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Atsuko Ichijo and Ronald Ranta have called food "fundamentally political" and "one of the essential commodities with which political powers at various levels are concerned".<ref name=":7">{{Cite book|last=Ichijo|first=Atsuko|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/928396294|title=Food, national identity and nationalism : from everyday to global politics|last2=Ranta|first2=Ronald|date=2016|others=|isbn=978-1-137-48313-3|location=Basingstoke, Hampshire|oclc=928396294}}</ref>{{Rp|page=|pages=1–2}}
Atsuko Ichijo and Ronald Ranta have called food "fundamentally political" and "one of the essential commodities with which political powers at various levels are concerned".<ref name=":7">{{Cite book|last=Ichijo|first=Atsuko|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/928396294|title=Food, national identity and nationalism : from everyday to global politics|last2=Ranta|first2=Ronald|date=2016|others=|isbn=978-1-137-48313-3|location=Basingstoke, Hampshire|oclc=928396294}}</ref>{{Rp|page=|pages=1–2}}


New York University professor [[Fabio Parasecoli]] has defined food as an expression of identity.<ref name=":4" /> Conflict between two or more regions or countries about whether a particular dish or preparation is claimed by one of those regions or countries and has been appropriated or co-opted by the others is not uncommon, especially in areas where there has been violent conflict. Dishes affected by these culinary wars tend to be those with "a clearly symbolic ethnic significance".<ref name=":0" /> They also tend to be dishes that "represent territorial aspirations" and can be developed and prepared only by settled – and therefore indigenous – peoples.<ref name=":0" /> Lavash and harissa are wheat-based, therefore cannot have been developed by nomads but only by an agricultural society.<ref name=":0" /> Many of the debates center around the idea that a "settled" society – that is, an agricultural rather than nomadic one – is somehow superior, and that claiming a dish only achievable in an agricultural society helps prove the area was agricultural at a certain point.<ref name=":0" /> This idea was official policy in the Soviet Union.<ref name=":0" />{{Verify source|date=August 2021}} According to [[OpenDemocracy]], "evidence of ancient agricultural development is cherished by nationalists on both sides."<ref name=":0" />
Conflict between two or more regions or countries about whether a particular dish or preparation is claimed by one of those regions or countries and has been appropriated or co-opted by the others is not uncommon, especially in areas where there has been violent conflict. Dishes affected by these culinary wars tend to be those with "a clearly symbolic ethnic significance".<ref name=":0" /> They also tend to be dishes that "represent territorial aspirations" and can be developed and prepared only by settled – and therefore indigenous – peoples.<ref name=":0" /> Lavash and harissa are wheat-based, therefore cannot have been developed by nomads but only by an agricultural society.<ref name=":0" /> Many of the debates center around the idea that a "settled" society – that is, an agricultural rather than nomadic one – is somehow superior, and that claiming a dish only achievable in an agricultural society helps prove the area was agricultural at a certain point.<ref name=":0" /> This idea was official policy in the Soviet Union.<ref name=":0" />{{Verify source|date=August 2021}} According to [[OpenDemocracy]], "evidence of ancient agricultural development is cherished by nationalists on both sides."<ref name=":0" />


[[Mary Douglas]] said "national food cultures become a blinding fetish which, if disregarded, may be as dangerous as an explosion”.<ref name=":0" />
[[Mary Douglas]] said "national food cultures become a blinding fetish which, if disregarded, may be as dangerous as an explosion”.<ref name=":0" />
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In 2006 researcher Liora Gvion argued that cuisines of poverty – typically, traditional foods – "reveal the inter-connection between the culinary discourse and the political one" and that the issue was tied up with those of access to land and national identity.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Gvion|first=Liora|date=2006-10-30|title=Cuisines of poverty as means of empowerment: Arab food in Israel|url=http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10460-006-9003-7|journal=[[Agriculture and Human Values]]|language=en|volume=23|issue=3|pages=299–312|doi=10.1007/s10460-006-9003-7|issn=0889-048X}}</ref>
In 2006 researcher Liora Gvion argued that cuisines of poverty – typically, traditional foods – "reveal the inter-connection between the culinary discourse and the political one" and that the issue was tied up with those of access to land and national identity.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Gvion|first=Liora|date=2006-10-30|title=Cuisines of poverty as means of empowerment: Arab food in Israel|url=http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10460-006-9003-7|journal=[[Agriculture and Human Values]]|language=en|volume=23|issue=3|pages=299–312|doi=10.1007/s10460-006-9003-7|issn=0889-048X}}</ref>


