User:Mccapra/1963 Attempted Coup in Turkey

https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/20_May%C4%B1s_1963_ayaklanmas%C4%B1

The 1963 attempted coup in Turkey, also known as the 20 May 1963 uprising (

In November 1960, fourteen radical offers had been removed from the military National Unity Committee that had seized power in the coup the previous May. The officers had all been assigned overseas posts to keep them away from political activities in Turkey. However in 1963 they began to return to the country.^[4]

Return if the 14 ^[4]

Irfan Tansel forced retirement of officers ^[4]

Some have maintained that for Talat Aydemir there was a clear personal agenda in his second coup attempt. After 22 February 1962 prime minister İnönü had made a number of public statements about him which he regarded as belittling and dishonourable.^[9]

there were two main factors that constituted a constant "source of motivation" for the officers of a new revolutionary movement. It can be said that the first one is the success of May 27th, and the second one is the belief that the "military support" for the colonels will be permanent, similar to the evening of February 22nd.^{[9] [4]}

^{[10] [8] [11]}

Political links with senators

The Aviators group, which sided with İnönü against Talat Aydemir in the TAF, saw themselves as "heroes who kept the regime alive," in the words of journalist Bedii Faik. There had been polarization between HKK İrfan Tansel and this group for a while. The source of this situation was the attitude of the Air Force Junta, which ignored the hierarchy in the Air Force. This junta is not from HKK İrfan Tansel for a long time, of course, Senators tr:Mucip Ataklı and tr:Haydar Tunçkanat. In addition, the specific weight of İrfan Tansel, who was appointed as HKK by this group on August 4, 1960, when the “purging in the army” movement took place, in the Air Force was rather faint. After the February 22 Events, with the liquidation of the “common enemy” Colonels Junta, İrfan Tansel begins to make moves to seize his dominance in the headquarters. In addition, Cevdet Sunay, who is aware of the discomfort caused by the Air Force Junta for Tansel, supports the disbandment of the Air Force group, as he does not want a new illegal organization in the "SKB style". When İrfan Tansel, with the support of the General Staff, changed the places of duty of the two Airman colonels [71]Of course, a counter move comes from Senators Mucip Ataklı and Haydar Tunçkanat. According to the plan, HKK İrfan Tansel would be removed from his post and the Chief of Staff General Hüsnü Özkan would be appointed instead. As a result of mutual initiatives, İrfan Tansel made a statement through the press stating that "the air group received the order from Mucip Ataklı, it was dangerous for the Armed Forces and demanded the retirement of these officers". [72] Then, on 21 December, with this incident, which went down in history as the “11 Aviator Incident”, the junta was liquidated. [73] CHP, on the other hand, remains indifferent to the issue in order to prevent it from spreading to itself. [74] ^[9]

In the months following the February 22 Events, Talat Aydemir, despite being sent to retirement, turned to organizational activities both inside and outside the army: “One day I will be successful.” [77]In this process, it is known that three main groups are in preparations for the revolution: 22 Februaryists, 11s (Aviators) and 14s. These groups will attempt to unite with each other and to re-establish SKB until the coup attempt of May 21, 1963. However, on the other hand, a leadership struggle started among the members of February 22, and at the end of the struggle, the paths of Talat Aydemir and Dündar Seyhan were separated. In fact, Dündar Seyhan was not fighting on his own behalf, but on behalf of Orhan Kabibay, who was about to return from exile at that time: “Dündar was deeply attached to Orhan Kabibay with his sense of friendship and loyalty. He left us admirably manly.” [78]But the leaders of the 14s, Orhan Kabibay and Alparslan Türkeş, will not find the support they hoped for in the army. [79] Thus, Talat Aydemir will seize the de facto leadership of the 22 Februaryists. From the summer of 1962 to the spring of 1963, numerous meetings and talks are held between these groups. Among the regulars of these meetings were also civil-military bureaucrats, retired officers, academics and journalists. ^[9]

Events

The motto of the attempt on 21 May 1963 was “Cadet Deceitful”.28 Aydemir attempted a coup again on 20 May 1963 with the support of the Military Academy and the Armored Training Tank Battalion.^[3]

