Joel Kovel

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Joel Kovel
Kovel in 2009
Kovel in 2009
BornJoel Stephen Kovel
(1936-08-27)August 27, 1936
Brooklyn, New York City, New York, U.S.
DiedApril 30, 2018(2018-04-30) (aged 81)
New York City, New York, U.S.
OccupationScholar, writer
NationalityAmerican
Website
joelkovel.com (archived)

Joel Stephen Kovel (August 27, 1936 – April 30, 2018) was an American scholar and author known as a founder of eco-socialism.[1][2][3] Kovel became a psychoanalyst, but he abandoned psychoanalysis in 1985.

Background

Kovel was born on August 27, 1936, in

Baldwin, Nassau County, New York. In 1957, he received his B.S. summa cum laude from Yale University. In 1961, he received his M.D. from the Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons and in 1977 was a graduate of the Psychoanalytic Institute, Downstate Medical Center Institute, Brooklyn, New York.[1][4]

Career

Academic

From 1977 until 1983, he was Director of Residency Training, Department of Psychiatry,

New School for Social Research in Marxism and Sigmund Freud.[1]

In 1986, Kovel abandoned the field of psychiatry.[1] From 1986 to 1987, he was a visiting professor of Political Science and Communications, University of California, San Diego. He also held short-term positions as a Visiting Lecturer at San Diego State University in the spring of 1990 and another visiting professor position at UCSD in Winter 1993.[4]

In 1988, Kovel was appointed Alger Hiss Chair of Social Studies, a non-tenured position, at Bard College. In February 2009, he was informed that his position would not be renewed after the contract ended on June 20, 2009, and that he would be moved to emeritus status at that time.[5] Kovel argued in a letter sent to the faculty of Bard College that his contract was not renewed due to his political views.[6] He reiterated his argument in a statement posted on his official website that the "termination of service is prejudicial and motivated neither by intellectual nor pedagogic considerations, but by political values, principally stemming from differences between myself and the Bard administration on the issue of Zionism".[5] The college president Leon Botstein responded in a letter sent directly to Kovel by arguing that his termination was not political but part of a larger move by Bard to reduce part-time faculty. Botstein stated: "To take what is self-evidently a result of economic constraint and turn it into a trumped-up case of prejudice and political victimization insults not only your intelligence but the intelligence of your readers."[6] While Kovel called his dismissal illegitimate and vowed to fight the decision, he left Bard permanently per the university's decision in 2009.[2]

Political

Kovel became involved in political activism in the 1960s as a result of the

Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua.[4]

By the late 1980s, he became involved with the environmental movement. He then had a brief career with the Green Party of the United States, under which he ran for the U.S. Senate in 1998 and "sought the party's presidential nomination in Denver in 2000."[2][3][4]

Kovel was an advisory editor of Socialist Resistance.[8]

Personal life and death

Kovel married Virginia Ryan, a nurse, with whom he had a daughter and a son before they divorced. He then married DeeDee Halleck, with whom he had a daughter.[1]

Kovel died age 81 on April 30, 2018, in New York City from pneumonia and autoimmune encephalitis.[1][2][3]

Views

Eco-socialism

In 2001, Kovel and

Fourth International, released An Ecosocialist Manifesto. which set out to define eco-socialism.[9]

Critique of capitalist expansion and globalization

Kovel was

anti-globalization, seeing globalization as a force driven by capitalism; in turn, the rapid economic growth encouraged by globalization causes acute ecological crises.[10] He believed that capitalist firms have to continue to generate profit through a combination of continually intensifying exploitation and selling to new markets, meaning that capitalism must grow indefinitely to exist, which seems impossible on a planet of finite resources.[10]

In the eco-socialist manifesto, Kovel and Löwy suggested that capitalist expansion causes both "crises of ecology" through "rampant industrialization" and "societal breakdown" that springs "from the form of

neoliberal globalization as "a return to the pure logic of capital" that "has effectively swept away measures which had inhibited capital's aggressivity, replacing them with naked exploitation of humanity and nature"; for Kovel, this "tearing down of boundaries", which was "a deliberate response to a serious accumulation crisis" in the 1970s, has become the definition of modern globalization.[11]

