Pavel Shatev

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Pavel Potsev Shatev
IMRO (United)
Known forThessaloniki bombings of 1903
Notable work"In Macedonia under yoke" (1934)
"Thessalonica bombings and the exiles in Fezzan", based on the memoirs of Pavel Shatev, published in 1927 in Sofia by the Macedonian Scientific Institute.

Pavel Potsev Shatev (

Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization
(IMARO), later becoming a left-wing political activist.

Biography

Born in

Thessaloniki bombings of 1903.[2]

In 1908, after the

IMRO (United). He described Macedonians as having their own history, politics, and culture, though without regard to "confession and nationality".[4]

Appeal to the Macedonians in Bulgaria during WW2, one of the signatures was Pavel Shatev himself.[5]

After the beginning of

communist
conspiracy. As this was considered a political offence, he was arrested in Sofia and sentenced to 15 years of prison.

After the end of the war, Shatev was released and took part in the creation of the new People's Republic of Macedonia as a member of

ASNOM.[6]
He was elected Minister of Justice in the first communist government and later became vice-chairman of the Presidium of ASNOM. After the first elections for parliament, Shatev became a deputy.

Meanwhile, from the start of the new Yugoslavia, the authorities organised frequent purges and trials of Macedonian communists and non-party people charged with autonomist deviation. Many of the former left-wing IMRO government officials were purged from their positions, then isolated, arrested, imprisoned or executed on various charges such as demands for greater independence of Yugoslav Macedonia, collaboration with the Cominform after the Tito–Stalin split in 1948.[7] In 1946 Shatev wrote a complaint to the Bulgarian embassy in Belgrade, in which he argued that the new Macedonian language is Serbianized and the use of Bulgarian language is prohibited in Macedonia and required the intervention of the Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov.[8]

In 1948, fully disappointed with the policy of the new Yugoslav authorities, Shatev, together with Panko Brashnarov, complained in letters to Joseph Stalin and to Georgi Dimitrov and asked for help, maintaining better relations with Bulgaria and the Soviet Union.[9] According to British sources, he later tried to negotiate with the Bulgarian authorities the frontiers of PR Macedonia, independently from Belgrade.[10] In Sofia, Shatev appealed to the secretary of CC of BCP Traycho Kostov, with a request to intercede against the anti-Bulgarian policy of the Yugoslav authorities.[11]

He was later jailed for his alleged pro-Bulgarian and anti-Yugoslav sympathies.[12] Shatev was detained in Skopje prison for 11 months, and then interned in Bitola, where he was kept under house arrest until his death. Afterwards, his personality became a taboo in SFR Yugoslavia.[13][14]

Legacy

The tragic fate of Shatev was well exploited by the Bulgarian historians during the Communist era in favor of their cause in Macedonia. After the break-up of Yugoslavia he was rehabilitated in the new Republic of Macedonia as an unjustly accused of Bulgarophilia by the Titoist regime and a Macedonian patriot.[15] Although today Shatev is considered a Macedonian by the Macedonian historiography,[16] per Macedonian researcher Anastas Vangeli, he identified himself as Bulgarian.[17] In North Macedonia, he was praised as a hero of the political right during the 2010s. In 2008, VMRO-DPMNE established a conservative institute bearing his name. In 2010, the government erected a monument of him and his terrorist group.[17]

Literature

Further reading

  • Shopov, Aleksandar (2019). "'Fezzan is the Siberia of Africa': Desert and Society in the Prison Memoir of Pavel Shatev (1882–1951), An Anarchist from Ottoman Macedonia". Global Environment. 12 (1): 237–253.
    ISSN 1973-3739
    .

References

  1. ^ Balázs Trencsényi; Maciej Janowski; Monika Baár; Michal Kopeček; Maria Falina; Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič (2016). A History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe. Oxford University Press. p. 110.
  2. .
  3. ^ Alexis Heraclides (2021). The Macedonian Question And The Macedonians. Taylor & Francis. p. 76.
  4. .
  5. , p. 130.
  6. , pp. 277-278.
  7. ^ Катарџиев, Иван. Васил Ивановски - живот и дело, предговор кон: Ивановски, Васил. Зошто ние Македонците сме одделна нација, Избрани дела, Скопје, 1995, стр. 50.
  8. , p. 88.
  9. , p. 208.
  10. ^ Dimitar Gotsev, The new national-liberation struggle in Vardar Macedonia, 1944-1991. Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia 1999. p. 17.
  11. ^ Macedonia's child-grandfathers: the transnational politics of memory, exile, and return, 1948-1998, Author Keith Brown, Publisher Henry M. Jackson, University of Washington, 2003 p. 33.
  12. ^ Stefan Troebst, “Historical Politics and Historical 'Masterpieces' in Macedonia before and after 1991”, New Balkan Politics, 6 (2000/1).
  13. ^ "The historian Vlado Ivanoski, director of the Institute of National History between 1987 and 1995, in his speech of welcome to the 1992 conference dedicated to the life of Pavel Šatev, said this: "The new democratic environment, for the first time, enables us to explicitly address and discuss Šatev’s life and time, along with many other problems of Macedonian history. Two or three years ago it was simply impossible to do this. If someone tried to mention these issues and personalities, even at closed sessions, it was considered a “sin” and was sanctioned." Stefoska, Irena and Stojanov, Darko. "Remembering and forgetting the SFR Yugoslavia. Historiography and history textbooks in the Republic of Macedonia" Comparative Southeast European Studies, vol. 64, no. 2, 2016, pp. 206-225. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2016-0016
  14. ^ Marinov, Tchavdar. “Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.” (2010), pp. 5–6; 10.
  15. ^ Пачемска, Даринка. Внатрешната македонска револуционерна организација (обединета). Новинско-издавачка организација 'Студентски збор'. p. 72.
  16. ^