Economy of the Ashanti Empire

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This article is about economy of the Ashanti Empire. For the economy of the modern Ashanti Region, see Economy of Ashanti.

The Economy of the Ashanti Empire was largely a

Atlantic Slave Trade. A variety of economic industries such as cloth-weaving and metal working industries existed. The Ashanti originally farmed in subsistence
until agriculture became extensive during the 19th century.

An Akan weighing scale

State revenues

Asantehene, penalties attached to oaths which were paid by defaulters after court proceedings amounted to as much as 101.25 Peregwan (£810). Atitodie which means "head price" was a fine paid by individuals pronounced liable to death sentence. The price could amount to £800.[8] Revenue was also acquired from gold mining. One third of the proceeds went to the tenant on whose land the mines were worked upon. The remainder was given to the chief and sub chief who presided over the region.[5]

The Ashanti had an effective system of accounting to control public funds. The state treasury was made up of two boxes known as Adaka Kesie (Big Box) and Apim Adaka (Box of thousand) in separate rooms.

Petty Cash account. Adaka Kesie was partitioned into three compartments and according to Kwame Afosa, "All three partitions contained gold dust each for the value of one Peregwan (£8). Nothing less than a Peregwan was deposited into the box and nothing less than that was taken out.[5] The Apim Adaka served as the source of government expenditure. Whenever a Peregwan (£8) was withdrawn from the Adaka Kesie, it was placed into the Apim Adaka. The money in the Apim Adaka was weighed in small packets in order to be used for purchases.[5] The Royal Treasurer was assisted by three officials during financial transactions with the boxes. Paying into or taking out of the boxes were recorded in cowries[8][5][9] and witnessed by three persons other than the Royal Treasurer.[8] In the early 19th century, 400,000 oz of gold dust at a value of £1.5 million at that time, was required to keep the Adaka Kesie full.[3] The keys to the Adaka Kesie were kept under the care of the chief, the Sanaahene, and the chief of the "bed-chamber," known as Daberehene.[5] War taxes known as apeatoo were paid by adult men and women over the age of 18. War taxes were based on the expenditure on guns and ammunition and they were shared among the divisions, sub-divisions, villages and lineages of the empire. These war taxes were used to meet war expenses.[8]

Tributary States

According to

Gyaaman, Takyiman, Dagbon, Gonja and Denkyira.[10] The annual tribute was paid in gold, slaves, cattle, poultry, and native manufactured cloth.[5] Failure to pay tribute was equivalent to a rebellion.[8] Conquered states at the Coast under Ashanti jurisdiction were responsible for collecting Notes from European traders at trading posts. These Notes which were received by the chiefs of the coastal states were given to the Ashanti as tributes. Before the Fanti war of 1807, the Ashanti king held Notes on three Accra forts which had been captured from the Akim in 1730, on Axim fort, and also on the Elmina Castle. A total sum of ten ounces a year was derived as tribute in the form of notes. The amount could also be paid in goods such as firearms. The possession of Notes enabled the king of Ashanti, on occasion, to secure credit for muskets and ammunition.[8]

Trade

In the early 19th century, markets became essential in Ashanti economy. Markets were held daily from eight o'clock in the morning until sunset. Bowdich pointed out that these markets had about sixty stalls and sheds. Foreign imports into these markets included pillows, pipes, tobacco and brassware. There was the presence of internal marketing and

retailing.[1] Marketing and retailing were done by both man and women. Market sellers were taxed by toll collectors.[2]

The main Ashanti trade routes were located at the North and South. The northern trade routes involved trade contacts with forest savannah fringes of the Brong districts in modern Ghana, east-central and northern Ivory Coast, Upper Volta and Dahomey. The southern trade route was established at the coast. At the market towns on the northern trade routes, the Ashanti merchants exchanged kola nuts for salt and European goods for shea butter, livestock, cotton silk threads and cloths, metal locks, gold and slaves.[1] Under Osei Kofi Tutu I, the Ashanti established commercial relations with European merchants at the coast following the victory over Denkyira in 1701.[10] In the southern trade routes, the Ashanti sold gold, ivory, slaves and rubber in exchange for firearms, lead bars, gunpowder, drinks and salt. Ashanti rulers commanded the bulk of the trade with Europeans at the coast. Commoners still took part in the trade with Europeans as noted by Scholar K.Y. Daaku. Ashanti Commoners traded primarily in rubber at the coast. The northern trade saw participation by all individuals and families irrespective of their social status. Historian Arhin mentions the northern trade "as more productive of wealth" with "more general participation."[1]