The coup attempt began shortly after midnight when Aydemir’s supporters stormed the Ankara radio station and broadcast a statement that the "Revolutionary Headquarters of the Armed Forces" was taking over the country. Troops loyal to the government later briefly regained control of the broadcasting studio before losing it again to the insurgents. Outside the radio station, rebel tanks manoeuvred through the streets of Ankara while air force F-100 jets loyal to the government strafed them.^[12]

When it became clear that the position of the insurgents was hopeless, Aydemir sought safety at the War College. As government troops threatened to bombard the building, he escaped through a back door and was captured in a friend's house while changing back into civilian clothes. The attempted coup was crushed less than twelve hours after it had begun. In that time there had been seven deaths and twenty six wounded, including the man who had assumed Aydemir's old position as commandant of the War College, shot in the leg by his own cadets when he tried to persuade them to surrender.^[12]

Some twenty fellow officers were arrested along with Aydemir and

After the incident, Staff Colonel Talat Aydemir was on his way to his friend's house in Küçükesat, while Major Fethi Gürcan, one of the leaders of the revolution, and one of his friends took refuge in the West German embassy. However, the embassy rejected this asylum request. Those involved in the incident, especially Talat Aydemir, were arrested after a while and taken to the Mamak Combat School30. On May 21, with the participation of the Air Force, all the putschists, especially the Military Academy students, were neutralized. The group that was to take action in Istanbul, on the other hand, did not become active. According to official statements, 6 people lost their lives and 30 people were injured in the clashes that took place during and after the events. The government declared martial law in Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir upon these events.31 With the decision of the Council of Ministers, I. Army Commander Korg. Refik Yilmaz, Ankara Martial Law Command II. Army Commander Korg. Cemal Tural and İzmir Sea Area Commander Brigadier to İzmir Martial Law Command. Ferit Denizmen has been appointed32. Upon the incident, 151 officers and retired officers, including former MBK members and 14's Alparslan Türkeş, Muzaffer Özdağ, Rıfat Baykal and Fazıl Akkoyunlu, and former 22 February players Talat Aydemir, Dündar Seyhan, Fethi Gürcan, Turgut Alpagut, and nearly 1500 officers. Military Academy student arrested3 [3]

On the anniversary of the May 21, 1960 march, Talat Aydemir gave the necessary instructions to his junta for the second coup attempt. The juntaists first announced that the Turkish Armed Forces had seized the country's government by occupying the Radio House, and dissolved the parliament and senate. However, Lieutenant Colonel tr:Ali Elverdi, who saved the Radio House from the putschists on behalf of the government, made a short statement and defined the situation as "the adventurous act of three and a half marauders". While the citizen listens to the coup statement for a while, he listens to the government's announcement that the coup was suppressed a few hours later.^[13]

Chief of Staff Cevdet Sunay, who seized the situation, connects to the Radio House and calls out to the citizens. but Sunay's call to the public prevents the coup from spreading further and causes a rapid dissolution among the junta. Jets from the air force make low flights over the putschists, allowing them to return to the barracks. Talat Aydemir, realizing that the coup failed, retreats to his home, and is caught and arrested shortly after.^[13]

^[14]

Trial

21 Mayıs sanıklarının yargılanmaları için Ankara’da; 1 Numaralı Sıkıyönetim Askeri Mahkemesi, Mamak Muharebe Okulu’nda; 2 Numaralı Sıkıyönetim Askeri Mahkemesi Harp Okulu’nda ve 3 Numaralı Sıkıyönetim Askeri Mahkemesi de Sı- kıyönetim Karargâhında kurulmuştur34. Mahkeme Başkanlıklarına Bnb. Ali Cesur, Turgut Aksu ve Muzaffer Müdür hâkim olarak tayin edilmişlerdir. Mahkeme üye- liklerine ise hâkim yüzbaşılar atanmıştır. (Much more detail on the trials).^[3]

During the February 22 Incident, Aydemir, who saw that a lot of blood would be shed in the face of the determined stance of then-Prime Minister Retired Gen. İsmet İnönü, ended the coup attempt, and in return, thanks to a special law enacted by the government, he was not sentenced to any penalty, but was retired together with the other officers who participated in the coup.