As eco-socialists disagree with the elite theories of capitalism, which tend to label a specific class or social group as conspirators who construct a system that satisfies their greed and personal desires, Kovel suggested that the capitalist system itself is self-perpetuating, fuelled by extra-human or impersonal forces. He used the Bhopal Union-Carbide industrial disaster as an example. Many anti-corporation observers would blame the avarice of those at the top of many multi-national corporations. Conversely, Kovel traced systemic impulses. Union Carbide were experiencing a decrease in sales that led to falling profits which, due to stock market conditions, translated into a drop in share values. The depreciation of share value made many shareholders sell their stock, weakening the company, and leading to cost-cutting measures that eroded the safety procedures and mechanisms at the Bhopal site. Though this did not make Bhopal inevitable in Kovel's mind, it showed the effect market forces can have on increasing the likelihood of ecological and social problems.[10]

Use and exchange value

Kovel followed Marx's theories about the contradiction between use values and exchange values. As he wrote in The Enemy of Nature, within a market economy goods are not produced to meet needs but are produced to be exchanged for money that we then use to acquire other goods. As we have to keep selling in order to keep buying, we must persuade others to buy our goods just to ensure our survival, which leads to the production of goods with no previous use that can be sold to sustain our ability to buy other goods. Kovel stressed that this contradiction has reached a destructive extent, where certain essential activities, such as caring for relatives full-time and basic subsistence, are unrewarded, while unnecessary economic activities earn certain individuals huge fortunes.[10]

Role of the state and transnational organisations

Capitalist expansion was seen by Kovel as being "hand in glove" with "corrupt and subservient client states" that repress dissent against the system, governed by

Muslim nations where oil is often found.[10]

Kovel believed that state or self-

counter-terrorism increases alienation and causes further terrorism and believe that state counter-terrorist methods are, in Kovel and Löwy's words, "evolving into a new and malignant variation of fascism", echoing Rosa Luxemburg's "stark choice" between "socialism or barbarism", which was believed to be a prediction of the coming of fascism and further forms of destructive capitalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Luxemburg was in fact murdered by proto-fascist Freikorps in the revolutionary atmosphere of Germany in 1919.[9]

Critique of other forms of green politics and socialism

Kovel criticized many within the green movement for not being overtly anti-capitalist, for working within the existing capitalist,

emancipation of labor and the end of the separation between producers and the means of production.[10]

Opposition to within-system approaches, voluntarism, and technological fixes

Kovel was highly critical of those within the green movement who favour "working within the system"; while he recognized the ability of within-system approaches to raise awareness, and believe that "the struggle for an

carbon trading, which he saw as a "capitalist shell game" that turns pollution "into a fresh source of profit".[10][2]

Kovel criticized the "defeatism" of voluntarism in some local forms of environmentalism that do not connect. He suggested that they can be "drawn off into individualism" or co-opted to the demands of capitalism, as in the case of certain recycling projects, where citizens are "induced to provide free labor" to waste management industries who are involved in the "capitalization of nature". He labelled the notion of voluntarism "ecopolitics without struggle".[10]

Kovel wrote that "events in nature are reciprocal and multi-determined" and can not be predictably "fixed"; socially, technologies cannot solve social problems because they are not "mechanical". He posits an analysis, developed from Marx, that patterns of production and social organisation are more important than the forms of technology used within a given configuration of society. Under capitalism, he suggested that technology "has been the sine qua non of growth", believing that even in a world with hypothetical "free energy" the effect would be to lower the cost of

post-industrial commodities is a "plain illusion", as miniaturized components involve many substances and are non-recyclable, and theoretically only simple substances could be retrieved by burning out-of-date equipment, releasing more pollutants. He warned "environmental liberals" against over-selling the virtues of renewable energies that cannot meet the mass energy consumption of the era; although he would still support renewable energy projects, he believed it is more important to restructure societies to reduce energy use before relying on renewable energy technologies alone.[10]

Critique of green economics

Kovel thought that eco-socialists must reject at a fundamental level what he called "ecological economics" or the "ecological wing of mainstream economics" for being "uninterested in social transformation". He further rejected the neo-Smithian school, who believe in Adam Smith's vision of "a capitalism of small producers, freely exchanging with each other", which is self-regulating and competitive. The school is represented by thinkers like David Korten who believe in "regulated markets" checked by government and civil society; for Kovel, they do not provide a critique of the expansive nature of capitalism away from localized production and ignore "questions of class, gender, race or any other category of domination". Kovel also criticized their "fairy-tale" view of history, which refers to the abuse of "natural capital" by the materialism of the Scientific Revolution, an assumption that, in Kovel's eyes, seems to suggest that "nature had toiled to put the gift of capital into human hands" rather than capitalism being a product of social relations in human history.[10]

