General Election Returns, November 8, 1966: Governor of Maryland". Maryland State Archives. Archived from the original on August 29, 2017. Retrieved August 24, 2017.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 26–28.
- ^ Csicsek 2011, p. 79.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 50.
- ^ a b Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 28–29.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 28.
- ^ Csicsek 2011, p. 71.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 710.
- ^ Manchester 1975, pp. 1079–1081.
- ^ Manchester 1975, p. 1081.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 161.
- ^ Zelizer, Julian E. (May 5, 2016). "Fifty Years Ago, the Government Said Black Lives Matter". Boston Review. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved August 28, 2017.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 713.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 163–168.
- ^ a b Csicsek 2011, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Csicsek 2011, p. 70.
- ^ a b Csicsek 2011, pp. 74–77.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 57.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 712.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 178.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 241.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, pp. 243–244.
- ^ a b Witcover 2007, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 201.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 201.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 14.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 206.
- ^ Bernstein, Adam (March 10, 2011). "David Broder, 81, Dies; Set 'Gold Standard' for Political Journalism". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on September 4, 2017. Retrieved September 2, 2017.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 15.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 22–24.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 208.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 223–224.
- ^ Troy, Schlesinger & Israel 2012, pp. 1318–1319.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 495.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Perlstein, pp. 299-304
- ^ a b Levy 2013, p. 717.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, pp. 516–517.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 228–230.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 29.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 232.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 28.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 509.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, pp. 616–617.
- ^ a b Boller 1984, p. 324.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 36.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 35.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 643.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 526.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 746.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 38–39.
- ^ Chester, Hodgson & Page 1969, p. 747.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 46.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 714.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 47–49.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 52.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 281.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 718.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 282.
- ^ a b c Coffey 2015, p. 89.
- ISBN 978-1501116452.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 284–285.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 89–91.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 92.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 283.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 55–57.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 285–286.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 64.
- ^ Coyne 1972, p. 207.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 95–96.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 719.
- ^ Coyne 1972, p. 176.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 720.
- ^ Coyne 1972, p. 255.
- ^ Levy 2013, pp. 719–720.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 306–307.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 721.
- ^ Levy 2013, pp. 722–723.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 311.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 728.
- ^ a b Coffey 2015, p. 100.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 313–314.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 314.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 724.
- ^ Levy 2013, pp. 725–726.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 101.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Coyne 1972, pp. 274–275.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 105–106.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 731.
- ^ a b Coffey 2015, p. 113.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 327.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 90.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 91.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 109–110.
- ^ Coyne 1972, p. 177.
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 331–332.
- ^ Witcover 1972, p. 335.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 95.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 97.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 106.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 118–119.
- ^ Lance Morrow (September 30, 1996). "Naysayer to the nattering nabobs". Time. Archived from the original on December 1, 2013. Retrieved October 11, 2017.(subscription required)
- ^ Witcover 1972, pp. 356, 362–363.
- ^ a b Coffey 2015, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 117–120.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 127–131, 140.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 138–39.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 141–143.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 141–144.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 144–146.
- ^ a b c Sandomir, Richard (January 18, 2017). "George Beall, Prosecutor Who Brought Down Agnew, Dies at 79". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 16, 2019. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 15.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 6.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 155–156.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 53.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 127.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 80–91.
- ^ Feerick 2014, pp. 127–128.
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 161.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 164–166.
- ^ a b Feerick 2014, p. 128.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 253–257.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, pp. 257–271.
- ^ "Bag Man Episode 7 Sources". NBC News. December 4, 2018. Archived from the original on October 19, 2019. Retrieved October 18, 2019.
- ^ Agnew 1980, pp. 146–147.
- ^ Feerick 2014, p. 132.
- ^ Feerick 2014, pp. 132–133.
- ^ a b Coffey 2015, p. 203.
- ^ "May 2, 1974". Archived from the original on November 6, 2018. Retrieved November 2, 2018.
- ^ Maryland State Bar Association v. Agnew, 318 A.2d 543 (Md. May 2, 1974).
- ^ Coffey 2015, p. 204.
- ^ a b Witcover 2007, pp. 358–359.
- ^ a b c Coffey 2015, p. 205.
