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In
Origin
Superordinate goals were first described and proposed as a solution to intergroup conflict by social psychologist Muzafer Sherif. Sherif studied conflict at a summer camp as part of his
Background
Realistic Conflict Theory
Superordinate goals are most often discussed in the context of realistic conflict theory, which proposes that most intergroup conflicts stem from a fight over scarce resources, especially in situations that are seen as zero-sum.[2] Under realistic conflict theory, prejudice and discrimination are functional, because groups are tools used to achieve goals, including obtaining scarce resources that would be difficult to get as an individual. In this case, outside groups with similar goals are seen as threats and are therefore perceived negatively. Groups that are both competing for the same limited resource are said to have a negative interdependence. On the other hand, there are groups that benefit from working together on goals that are not zero-sum. In this case, these groups are said to have a positive interdependence.[6]
In order to remove competition between different factions under realistic group conflict theory, it is necessary to have non-zero sum goals that create a positive interdependence within groups rather than a negative interdependence.[6] Superordinate goals can create positive interdependence if they are seen as desirable by both groups but are not achievable by each faction independently.
Psychological Mechanism
Work in social psychology suggests that superordinate goals different from subordinate goals in that they make the larger group identity more salient and increase positive beliefs about everyone in the larger superordinate group.
Cooperation and Interdependence
Superordinate goals differ from subordinate goals in that they can only be achieved by two or more smaller groups, and thus force multiple groups to work together. Superordinate goals encourage cooperation and penalize competition.[7] This encourages each group to consider the other group positively rather than negatively, as the other group is instrumental to achieving the common goal.[8] This fosters a sense of positive interdependence rather than negative interdependence.
Superordinate Goals and Identity
In addition to increasing positive interdependence, having two groups work together on a single superordinate goal makes the larger group identity more salient.[4] In effect, superordinate goals make it more likely that both groups will consider themselves both as part of a larger superordinate group that has a common goal rather than two independent groups who are in conflict with each other.[9][10] In the case of Sherif’s summer camp, both groups of boys, the red and the blue, thought of themselves simply as campers when they were working together, rather than as part of the blue or red groups.
Ingroups
Having both groups consider themselves part of one larger superordinate group is valuable to the reduction of discrimination because evaluation of members in one’s own group tends to be more positive than evaluation of members outside of one’s group.[4] However, the two groups do not have to lose their individual identities in order to become part of the superordinate group.[11] In fact, superordinate goals work best to reduce intergroup conflict when both groups consider themselves subgroups that have a shared identity and a common fate.[4] This allows both groups to keep the positive aspects of their individual identities while also keeping salient everything that the two subgroups have in common.
Rebuttal of Contact Theory
Sherif’s work on superordinate goals is widely seen as a rebuttal of contact theory.[2] Contact theory states that prejudice and discrimination between groups widely exists due to lack of contact between groups. This lack of contact causes both sides to develop misconceptions about those who they do not know and to act on those misconceptions in discriminatory ways. However, Sherif’s work showed that contact between groups is not enough to eliminate prejudice and discrimination.[5] If groups are competing for the same limited resources, increasing contact between the groups will not convince the groups to see each other more positively. Instead, the groups will continue to discriminate, as the boys in Sherif’s summer camps did. This is especially true when the groups are of unequal status and one group can control the resources and power.
Caveats and Critiques
Longevity
Superordinate goals have not always been shown to have a long-lasting effect beyond the completion of the superordinate goals.[11] In Sherif’s study, the separate group identities did not dissolve until the end of the camp. The two groups of boys had less hostility toward each other but still identified with their own groups rather than the larger superordinate identity.
Zero-Sum Goals
In some cases, there are no superordinate goals that can bring together two separate groups. If there really are zero-sum goals that put groups in competition with each other, groups will remain separate and will stereotype each other and discriminate against each other. In some cases, simply the perception that goals are zero-sum, whether they are or not, can increase prejudice.[12] Therefore, not only do there have to be zero-sum goals, they have to be perceived as such. Additionally, the reduction in prejudice is much stronger when the goal is completed.