Other forms of

socialist in their configuration and therefore must be "consistently anti-capitalist" through recognition and support of the emancipation of labor, and exist "in a dialectic with the whole of things", as human society will need large-scale projects, such as transport infrastructures. He highlighted the work of leading ecological economist and steady-state theorist Herman Daly, who exemplifies what eco-socialists see as the good and bad points of ecological economics, while he offered a critique of capitalism and a desire for "workers ownership", saaying that he only believes in workers ownership "kept firmly within a capitalist market", ignoring the eco-socialist desire for struggle in the emancipation of labor and hoping that the interests of labor and management today can be improved so that they are "in harmony".[10]

Critique of deep ecology

Kovel has attacked

green economics, it features "virtuous souls" who have "no internal connection with the critique of capitalism and the emancipation of labor". He was particularly critical about deep ecology and its "fatuous pronouncement" that Green politics is "neither left nor right, but ahead", which, for him, ignores the notion that "that which does not confront the system becomes its instrument".[10]

Kovel suggested that in "its effort to decentre humanity within nature", deep ecologists can "go too far" and argue for the "splitting away of unwanted people", as evidenced by their desire to preserve

authoritarian regime in order to preserve the main workings of the system" in times of crisis.[10]

Critique of bioregionalism

Bioregionalism, a philosophy developed by writers like Kirkpatrick Sale who believe in the self-sufficiency of "appropriate bioregional boundaries" drawn up by inhabitants of "an area",[12] has been critiqued by Kovel, who feared that the "vagueness" of the area will lead to conflict and further boundaries between communities.[10] While Sale cites the bioregional living of Native Americans,[12] Kovel commented that such ideas are impossible to translate to populations of modern proportions, and evidences the fact that Native Americans held land in commons, rather than private property; for eco-socialists, bioregionalism provides no understanding of what is needed to transform society, and what the inevitable "response of the capitalist state" would be to people constructing bioregionalism.[10]

Kovel also attacked the problems of self-sufficiency. Where Sale believes in self-sufficient regions "each developing the energy of its peculiar ecology", such as "wood in the northwest [US]",[12] Kovel asked "how on earth" these can be made sufficient for regional needs, and commented the environmental damage of converting Seattle into a "forest-destroying and smoke-spewing wood-burning" city. Kovel also questioned Sale's insistence on bioregions that do "not require connections with the outside, but within strict limits", and whether this precludes journeys to visit family members and other forms of travel.[10]

Critique of variants of eco-feminism

Kovel acknowledged the importance of "the gendered bifurcation of nature" and supported the emancipation of gender as it "is at the root of patriarchy and class". Nevertheless, while he believed that "any path out of capitalism must also be eco-feminist", he criticized types of

ecofeminism that are not anti-capitalist and can "essentialize women's closeness to nature and build from there, submerging history into nature", becoming more at place in the "comforts of the New Age Growth Centre". For Kovel, these limitations "keep ecofeminism from becoming a coherent social movement".[10]

Critique of social ecology

Though Kovel recognized

non-violent direct action, which is "necessary" but "not sufficient" because "it leaves unspoken the question of building an ecological society beyond capital". Furthermore, social ecologists and anarchists tend to focus on the state alone, rather than the class relations behind state domination in the view of Marxists. Kovel feared that this is political, springing from historic hostility to Marxism among anarchists and sectarianism, which he pointed out as a fault of Murray Bookchin, the "brilliant" but "dogmatic" founder of social ecology.[10]

Critique of actually-existing socialisms

For Kovel and Löwy, eco-socialism is "the realization of the 'first-epoch' socialisms" by resurrecting the notion of "free development of all producers", distancing themselves from "the attenuated, reformist aims of

socialist movements in "underdevelopment in the context of hostility by existing capitalist powers", which led to "the denial of internal democracy" and "emulation of capitalist productivism".[9] Kovel believed that the forms of "actually existing socialism" consisted of "public ownership of the means of production", rather than meeting "the true definition" of socialism as "a free association of producers", with the party–state bureaucracy acting as the "alienating substitute 'public'".[10]

In analysing the

Soviet bureaucracy became increasingly inefficient and unable to emulate capitalist accumulation, leading to a "vicious cycle" that led to its collapse.[10]

Strategies

Kovel advocated the

non-violent dismantling of capitalism and the state, focusing on collective ownership of the means of production by freely associated producers and restoration of the Commons.[9]

Agency

Kovel focused on

use-values and diminish exchange-values are the ideal" for eco-socialists.[10]

