Pluractionality

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

In

participants of a verb is, or are, plural. This differs from frequentative or iterative aspects
in that the latter have no implication for the number of participants of the verb.

Often a pluractional

paucal
vs. multiple rather than singular vs. plural.

Although English does not have verbal number as a grammatical device, many English verbs such as stampede and massacre are used when one of the participants involves a large number. English also has a number of verbs (often ending in -le, such as nibble) which indicate repetitive actions, and this is similar to some types of grammatically-marked pluractionality in other languages.

In Ainu

The

closed class of 'count verbs'. The majority of these end in -pa, an iterative suffix that has become lexicalized on some verbs. For example, kor means 'to have something or a few things', and kor-pa 'to have many things'; there are also causative
forms of the latter, kor-pa-re 'to give (one person) many things', kor-pa-yar 'to give (several people) many things'. The -pa may occur more than once; this may be a case of the pluractional verb in its iterative aspect:

hosip-pa-pa "everyone came back"

There are also

suppletive
forms:

Ainu suppletive pluractionals
Paucal Multiple Trans.
an oka(y) to be
as roski to stand
a rok to sit
arpa,
oman
paye to go
ek arki to come
rayke ronnu to kill
uk uyna to take

In addition to literal number, pluractionality can be used for politeness, much as plural pronouns are in many languages. (See T–V distinction.)

In Georgian

Georgian shows an illuminating distinction between verbal and nominal number. Georgian verbs may be suppletive for tense and animacy as well as number. When a noun occurs with a numeral in Georgian, it takes the singular form regardless of its semantic number. Verbal agreement is syntactic, and therefore is also singular. However, the pluractionality of the verbal root remains plural.[2] Thus,

Singular participant, singular verb:

ex:

ivane

John(SG)

da-ǧd-a

PFV-sit(SG)-3SG

ivane da-ǧd-a

John(SG) PFV-sit(SG)-3SG

"John sat down"

Plural participant, plural verb:

ex:

čem-i

my-NOM

mšobl-eb-i

parent-PL-NOM

da-sxd-nen

PFV-sit(PL)-3PL

čem-i mšobl-eb-i da-sxd-nen

my-NOM parent-PL-NOM PFV-sit(PL)-3PL

"My parents sat down"

Grammatically singular but semantically plural participant, mixed verb:

ex:

čem-i

my-NOM

sam-i

three-NOM

megobar-i

friend(SG)-NOM

da-sxd-a

PFV-sit(PL)-3SG

čem-i sam-i megobar-i da-sxd-a

my-NOM three-NOM friend(SG)-NOM PFV-sit(PL)-3SG

"My three friends sat down"

(See Interlinear gloss to explain the format of these examples.)

In Mongolic

The Mongolian verb has no personal conjugation, but three different voices requiring a plural subject – reciprocal, cooperative and pluritative –, of which the pluritative may be seen as a true verbal plural.[3] Cognate forms are found in other Mongolic languages and can be reconstructed to Proto-Mongolic.[4]

In Muskogean

Muskogean languages such as Koasati have a three-way distinction, with singular, dual, and plural verbs. However, it is not clear if this is pluractionality or simply suppletive verbal agreement for number. See Koasati language for details.

In Hopi

In Hopi, dual nouns as subjects take the suffix -vit and singular verbs. Hopi does not have dual pronouns, but the plural pronouns may be used with singular verbs with a dual meaning. However, it is not clear if this is pluractionality or simply number agreement on the verb. See Hopi language for details.

In Central Pomo

The

perfective
suffix -w on these verbs may be replaced with -t for a plural object:

ex:

háyu

dog

š-čé-w

hook-catch-PFV

háyu š-čé-w

dog hook-catch-PFV

"He tied up the dog."

ex:

háyu

dog

š-čé-t

hook-catch-PFV.PL

háyu š-čé-t

dog hook-catch-PFV.PL

"He tied up the dogs."

As in Ainu, pluractionality may be used for politeness.

In Hausa

Chadic languages such as Hausa use reduplicated verbs with "a general meaning of a repeated action, an action simultaneously performed by several agents, and action performed on more than one object, or various combinations of these 'plural' meanings" (Eulenberg 1971). There are also derived forms:

  • naa aikee su 'I sent them'
  • naa a”aikee su 'I sent(pl) them'

The first implies that I sent them all together, whereas the second means that I sent them at different times or to different places.

In Papuan languages

Pluractionality is not uncommon in New Guinea. The Koiarian language Barai has suppletive forms:

fi 'one sits'   kari 'many sit'
abe 'take one' ke 'take many'

In Slavic languages

The Slavic verb can express pluractionality as part of its morphological equipment besides iterativity. In Slovak and Czech, it is often formed by the prefix po- + iterative form, cf Slovak:

  • išla 'she went'  - chodila (iterative) 'she went (often, to many places); walked (about); wandered; circulated'
  • pochodila (pluractional) 'she went (to all possible places); visited (all possible people)'

Prefixation generally produces perfective meaning in Slavic verb, so due to the po- prefixation, the pluractional form is aspectually perfective while the iterative is imperfective. That is why, morphologically, this pluractional form may seem as just a perfective counterpart to iterative (chodila - pochodila), yet there is a difference. The pluractional form differs in valency from the iterative form. While the iterative retains the valency of the original verb, the pluractional takes a direct object. So, whereas išla and its iterative chodila requires a directional preposition (išla (chodila) do Malej Fatry / k doktorovi 'she went (often/regularly went) to the Malá Fatra mountains / to (see) a doctor'), the pluractional pochodila takes a direct object: pochodila (celú) Malú Fatru; pochodila (všetkých možných) doktorov 'she wandered the whole of the Malá Fatra mountains; she went to / consulted (all possible) doctors'. (Alternatively, the accusative direct object can be replaced by the preposition po + locative: pochodila po (celej) Malej Fatre; pochodila po (všetkých možných) doktoroch, which has a nuance of a weaker, less expressive perhaps, extent of the action. This construction is also possible with iterative, but then the pluractional meaning is lost.) The change in valency raises the question whether Slavic pluractional forms are lexical, rather than grammatical, derivations; a question similar to the case of Ainu and its suppletive forms.

In American Sign Language

In

object incorporation
rather than pluractionality. For example, ask someone a question is signed by flexing the index finger of an upright G hand in the direction of that person; the dual involves flexing it at both object loci (sequentially with one hand or simultaneously with both), the simple plural involves a single flexing, which spans the object group while the hand arcs across it, and an individuated plural involves multiple rapid flexings while the hand arcs.

References

  1. .
  2. ^ Corbett, Greville (2000). Number. Cambridge University Press. p. 254.
  3. .
  4. .
  • Campbell, G. (2000). Compendium of the World's Languages. Taylor & Francis.
  • Corbett, G. (2000). Number. Cambridge University Press.
  • Eulenberg (1971). Papers in African Linguistics
  • Liddell, Scott K. (2003). Grammar, Gesture, and Meaning in American Sign Language. Cambridge University Press.
  • Mithun, Marianne (1999). The Languages of Native North America. Cambridge University Press.
  • Tamura, Suzuko (2000). The Ainu Language. Tokyo: Sanseido.