Sociologist [[Michaela DeSoucey]] in 2010 described the concept of gastronationalism as the use of food and its history, production, control, and consumption as a way of promoting nationalism.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|last=DeSoucey|first=Michaela|title=Gastronationalism|date=2012-02-29|url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9780470670590.wbeog226|work=The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Globalization|pages=wbeog226|editor-last=Ritzer|editor-first=George|place=Chichester, UK|publisher=John Wiley & Sons, Ltd|language=en|doi=10.1002/9780470670590.wbeog226|isbn=978-0-470-67059-0|access-date=2021-08-24}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=DeSoucey|first=Michaela|date=2010|title=Gastronationalism: Food Traditions and Authenticity Politics in the European Union|url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0003122410372226|journal=[[American Sociological Review]]|language=en|volume=75|issue=3|pages=432–455|doi=10.1177/0003122410372226|issn=0003-1224}}</ref><ref name=":4">{{Cite web|date=2020-12-10|title=Gastronationalism: Poverty Reduction and Cultural Solidarity|url=https://www.borgenmagazine.com/gastronationalism/|url-status=live|access-date=2021-08-24|website=[[Borgen Magazine]]|language=en-US}}</ref> According to DeSoucey, gastronationalism uses food to promote a sense of [[national identity]]<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /><ref name=":4" /> and affects how members of the national community develop "national sentiments and taste preferences for certain foods."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Eskine|first=Kendall J.|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/953031956|title=Metaphoric Determinants of Food and Identity in The Routledge handbook of food ethics|date=|publisher=[[Routledge]]|others=Mary Rawlinson, Caleb Ward|year=2016|isbn=978-1-317-59550-2|location=Basingstoke|pages=30|oclc=953031956}}</ref> She argues that the issues go beyond simple nationalism and involve livelihoods and a "struggle for markets" as the identification of a certain food with a certain area means the ability to sell a food product is affected for those inside or outside the area.<ref name=":5" /> She also points out that such arguments are often not intended to reach agreement but instead to raise awareness of the food product and generate interest in obtaining it.<ref name=":5" />
Sociologist [[Michaela DeSoucey]] in 2010 described the concept of gastronationalism as the use of food and its history, production, control, and consumption as a way of promoting nationalism.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|last=DeSoucey|first=Michaela|title=Gastronationalism|date=2012-02-29|url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9780470670590.wbeog226|work=The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Globalization|pages=wbeog226|editor-last=Ritzer|editor-first=George|place=Chichester, UK|publisher=John Wiley & Sons, Ltd|language=en|doi=10.1002/9780470670590.wbeog226|isbn=978-0-470-67059-0|access-date=2021-08-24}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=DeSoucey|first=Michaela|date=2010|title=Gastronationalism: Food Traditions and Authenticity Politics in the European Union|url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0003122410372226|journal=[[American Sociological Review]]|language=en|volume=75|issue=3|pages=432–455|doi=10.1177/0003122410372226|issn=0003-1224}}</ref> According to DeSoucey, gastronationalism uses food to promote a sense of [[national identity]]<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /> and affects how members of the national community develop "national sentiments and taste preferences for certain foods."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Eskine|first=Kendall J.|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/953031956|title=Metaphoric Determinants of Food and Identity in The Routledge handbook of food ethics|date=|publisher=[[Routledge]]|others=Mary Rawlinson, Caleb Ward|year=2016|isbn=978-1-317-59550-2|location=Basingstoke|pages=30|oclc=953031956}}</ref> She argues that the issues go beyond simple nationalism and involve livelihoods and a "struggle for markets" as the identification of a certain food with a certain area means the ability to sell a food product is affected for those inside or outside the area.<ref name=":5" /> She also points out that such arguments are often not intended to reach agreement but instead to raise awareness of the food product and generate interest in obtaining it.<ref name=":5" />