After the early 19th century ban on the Atlantic Slave Trade south, the Ashanti invested more into the northern trade.[11][12] Dalrymple-Smith adds that the Ashanti invested in the northern trade before 1808.[13] Historian Austin writes that Ashanti's main exports in the 19th century were kola nuts to the north, and gold at the south. Rubber replaced gold as the major export south in the last 2 decades of the century.[14] Long-distance trading was carried out by occasional, professional and state funded traders. Traders of Ashanti gold and slaves were taxed at the borders of the empire.[2]

Industry

Certain villages were specialized in a particular craft. It was common for the Ashanti government to settle war captives with craft skills in such villages. The village of

goldsmithing and metalworking. All these villages and settlement were located 15 miles of Kumasi. Blacksmiths, joinery and pottery makers were located throughout the empire.[1]

Mining

Mining was both an individual and communal chore. Individuals along with children partook in

explosives to blast hard rock. The ore obtained was transported to crushing areas where they were crushed by hammers on stone slabs and the remains were milled. The powder obtained from the milling process was washed in order to extract the gold from the powder.[16]

Slave trade

Trade in slaves was a major tradition in pre-colonial

Asantehene Osei Kwame Panyin (1777–1803), the sale of Ashanti citizens into slavery was banned.[18] Wilks argues that the economy of Ashanti "was not one based upon slave-raiding for export purposes". He cites Asantehene Osei Bonsu's speech to Dupuis
in 1820;

I cannot make war to catch slaves in the bush, like a thief. My ancestors never did so. But if I fight a king and kill him when he is insolent, then certainly I must have his gold, and his slaves, and the people are mine too. Do not White kings act like this?

— Osei Bonsu.[19]

He also references Brodie Cruickshank, who wrote in 1853 that "The Ashantee wars are never undertaken expressly to supply this demand."[20] Wilks writes that slaves were more important to the Ashanti economy in the form of domestic labor in the agricultural and industrial sector than for export in the Atlantic slave trade.[19] Some historians such as Reid and Dalrymple-Smith have commented that the Ashanti economy did not depend on the Atlantic slave trade.[21][22] Stilwell states that the Ashanti rulers traded in slaves but "also sought other economic options."[23]

Agriculture

From the 17th century, the Ashanti economy revolved around the rural production of staple crops which was supplemented by hunting. Ashanti agriculture was in a subsistence form during this time period.[24] Throughout history, the Ashanti used the axe, cutlass, billhook and hoe for clearing and maintaining the land.[25] Ashanti farmers practiced both land and crop rotation. The basic Ashanti farm was made up of the land containing the crops and the non-farm land under fallow.[26] From the 19th century, agriculture became intensified and extensive especially in and around Kumasi. According to Bowdich in 1817, crops around Esereso near Kumasi, were planted in triangular beds with small drains around each. Both Bowdich and Dupuis noted the existence of large fenced yam fields which were planted in rectangular lines.[27] Huttonn who accompanied Dupuis in 1820, stated that several plantations near Kumasi were enclosed. Some cleared grounds covered as much as 2 acres. These lands were laid out in small beds which were not "dissimilar, or much inferior, to the country gardens in Europe."[28]

Certain farms such as Kola plantations were established with the exclusive aim of generating revenue for into the chief's treasury. These types of farms were known as Stool plantations.

plantains, yams, manioc, corn, peanuts and tomatoes.[29][30][31] In addition, animal husbandry was prominent as pig farming and other livestock were reared in the 19th century.[1] Bowdich documents the use of a fishing weir by settlements about 60 miles southwest of Kumasi.[32]

References

  1. ^
    S2CID 145522016
    .
  2. ^
    S2CID 147538641
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  3. ^ a b Dalrymple-Smith (2019), p. 167
  4. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 63
  5. ^
    JSTOR 40697868
    .
  6. ISBN 0521204135
    .
  7. S2CID 159872590
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  8. ^
    S2CID 145751403
    .
  9. ^ Ivor Wilks (1989), p. 422
  10. ^
    S2CID 159479224
    .
  11. ISBN 978-1-13-422374-9
    .
  12. ^ Ivor Wilks (1989), p. 262
  13. ^ Dalrymple-Smith (2019), p. 163
  14. S2CID 145004998
    .
  15. ^ a b Edgerton (2010), p. 38
  16. ^ Edgerton (2010), pp. 38–39
  17. ISBN 9789988550325
    .
  18. ^ Ivor Wilks (1989), p. 673
  19. ^ a b Ivor Wilks (1989), p. 176
  20. ^ Ivor Wilks (1989), p. 675
  21. ISBN 9781119381921
    .
  22. ^ Dalrymple-Smith (2019), p. 142
  23. ISBN 9781107001343
    .
  24. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 25
  25. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 26
  26. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 29
  27. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 31–36
  28. ^ T.C. McCaskie (2003), p. 33
  29. ^ Edgerton (2010), p. 39
  30. ISBN 9780865431232
  31. ISBN 9780521867467
    .
  32. ISBN 9783030884031
    .

Bibliography
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