Résistancialisme
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"Résistancialisme" (
The term was coined by Rousso in 1987.
Rousso emphasises that résistancialisme should not be confused with "résistantialisme" (with a "t", literally "Resistor-ism"), which is a pejorative term used by Jean-Marie Desgrange to criticize individuals who retrospectively exaggerated or faked their own involvement in the wartime resistance in an attempt to enhance their own status after the war, for instance François Mitterrand.[4]
The concept of résistancialisme has gained some spread through artistic works in France, including movies, novels, television and music; in turn, popular culture has become affected by résistancialisme.[5][6]
Context
The challenge for the
In this period of complete disorder and confusion, different voices from the resistance emerged; the two main voices being the Gaullist and the Communist.[9] Hence the need for France to come up with a dominant unifying narrative that would later be referred to as the resistancialist myth, or simply resistancialism. This narrative presented the Vichy Regime as a parenthesis in French history which did not question "the righteousness of the French nation".[1]
The myth is often embodied by
"Paris! Paris outraged! Paris broken! Paris martyred! But Paris liberated! Liberated by itself, liberated by its people with the help of the French armies, with the support and the help of all France, of the France that fights, of the only France, of the real France, of the eternal France!"[10]
The construction of an official memory
At a time when the French nation had never been so fragmented,[11] the resistancialist myth was introduced soon after the war, in 1947, in order to counter the emerging tensions of the Cold War and face the communist memorial discourse. The collectively built memory had the purpose of, in the words of French historian Pierre Laborie, "give a reassuring vision of the dark years" in minimizing the influence of Vichy in the French society and portraying the Résistance as having much more support that it actually had.[12]
A selective memory
All discourse not in accordance with the official memory was to be carefully monitored. Censorship intervened in numerous cases where the Occupation was depicted too dramatically. For instance, movies such as Les Honneurs de la Guerre (1962) had to be modified several times in order to be released, because the role of the Milice was deemed too important. Another example is the removal of a scene which portrayed a French policeman participating in the arrest of Jews in Alain Resnais's movie Night and Fog (1956).[13] The censors went not only to the point of amending fictions, they actually stood to hide actual facts and depictions of reality.
When de Gaulle
The infringement in popular culture
This national narrative had also progressively come to shape
Not only did the aftermath of World War II
Conflicting memories
Communists and Gaullists
The Communists were the quickest to present themselves as the inheritors of the Liberation. Dubbing themselves the "party of the 75,000 martyrs", whereas about 35,000 French in total, and not all communists, were executed.[16] The communists "probably lost only a few thousand men to German firing squads",[17] but the figure of 75 000 became an accepted truth and contributed to the legacy of the resistance remaining central to the Party's identity.[18] Right after the Liberation, several ceremonies were held honoring fallen communists and eighteen squares and streets in Paris were almost immediately renamed after communist martyrs.[19]
The Gaullist party was also keen to take ownership of the legacy of the resistance. The official discourse was that, apart from a few traitors, France had supported the French Résistance and France had liberated itself alone. The central power invested time and energy to make the occupation look like a dark parenthesis, insisting on the idea that the Vichy regime did not represent France. Among these efforts were for example the Ordinance of 9 August 1944, which rendered all the legislation enacted since 16 June 1940 null and void, the renaming of the avenue Maréchal Pétain in avenue Dr Louis Mallet who had been a French Résistant,[16] or the refusal to proclaim the restoration of the Republic on August 24 at the Hôtel de Ville as it implied that it had for a moment ceased to exist. The goal was to separate the image of France from the one of Vichy. Traces of the construction of that myth can be found in the de Gaulle's speeches during the Liberation and at the end of the war. For instance, during his first speech on a liberated French territory on 14 June 1944, de Gaulle assured the inhabitants of Bayeux to "continue the struggle today, as you have not ceased to do since June 1940".[20] When he returned to power as a result of the political crisis of 1958, de Gaulle reinforced the mythology of the Resistance, notably though the pantheonization ceremony of Jean Moulin.[21]
While both factions shared differences with each other, there was consensus between both on that “the Resistance had represented the real France and incarnated the true feelings of the French people throughout the Occupation”.[21] This helped foster and spread the myth of a highly-resistant France during the Occupation period.