- ^ Safire, William (May 24, 1976). "Spiro Agnew and the Jews". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ "Ford Says Agnew is Wrong on Jews". The New York Times. June 26, 1976. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ "Agnew Asserts He Is Not a Bigot; Defends Right to Criticize Israel". The New York Times. July 31, 1976. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ Witcover 2007, pp. 360–361.
- ^ Duke, Alan (November 27, 2016). "History Uncovered: Secret Letter Shows How U.S. Vice President Got Saudi Payoff For Anti-Israel Views". Lead Stories. Archived from the original on December 7, 2020. Retrieved December 6, 2020.
- ^ Maddow & Yarvitz 2020, pp. 246–251.
- ^ a b Clines, Francis X. (September 19, 1996). "Spiro T. Agnew, Point Man for Nixon Who Resigned Vice Presidency, Dies at 77". The New York Times. Archived from the original on September 7, 2017. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ Maddow & Yarvitz 2020, pp. 219–222.
- from the original on October 18, 2019. Retrieved October 18, 2019.
- UPI. January 5, 1983. Archivedfrom the original on June 13, 2018. Retrieved June 7, 2018.
- ^ Agnew v. State, 446 A.2d 425 (Md. App. June 1, 1982).
- ^ "U.S. Senate: Spiro T. Agnew, 39th Vice President (1969–1973)". www.senate.gov. Retrieved March 7, 2021.
- ^ Coffey 2015, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Witcover 2007, p. 362.
- ^ a b c d Coffey 2015, p. 206.
- ^ Barnes, Bart. "Nixon Vice President Spiro T. Agnew Dies". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on October 1, 2017. Retrieved September 26, 2017.
- ^ "Spiro Agnew is Buried With Almost No Fanfare". The Standard-Times. New Bedford, Mass. Associated Press. September 22, 1996. Archived from the original on September 7, 2017. Retrieved September 7, 2017.
- ^ a b Levy 2013, p. 707.
- ^ Levy 2013, pp. 737–738.
- ^ Levy 2013, p. 738.
- ^ Cohen & Witcover 1974, p. 362.
- ^ Levy 2013, pp. 707–708.
Bibliography
External videos | |
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Presentation by Witcover on Very Strange Bedfellows, June 8, 2007, C-SPAN |
- Agnew, Spiro T. (1980). Go Quietly ... or Else. New York: William Morrow and Co., Inc. ISBN 978-0-688-03668-3.
- Boller, Paul F. (1984). Presidential Campaigns. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503420-2.
- Chester, Lewis; Hodgson, Geoffrey; Page, Bruce (1969). American Melodrama: The Presidential Campaign of 1968. New York: The Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-670-11991-2.
- Coffey, Joseph P. (2015). Spiro Agnew and the Rise of the Republican Right. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-4141-5.
- Cohen, Richard M.; Witcover, Jules (1974). A Heartbeat Away: The Investigation and Resignation of Vice President Spiro T. Agnew. New York: The Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-553-06888-7.
- Coyne, James R. Jr. (1972). The Impudent Snobs: Agnew vs. the Intellectual Establishment. New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House. ISBN 978-0-87000-154-3.
- Csicsek, Alex (2011). "Spiro T. Agnew and the Burning of Baltimore". In Elfenbein, Jessica (ed.). Baltimore '68:Riots and Rebirth of an American City. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-4399-0662-0.
- ISBN 978-0-8232-5200-8.
- Kabaservice, Geoffrey (2012). Rule and Ruin: the Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-976840-0.
- Levy, Peter B. (Winter 2013). "Spiro Agnew, the Forgotten Americans and the Rise of the New Right". The Historian. 75 (4): 707–739. S2CID 143087991.
- ISBN 978-0-593-13668-3.
- ISBN 978-0-7181-1386-5.
- ISBN 978-0-8160-8220-9.
- Wepman, Dennis (October 2001). Carnes, Mark C.; Barraty, John (eds.). "Agnew, Spiro T." American National Biography Online. Retrieved October 3, 2017.
- Witcover, Jules (1972). White Knight: The Rise of Spiro Agnew. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-47216-4.
- Witcover, Jules (2007). Very Strange Bedfellows: The Short and Unhappy Marriage of Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew. New York: Public Affairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-470-5.