Prefiguration

For Kovel, the main prefigurative steps "are that people ruthlessly criticize the capitalist system ... and that they include in this a consistent attack on the widespread belief that there can be no alternative to it", which will then "deligitimate the system and release people into struggle". Kovel justified this by stating that "radical criticism of the given ... can be a material force", even without an alternative, "because it can seize the mind of the masses of people", leading to "dynamic" and "exponential", rather than "incremental" and "linear", victories that spread rapidly. He advocated the expansion of the dialectical eco-socialist potential of groups through sustaining the confrontation and internal cohesion of human ecosystems, leading to an "activation" of potentials in others that will "spread across the whole social field" as "a new set of orienting principles" that define an ideology or "'party-life' formation".[10]

In the short-term, Kovel advocated activities that have the "promise of breaking down the commodity form". This includes organizing labor, which is a "reconfiguring of the use-value of labor power"; forming

cooperatives, allowing "a relatively free association of labor"; forming localized currencies, which he saw as "undercutting the value-basis of money"; and supporting "radical media" that, in his eyes, involve an "undoing of the fetishism of commodities". He advocated economic localisation in the same vein as many in the green movement, although only as a prefigurative step rather than an end in itself. He also advised political parties attempting to "democratize the state" that there should be "dialogue but no compromise" with established political parties, and that there must be "a continual association of electoral work with movement work" to avoid "being sucked back into the system". He believed that such parties should focus on "the local rungs of the political system" first, before running national campaigns that "challenge the existing system by the elementary means of exposing its broken promises".[10]

Kovel believed in building prefigurations around forms of production based on use values, which will provide a practical vision of a

anti-globalisation movement.[10]

Internationalization of prefiguration and the eco-socialist party

The Jewish-born Kovel "experiencd in his later years what he called a Christian spiritual conversion"[1] and was baptized.[2]

Kovel believed that examples like the

armed forces and police who, in joining the revolution, will signify that "the turning point is reached".[10]

Eco-socialist revolution

Kovel used the term "eco-socialist revolution" to describe the transition to an eco-socialist world society. In the immediate socio-political transition, he believed that four groups will emerge from the revolution: revolutionaries, those "whose productive activity is directly compatible with ecological production" (such as nurses, schoolteachers, librarians, independent farmers and many other examples), those "whose pre-revolutionary practice was given over to capital" (including the bourgeoisie, advertising executives and more) and "the workers whose activity added surplus value to capitalist commodities". In terms of political organisation, he advocated an "interim assembly" made up of the revolutionaries that can "devise incentives to make sure that vital functions are maintained" (such as short-term continuation of "differential remuneration" for labor), "handle the redistribution of social roles and assets", convene "in widespread locations", and send delegates to regional, state, national and international organisations, where every level has an "executive council" that is rotated and can be recalled. From there, he wrote that "productive communities" will "form the political as well as economic unit of society" and "organize others" to make a transition to eco-socialist production; he added that people will be allowed to be members of any community they choose with "associate membership" of others, such as a doctor having main membership of healthcare communities as a doctor and associate membership of child-rearing communities as a father. In Kovel's eyes, each locality would require one community that administered the areas of jurisdiction through an elected assembly. High-level assemblies would have additional "supervisory" roles over localities to monitor the development of ecosystemic integrity, and administer "society-wide services" like transport in "state-like functions", before the interim assembly can transfer responsibilities to "the level of the society as a whole through appropriate and democratically responsive committees".[10]

Transnational trade and capital reform

For Kovel, part of the eco-socialist transition is the reforming money to retain its use in "enabling exchanges", while reducing its functions as "a commodity in its own right" and "repository of value". He argued for directing money to "enhancement of use-values" through a "subsidization of use-values" that "preserves the functioning core of the economy while gaining time and space for rebuilding it". Internationally, he believed in the immediate cessation of speculation in currencies ("breaking down the function of money as commodity, and redirecting funds on use-values"), the cancellation of the debt of the Global South ("breaking the back of the value function" of money), and the redirecting the "vast reservoir of mainly phony value" to reparations and "ecologically sound development". He suggested the end of military aid and other forms of support to "comprador elites in the South" will eventually "lead to their collapse".[10]

In terms of

automobile industry, spurring changes towards ecological production.[10]