In 2013 ''[[Al Jazeera]]'' noted that gastronationalism had been an ongoing issue in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia as each country "vie[d] for the recognition of certain dishes as their own" and was causing tension among neighboring countries with already-troubled relationships.<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|last=Parameswaran|first=Felix Gaedtke,Gayatri|title=Food feuds simmer|url=https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2013/5/8/food-feuds-continue-to-simmer-in-the-caucasus|access-date=2021-08-24|website=[[Aljazeera.com]]|language=en}}</ref>
In 2013 ''[[Al Jazeera]]'' noted that gastronationalism had been an ongoing issue in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia as each country "vie[d] for the recognition of certain dishes as their own" and was causing tension among neighboring countries with already-troubled relationships.<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|last=Parameswaran|first=Felix Gaedtke,Gayatri|title=Food feuds simmer|url=https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2013/5/8/food-feuds-continue-to-simmer-in-the-caucasus|access-date=2021-08-24|website=[[Aljazeera.com]]|language=en}}</ref>
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=== Feta ===
=== Feta ===
[[Feta]] was before 1999 used only by Greek producers. During the 1990s, Denmark and Germany challenged the labelling, arguing that the word 'feta' was Italian and that other EU countries shared climate and geography with parts of Greece and should be permitted to label their feta-style cheeses as Feta.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5" />
[[Feta]] was before 1999 used only by Greek producers. During the 1990s, Denmark and Germany challenged the labelling, arguing that the word 'feta' was Italian and that other EU countries shared climate and geography with parts of Greece and should be permitted to label their feta-style cheeses as Feta.<ref name=":5" />


=== Foie gras ===
=== Foie gras ===

Revision as of 21:45, 19 February 2022

Gastronationalism or culinary nationalism is the use of food and its history, production, control, preparation and consumption as a way of promoting nationalism and national identity. It may involve arguments between two or more regions or countries about whether a particular dish or preparation is claimed by one of those regions or countries and has been appropriated or co-opted by the others.

Origins

Atsuko Ichijo and Ronald Ranta have called food "fundamentally political" and "one of the essential commodities with which political powers at various levels are concerned".[1]: 1–2 

Conflict between two or more regions or countries about whether a particular dish or preparation is claimed by one of those regions or countries and has been appropriated or co-opted by the others is not uncommon, especially in areas where there has been violent conflict. Dishes affected by these culinary wars tend to be those with "a clearly symbolic ethnic significance".[2] They also tend to be dishes that "represent territorial aspirations" and can be developed and prepared only by settled – and therefore indigenous – peoples.[2] Lavash and harissa are wheat-based, therefore cannot have been developed by nomads but only by an agricultural society.[2] Many of the debates center around the idea that a "settled" society – that is, an agricultural rather than nomadic one – is somehow superior, and that claiming a dish only achievable in an agricultural society helps prove the area was agricultural at a certain point.[2] This idea was official policy in the Soviet Union.[2][verification needed] According to OpenDemocracy, "evidence of ancient agricultural development is cherished by nationalists on both sides."[2]

Mary Douglas said "national food cultures become a blinding fetish which, if disregarded, may be as dangerous as an explosion”.[2]

In 2006 researcher Liora Gvion argued that cuisines of poverty – typically, traditional foods – "reveal the inter-connection between the culinary discourse and the political one" and that the issue was tied up with those of access to land and national identity.[3]

Sociologist Michaela DeSoucey in 2010 described the concept of gastronationalism as the use of food and its history, production, control, and consumption as a way of promoting nationalism.[4][5] According to DeSoucey, gastronationalism uses food to promote a sense of national identity[4][5] and affects how members of the national community develop "national sentiments and taste preferences for certain foods."[6] She argues that the issues go beyond simple nationalism and involve livelihoods and a "struggle for markets" as the identification of a certain food with a certain area means the ability to sell a food product is affected for those inside or outside the area.[7] She also points out that such arguments are often not intended to reach agreement but instead to raise awareness of the food product and generate interest in obtaining it.[7]

In 2013

Al Jazeera noted that gastronationalism had been an ongoing issue in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia as each country "vie[d] for the recognition of certain dishes as their own" and was causing tension among neighboring countries with already-troubled relationships.[7]

In 2020 an article published by the Cambridge University Press found that while the concept of gastronationalism had not been fully developed in academia, the scholarship was developing quickly.[8]

National cuisine

Food historian Michelle T. King differentiates between gastronationalism, or culinary nationalism, and national cuisine, saying that culinary nationalism "suggests a dynamic process of creation and contestation" while national cuisine "calls to mind a specific and static product".[9]: 3 

Governmental and non-governmental bodies

Intangible Cultural Heritage designation

In some cases

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has made statements favoring one side or the other of such an argument, sometimes after being asked to name a food to a UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage list for a country, which has increased passions on either side.[2]

Protected Geographical Status

In Europe, mandatory origin labeling is "one of the most prickly topics" in European Union (EU) policy discussions.