Dissenting and silenced memories
The myth of the resistance became so overpowering that for a long period of time, it squeezed out alternative memories of the Occupation period. Many resistants were for instance critical of the idea that a majority of the French population had taken part in the Resistance.[22] The resistance fighter Alban Vistel expressed this frustration, stating that "it is time to unmask a pious myth which has not really deceived anyone. The great majority of the people of this country played only a small and fleeting part in the events. Their activity was passive, except at the last moments”.[23]
While traditional conservatism and the far-right in France had been discredited due to its role in the Vichy government, many rehabilitated former collaborators challenged the prevailing Resistance narrative. Rather than attacking the Resistance as a whole, they created the term "resistentialism"[24] to criticise those who they saw as pseudo-resisters while also attempting to rehabilitate the memory of Pétain and his collaborationist government.[24]
With the myth of the resistance requiring heroes, the memories of victims of the Nazi regime not involved in the resistance were often buried within the collective memory. This is visible in the way different groups of deportees were recognised as victims by the Government.[25] While political and resistant deportees were recognised as victims of the Vichy and Nazi regime, Service du travail obligatoire (STO) workers, French workers who had been sent to Germany to work as forced labour, were not. During the post-war period, there was an enduring suspicion that these men could have avoided the STO and joined the Resistance instead.[25]
Deconstructing the myth
Shortly after the
The emergence of memories
In 1971,
A late recognition
In the 1970s, the emergence of a memory around
Simultaneously, stories emerged from the
See also
References
- ^ S2CID 144900151. Archived from the original(PDF) on 19 July 2018. Retrieved 3 July 2021.
- ^ a b c Rousso 1994.
- ISSN 1201-0421. Archived from the original(PDF) on 9 February 2020. Retrieved 3 July 2021.
- ^ Rousso 1994, p. 220, Chapter 6: Vectors of Memory.
- ^ ISBN 9781443855860 – via Google Books.
- ^ .
- ^ Philippe, Bourdrel (1988). L'Épuration sauvage, 1944–1945. Perrin, Paris.
- OCLC 299475161.
- ^ Nora, Pierre (1992). "« Gaullistes et Communistes »". Les Lieux de Mémoire III. Gallimard.
- ^ "De Gaulle's Paris Liberated speech".
- OCLC 32854160.
- OCLC 56552818.
- ^ Langlois, Suzanne (1996). La résistance dans le cinéma français de fiction (1944–1994).
- OCLC 22629771.
- ^ a b Jackson 2003, pp. 601–632, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ OCLC 45406461 – via Internet Archive.
- OCLC 221177930 – via Internet Archive.
- ^ Jackson 2003, p. 601, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ Namer, Gérard (1983). La commémoration en France, 1944–1982. Papyrus. pp. 18–19.
- OCLC 7352190.
- ^ a b Jackson 2003, p. 603, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ Jackson 2003, p. 606, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ Vistel, Alban (1955). L'Héritage spirituel de la Résistance. Lyon: Editions Lug. p. 58.
- ^ a b Jackson 2003, p. 608, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ a b Jackson 2003, p. 611, Chapter 25: Epilogue.
- ^ La-Croix.com (2014-05-12). "Le temps où " les Français ne s'aimaient pas "". La Croix (in French). Retrieved 2018-08-21.
- OCLC 1311479. Archived from the originalon 9 August 2014. Retrieved 3 July 2021.
- ^ a b Rousso 1994, p. 253-254, Chapter 6: Vectors of Memory.
- ^ Loi n° 64-1326 du 26 décembre 1964 tendant à constater l'imprescriptibilité des crimes contre l'humanité, retrieved 2018-08-21
- ^ "The Vel' d'Hiv Roundup". Yad Vashem. Retrieved 2018-08-21.
- OCLC 40899602.
- ^ "Discours de Jacques Chirac sur la responsabilité de Vichy dans la déportation, 1995". ina.fr (in French). Retrieved 2018-08-21.