After his retirement, Aydemir continued his contacts with opposition groups and continued preparations for a second coup attempt. Alparslan Türkeş, who was aware of the coup attempt during these contacts, could not come to an agreement with Aydemir and reported the coup to the government.

Retired Colonel Talat Aydemir could not get close to the point he reached on February 22, in the attempted revolution with the password 'Cadets' and the sign 'Deceitful '. Immediately after the revolutionary declaration was read on the radio, the control soon passed into the hands of the government forces, Ankara 28th Division Chief of Staff Lieutenant Colonel Ali Elverdi, marches He makes a counter speech stating that there was no revolution, that there was a misunderstanding, that some adventurers attempted such a task, but that the situation was under control.As the pro-government soldiers took control, Aydemir and his friends surrendered.

İsmet İnönü , in his historical speech in which he evaluated this initiative, describes the participants of the attempt as "Talat's three and a half men". It is this word of İnönü that touched the arrested Talat Aydemir the most. And the only reason he explained who he acted with in the judicial process was to prove that those under the roof he formed would not be counted as 'three and a half men'.

During the court process, unfavorable news about Talat Aydemir and his wife were also published in the press . For example, the allegation published by Metin Toker in Akis magazine , with the signature of Metin Toker , that Talat Aydemir said to his wife's hairdresser, 'See you in Çankaya next week'.

In addition to the Justice Party deputies, who were already angry with the junta because of the May 27 coup , the CHP voted in favor of the execution. [one]

Fethi Gürcan 's sentence was executed on 27 June and Talat Aydemir 's sentence was executed on 5 July 1964. Fevzi Bingöl and Osman Deniz were also tried in court. At first, they were also asked to be executed, but their sentences were later commuted to life imprisonment and they were released using amnesty. Only 1459 cadets were expelled from the cadet schools, and additional university quotas were opened for these students later on.

Execution^[15]

Aftermath

After the coup attempt, the perpetrators were caught, and after a short trial, Talat Aydemir, Fethi Gürcan, Erol Dinçer, Osman Deniz, İlhan Baş, Ahmet Gücal and Cevat Kırca were sentenced to death. Alparslan Türkeş was also detained; but he was released because he did not support the coup. That year, the Military Academy could not graduate because all its students were expelled from the school. Only two of the executions took place. When Chief of Staff Cevdet Sunay asked Prime Minister İsmet İnönü what should be done about the execution of Talat Aydemir's death sentence, İsmet İnönü demanded that the execution be carried out immediately. First Fethi Gürcan and then Talat Aydemir were executed.^[13]

Even after the second coup attempt, Talat Aydemir was saying that he would carry out a new coup attempt at the first opportunity. Unsuccessful coup attempts resulted in 9 deaths and 24 injuries; slowed the country's transition to democracy. In his will, Talat Aydemir requested to be buried in the Military Academy; but this request of the junta Colonel, who was hanged for treason, was not fulfilled.^[13]

Aydemir's abortive coup did not suffice to convince the extremists in the Justice party that their ind attacks on the military would incite new coups and eventually bring back to power. They intensified the campaign for amenesty for the Finally, Cevdet Sunay had to write a letter on November I2, I964, to the p the premier, the party leaders, and the chairman of the legislature. He m the army's loyalty to the constitution and declared that a press campaign has chosen the army as its target, and by its nature it is likely to hurt the and the officers who in silence and dedication try to carry out the high du tecting the country. . . . Some party members are attempting to incite th citizens against the government, the army, and their own adversaries, an cially at the commanding officers. They thus incite an armed revolution. clarations aim at destroying the harmony between the commanders and t ordinates, and create mischief for the country. . ..4

The letter had its effect. The Justice party convention, which met at November I964, ignored the extremists who sought to rehabilitate th Democrats and elected as chairman, with a two-thirds majority, Siileyman Demirel, who represented the moderate wing in the party. From the end of i964 the military's relations with the Justice party improved considerably as the uproar caused by the Revolution subsided. The election of Cevdet Sunay to the presidency after Giirsel suffered a stroke and died in I966 consolidated civilian rule and helped to establish "correct" relations between the military and the Justice party. A difficult phase had been concluded and parlia- mentary democracy received a new chance to prove itself capable of solving the social and economic problems of Turkey. ^[16]

References