Protected Geographical Status as of 2016 had been applied to over a thousand food items.[1]
: 14 

Examples

Azerbaijan's National Culinary Centre, a non-governmental organization (NGO) publishes information discussing Azerbaijan’s national cuisine and accusing Armenian cuisine of imitating Azerbaijan.[2] The NGO's CEO said, "“Since 1989, the issue of Armenian pretentions towards Azerbaijan’s culinary traditions has been discussed at the highest level, by specialists and academics, many times. Every pan-Turkish, Islamic dish, including those from Azerbaijan, is claimed as Armenian – they are trying to prove that an Armenian culinary tradition exists."[2] Armenia's Society for the Preservation and Development of Armenian Culinary Traditions, an academic body, has discussed the Armenian culinary tradition.[2]

Notable examples

Borscht

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation referred to borscht as "one of Russia’s most famous & beloved dishes & a symbol of traditional cuisine" in one of their tweets, sparking outrage in Ukraine, where it was widely seen as an attempt at cultural appropriation.[11]

Dolma

Dolma or tolma is claimed by both Armenia and Azerbaijan.[2] Armenia holds an annual tolma festival, always at a site that has historical significance in its conflicts with Azerbaijan.[2]

Feta

Feta was before 1999 used only by Greek producers. During the 1990s, Denmark and Germany challenged the labelling, arguing that the word 'feta' was Italian and that other EU countries shared climate and geography with parts of Greece and should be permitted to label their feta-style cheeses as Feta.[7]

Foie gras

Foie gras has been protected as a name and signifier of traditional identity by France; conflict is common with animal rights activists.[12]

Hainanese chicken rice

Hainanese chicken rice is claimed by both Malaysia and Singapore. The conflict dates to 1965, when the two countries split.[13][14] Both countries claim its origin and accuse the other of having appropriated the dish into their own national cuisine.[15][16][17][18]

Harissa

Harissa is claimed by both Armenia and Turkey, where it's called keshkek.[2] Keshkek was recognized by UNESCO on its intangible cultural heritage list, which has caused passionate debate, with Armenians arguing that the dish's main ingredient, wheat, indicates it couldn't have been developed in Turkey, where the tradition was nomadic.[2][7]

Hummus

Hummus is argued over by Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon.[19][7] The disagreement is sometimes referred to as the "hummus wars".[9]: 3 

Kimchi

Both South Korea and North Korea claim kimchi.[9]: xii  North Korea argues that South Korea's decreasing consumption (and increasing commercialization of production) is proof that the dish is more strongly associated with North Korea.[9]: xii  Kimchi in 2013 was given Intangible Cultural Heritage status.[9]: xii 

Lavash

tonir, which indicates development in a non-nomadic society such as Armenia.[2] Accusations in Armenian media centered around Turkey and Azerbaijan claiming the dish because they wanted to conceal their early nomadic lifestyle.[2]

Tortillas

During Mexico's

better source needed
]

Turkish coffee

UNESCO has included Turkish coffee in its list of items of Intangible Cultural Heritage.[1]: 14  The style of coffee is also claimed by Greece.[21][22][23][24]

Washoku

UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage List, was in 2017 described by Leiden University's Katarzyna J. Cwiertka as "a myth fabricated for the purpose of Japanese nation-branding".[25]