Ecological production

Kovel pursued "ecological production" that goes beyond the socialist vision of the emancipation of labor to "the realization of use-values and the appropriation of intrinsic value". He envisioned a form of production in which "the making of a thing becomes part of the thing made" so that, using a high quality meal as an analogy, "pleasure would obtain for the cooking of the meal"; activities "reserved as hobbies under capitalism" would "compose the fabric of everyday life" under eco-socialism. For Kovel, this is achieved if labor is "freely chosen and developed ... with a fully realized use-value" achieved by a "negation" of

eco-systems", removing it from profit-making exercises.[10]

In the course on an eco-socialist revolution, Kovel advocated the "rapid conversion to ecosocialist production" for all enterprises, followed by "restoring ecosystemic integrity to the workplace" through steps like workers ownership. He believed that the new enterprises can build "socially developed plans" of production for societal needs, such as efficient light-rail transport components. At the same time, Kovel argued for the transformation of essential but under capitalism non-productive labor, such as child care, into productive labor, "thereby giving reproductive labour a status equivalent to productive labour". During such a transition, he believed that income should be guaranteed and that money will still be used under "new conditions of value ... according to use and to the degree to which ecosystem integrity is developed and advanced by any particular production". Within this structure, Kovel said that markets will become unnecessary, although "market phenomena" in personal exchanges and other small instances might be adopted, and communities and elected assemblies will democratically decide on the allocation of resources.[10]

Kovel stated that the focus on "production" does not mean that there will be an increase in production and labor under eco-socialism. He thought that the emancipation of labor and the realization of use-value will allow "the spheres of work and culture to be reintegrated". He cited the example of

Paraguayan Indian communities organized by Jesuits in the 18th century who made sure that all community members learned musical instruments, and had laborers take musical instruments to the fields and takes turns playing music or harvesting.[10]

Commons, property, and usufruct

Kovel focused on a modified version of the notion of

Aztec law and the Napoleonic Code.[10]

Kovel highlighted the fact that Marx mentioned the idea when he stated that human beings are no more than the planet's "usufructaries, and, like boni patres familias, they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition".[15] Kovel took on this reading, saying that in an eco-socialist society "everyone will have ... rights of use and ownership over those means of production necessary to express the creativity of human nature", namely "a place of one's own" to decorate to personal taste, some personal possessions, the body and its attendant sexual and reproductive rights; however, Kovel saw property as "self-contradictory" because individuals emerge "in a tissue of social relations" and "nested circles", with the self at the centre and extended circles where "issues of sharing arise from early childhood on". He believed that "the full self is enhanced more by giving than by taking" and that eco-socialism is realized when material possessions weigh "lightly" upon the self, and restoration of use-value allows things to be taken "concretely and sensuously" but "lightly, since things are enjoyed for themselves and not as buttresses for a shaky ego". For Kovel, this reversed what Marxists see as the commodity fetishism and atomization of individuals through the "unappeasable craving" for "having and excluding others from having" under capitalism. Under eco-socialism, he believed that enhancement of use-value will lead to differentiated ownership between the individual and the collective, where there are "distinct limits on the amount of property individuals control" and no-one can take control of resources that "would permit the alienation of means of production from another". He hoped that the "hubris" of the notion of "ownership of the planet" will be replaced with usufruct.[10]

Non-violence

Kovel wrote that "violence is the rupturing of ecosystems" and is therefore "deeply contrary to ecosocialist values". He believed that revolutionary movements must prepare for post-revolutionary violence from counter-revolutionary sources by "prior development of the democratic sphere" within the movement because "to the degree that people are capable of self-government, so will they turn away from violence and retribution" for "a self-governed people cannot be pushed around by any alien government". In Kovel's view, it is essential that the revolution "takes place in" or spreads quickly to the United States, which "is capital's gendarme and will crush any serious threat", and that revolutionaries reject the

death penalty and retribution against former opponents or counter-revolutionaries.[10]

Criticism

Writing in

labor movement" that "demonstrate that despite the interests and desires of capitalists, progress toward social justice is possible". They argued that an ecological socialism must be "built on hope, not fear".[16]

Overcoming Zionism controversy

Main article: University of Michigan Press § Controversies

In June 2008, the University of Michigan Press severed ties with the British independent publishing firm Pluto Press, for which it served as the American distributor.[17][18][19] The decision came after a series of events tied to the distribution of Kovel's 2007 book Overcoming Zionism, which argued that "the creation of Israel was a mistake and urges adoption of the "one state" solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in which Israelis and Palestinians would form a new country, without a Jewish character."[20] In a 2007 interview on Democracy Now!, Kovel said:

I feel that the notion of Zionism, as that there is this kind of destiny of the Jewish people to have their own state, is just a wrong idea. And it's an idea that requires signing on to imperialism. It means signing on to ethnic cleansing. It means—despite everything that has been said about it, it means basically becoming a racist situation, where you're oppressing an indigenous population and depriving them of their right to existence, and then thinking that somehow you can go ahead and have a decent life on that basis. And you can't, in my view. And I join hands with those people who feel that the time has come to basically think of Israel in the same category as South Africa, as a state that just has gone wrong and needs replacement.[3]

According to University Spokeswoman Kelly Cunningham, the University of Michigan Press stopped distributing the book in the fall of 2007 after "serious questions" were raised about the book by "members of the university community."[20] Later in September, the University of Michigan Press announced that it would resume distribution of Overcoming Zionism after receiving complaints that it was conducting censorship.[21] The executive board of the University of Michigan Press said in a statement that though it "has deep reservations about Overcoming Zionism, it would be a blow against free speech to remove the book from distribution on that basis. We conclude that we should not fail to honor our distribution agreement based on our reservations about the content of a single book. Such a course raises both First Amendment issues and concerns about the appearance of censorship. As members of the university community dedicated to academic freedom and open debate among differing views, the Executive Board stands firmly for freedom of expression, and against even the appearance of censorship. In this instance, both legal and value considerations lead us to the decision to resume distribution of the book."[21] At the same time, the University of Michigan Press also stated that "had the manuscript gone through the standard review process used by the University of Michigan Press, the board would not have recommended publication. But the arrangement with Pluto Press is for distribution only; the UM Press never intended to review individually every title published by Pluto (or any other press for which it holds distribution rights). By resuming distribution, the board in no way endorses the content of the book."[21]

Selected publications

Kovel's book White Racism (1970) received a nomination for the

Capitalism, Nature, Socialism.[4] His last work, published in 2017, was a memoir entitled The Lost Traveller's Dream.[1][2]

References

  1. ^
    Roberts, Sam (May 4, 2018). "Dr. Joel Kovel, a Founder of Ecosocialism, Is Dead at 81"
    . New York Times. Retrieved May 5, 2018.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g Weiss, Philip (May 3, 2018). "Remembering Joel Kovel, a restless explorer". Mondoweiss. Retrieved May 5, 2018.
  3. ^ a b c d "Scholar and Activist Joel Kovel Dies at 81 in New York City". Democracy Now!. May 1, 2018. Retrieved May 1, 2018.
  4. ^ a b c d e "Joel Kovel". Environment and Ecology. environment-ecology.com. Retrieved March 19, 2017.
  5. ^ a b Kovel, Joel. "Statement of Joel Kovel Regarding His Termination from Bard College". joelkovel.com. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  6. ^ a b Jaschik, scott (February 19, 2009). "Anti-Israel Prof Loses Post at Bard". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  7. ISBN 0-394-50818-1
    .
  8. ^ "About : Socialist Resistance: Fourth International in Britain". Socialist Resistance. Archived from the original on February 8, 2009. Retrieved November 4, 2009.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g Kovel, J.; Löwy, M. (2001). An ecosocialist manifesto.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj Kovel, J., The Enemy of Nature, 2002.
  11. ^ Joel Kovel: Why Ecosocialism Today?
  12. ^ a b c Sale, K., 'Principle of Bioregionalism', in Goldsmith, E., and Mander, J. (eds),The Case against the Global Economy, Sierra Club Books (San Francisco, CA), 1996
  13. ^ Trotsky, L., Literature and Revolution, 1924
  14. ^ "Life Among The Bruderhof". The American Conservative. Retrieved May 25, 2017.
  15. ^ Marx, K., Capital Vol. 3., 1894
  16. S2CID 143654586. Archived from the original
    on January 12, 2013.
  17. ^ Jaschik, Scott (June 18, 2008). "Michigan Severs Ties to Controversial Publisher". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  18. ^ Kroll, Andy (January 23, 2008). "Under fire, 'U' Press changes guidelines". The Michigan Daily. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  19. ^ "The University of Michigan Press: Distributed Clients". University of Michigan Press. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  20. ^ a b Jaschik, Scott (September 11, 2007). "A Book on Hold". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved August 8, 2012.
  21. ^ a b c Jaschik, Scott (September 12, 2007). "Michigan Resumes Distribution of Anti-Israel Book". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved August 8, 2012.

External links

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