Complementarity
Superordinate goals are not as effective when both groups are performing similar or the same roles to achieve the goal.[13] If this is the case, both groups may see the other as infringing on their work or getting in the way. It is considered to be more effective to have members of each group playing complementary roles in the achievement of the goal,[9] although the evidence to support this idea is mixed.[14][10]
Absence of Trust
Some also argue that with an absence of trust and interdependence, the prospect of working together to achieve a mutual goal may not serve to bring groups to a superordinate identity.[14] In some cases, when there are inequalities of power or a lack of trust among groups, the idea that they must work together and foster trust and positive interdependence may backfire and lead to more discrimination rather than less.[15]
Competing Theories
Social identity theory and social categorization theory differ from realistic group conflict theory in that they suggest that people do not only belong to groups to gain material advantage. Therefore, these theories do not suggest using superordinate goals to improve intergroup social relations.
Social Categorization Theory
Social categorization theory proposes that people naturally categorize themselves and others into groups, even when there is no motive to do so.[16] Supporting this idea is Tajfel’s minimal group paradigm,[2] which has shown discrimination among groups created in a laboratory that have no history, future, interaction, or motivation. Social categorization suggests that intergroup competition may be a feature of this tendency to categorize and may arise without zero-sum goals. Under Tajfel’s paradigm, people will often hurt their own group in order to hurt the other group even more. Thus, superordinate goals may not solve all forms of discrimination.
Social Identity Theory
Social identity theory proposes that not only do people naturally categorize themselves and others, but they derive part of their own identities from being a part of a social group.[6] Thus being part of a social group is a source of positive self-esteem and motivates individuals to think of their own group as better than other groups. Under social identity theory, superordinate goals are only useful insofar as they make salient the superordinate identity. It is the superordinate identity that is important for reducing intergroup conflict, and not the goals themselves.[12] If the superordinate identity can be made salient without the use of goals, then the goals themselves are not instrumental to reducing conflict.
Applications
Superordinate goals have been applied to multiple types of situations in order to reduce conflict between groups.
Jigsaw Classroom
Elliot Aronson applied the idea of superordinate goals in Austin, Texas during the integration of the Austin public schools.[17] Aronson used group projects in elementary school classrooms as a way to get white and black children to work together and reduce discrimination. Aronson had teachers assign projects that could only be completed if everyone in the group participated, and had the teachers give group grades. Having children work together and rely on each other for grades fostered positive interdependence and increased liking among the black and white children as well as decreasing bullying and discrimination. Additionally, it increased the performance of all the children.
Business Organizations and Negotiations
Blake and Mouton applied superordinate goals to conflicts in business organizations.[1] They specify that in a business context, the superordinate goals must be attractive to both parties in the organization or negotiation setting.[18] If both parties are not both interested in pursuing the goal or believe that they are better off without it, then the superordinate goal will not help to reduce conflict between the groups. Blake and Mouton also suggest that superordinate goals will often be a consequence of their intergroup problem-solving model.[13]
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Herbert Kelman applied superordinate goals to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to improve relations between members of the two groups.[19] He created problem-solving workshops where Israelis and Palestinians were encouraged together to solve the problems given to them as well as to interact in a positive atmosphere.[20] These workshops often focused on specific problems, such as tourism, economic development, or trade, which allowed both groups to find practical, positive solutions to smaller problems and improve relations between the groups.[21]
Interracial Basketball Teams
McClendon and Eitzen studied interracial basketball teams in the 1970s and found that interracial basketball teams where the interdependence of team members was high and the team had a high winning percentage had lower instances of anti-black attitudes and higher preference for integration.[22] However, teams that did not have high interdependence among teammates or low winning percentages did not show reduced prejudice. Additionally, black members of the winning teams did not show more positive attitudes towards their teammates than the losing teams.
References
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