See also

  • Gastrodiplomacy
  • Gastrotourism

References

  1. ^
    OCLC 928396294.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link
    )
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Tsaturyan, Ruzanna (23 June 2017). "A culinary conflict in the South Caucasus". OpenDemocracy. Retrieved 2021-08-24.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  3. ISSN 0889-048X
    .
  4. ^
    ISBN 978-0-470-67059-0
    , retrieved 2021-08-24
  5. ^
    ISSN 0003-1224
    .
  6. OCLC 953031956
    .
  7. ^
    Aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2021-08-24.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link
    )
  8. ISSN 0090-5992
    .
  9. ^
    OCLC 1100471127.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link
    )
  10. ^ a b Wanat, Zosia; Hanke Vela, Jakob (2019-12-23). "The rise of the gastronationalists". Politico. Retrieved 2021-08-24.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  11. ^ Evans, Andrew (15 October 2019). "Who really owns borsch?". BBC. Retrieved 24 August 2021.
  12. ISBN 978-0-691-15493-0
    .
  13. ^ Tan, Dylan. "Chicken rice war reignited as Lim Guan Eng urged Malaysia to give Singapore a run for its money". Business Insider. Archived from the original on 15 January 2019. Retrieved 14 January 2019.
  14. ^ Loh, Lainey. "Malaysia vs Singapore: Who has better food?". Asian Correspondent. Archived from the original on 14 January 2019. Retrieved 14 January 2019.
  15. ^ Sukmaran, Tashny; Jaipragas, Bhavan. "FOOD FIGHT, LAH: WHO WILL EAT THEIR WORDS IN SINGAPORE-MALAYSIA HAWKER BATTLE?". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 21 February 2019. Retrieved 13 January 2019.
  16. ^ Celjo, Farah. "Dipping sauce and a little controversy: who knew chicken rice had such 'wow' factor". SBS. Archived from the original on 14 January 2019. Retrieved 13 January 2019.
  17. ^ "The debate about the origins of food – a futile food fight?". Archived from the original on 13 January 2019. Retrieved 13 January 2019.
  18. ^ ENG HOCK, TEH (23 September 2009). "No intention to patent local food, Dr Ng says". The Star Online. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 12 January 2016. Dr Ng said a study on the origins of foods in the country would be conducted and an apology conveyed if it was wrongly claimed.
  19. ^ "Gastronationalism". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  20. ^ "75,000 protest tortilla prices in Mexico". NBC News. Retrieved 2021-11-30.
  21. ISBN 0415730457
    , p. 111 and footnote 26: "The eradication of symbolic relations with the 'Turk' was another sign of this reactivation: the success of an initiative to abolish the word 'Turkish' in one of the most widely consumed drinks in Greece, i.e. 'Turkish coffee', is indicative. In the aftermath of the Turkish intervention in Cyprus, the Greek coffee company Bravo introduced a widespread advertising campaign titled 'We Call It Greek' (Emeis ton leme Elliniko), which succeeded in shifting the relatively neutral 'name' of a product, used in the vernacular for more than a century, into a reactivated symbol of identity. 'Turkish coffee' became 'Greek coffee' and the use of one name or the other became a source of dispute separating 'traitors' from 'patriots'."
  22. ^ Mikes, George (1965). Eureka!: Rummaging in Greece. p. 29. Their chauvinism may sometimes take you a little aback. Now that they are quarrelling with the Turks over Cyprus, Turkish coffee has been renamed Greek coffee; ...
  23. ISBN 0-521-29978-0
    .
  24. ^ Joanna Kakissis, "Don't Call It 'Turkish' Coffee, Unless, Of Course, It Is", The Salt, National Public Radio 27 April 2013: '"It wasn't always this way," says Albert Arouh, a Greek food scholar who writes under a pen name, Epicurus. "When I was a kid in the 1960s, everyone in Greece called it Turkish coffee." Arouh says he began noticing a name change after 1974, when the Greek military junta pushed for a coup in Cyprus that provoked Turkey to invade the island.' "The invasion sparked a lot of nationalism and anti-Turkish feelings," he says. "Some people tried to erase the Turks entirely from the coffee's history, and re-baptized it Greek coffee. Some even took to calling it Byzantine coffee, even though it was introduced to this part of the world in the sixteenth century, long after the Byzantine Empire's demise." By the 1980s, Arouh noticed it was no longer politically correct to order a "Turkish coffee" in Greek cafes. By the early 1990s, Greek coffee companies like Bravo (now owned by DE Master Blenders 1753 of the Netherlands) were producing commercials of sea, sun and nostalgic village scenes and declaring "in the most beautiful country in the world, we drink Greek coffee."'
  25. ^ "Washoku and Kimjang: Japanese Gastronationalism | Portland State University". www.pdx.edu. Retrieved 2021-08-24.
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