Marianne Bertrand

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Marianne Bertrand
Bornc. 1970 (age 53–54)
Belgium
Nationality
Social economics
Alma materHarvard University
Université libre de Bruxelles
Doctoral
advisor
Lawrence F. Katz[1]
AwardsSherwin Rosen Award for Outstanding Contributions to Labor Economics(2012)
Elaine Bennett Research Prize (2004) [2]
Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Information at IDEAS / RePEc

Marianne Bertrand (born c. 1970) is a

Booth School of Business. Bertrand belongs to the world's most prominent labour economists in terms of research,[3] and has been awarded the 2004 Elaine Bennett Research Prize[4] and the 2012 Sherwin Rosen Prize for Outstanding Contributions in the Field of Labor Economics.[5]
She is a research fellow of the National Bureau of Economic Research, and the IZA Institute of Labor Economics.

Early life and education

Bertrand earned a

Ph.D. in economics at Harvard University
.

Career

After her graduation in 1998, Bertrand became an assistant professor of economics and public affairs at

Research

Bertrand's research interests include

IDEAS/RePEc, Bertrand ranked in September 2018 157th in terms of research among 54,233 registered economists (i.e., among the top 0.3%)[8] and 5th among 10,406 female economists (among the top 0.05%)[9]

Research on labour economics, discrimination and gender gaps

One key area of Bertrand's research is labour economics, in particular racial and gender discrimination. Together with Sendhil Mullainathan, she finds that the introduction of antitakeover legislation, which shield companies somewhat from competition, in the 1980s raised wages by 1–2%, thus suggesting that managers have some discretion in wage setting.[10] In a seminal contribution to research on racial labour market discrimination, Bertrand and Mullainathan manipulate perceived race on fictitious resumes sent in reply to help-wanted ads by using Afro-American- or Caucasian-sounding names and observe that "white names" receive 50% more callbacks for interviews, a finding that holds robustly across occupations, industries, firm sizes and controls for social class.[11] Relatedly, Bertrand, Mullainathan and Dolly Chugh have argued for the existence of implicit discrimination, which – unlike taste-based or statistical discrimination – is unintentional and of which the discriminator is unaware.[12] In another exploration of racial discrimination, Bertrand, Mullainathan and David Abrams find that judges in Illinois vary in the degree to which race influences their sentencing, with smaller gaps between white and Afro-American incarceration rates for Afro-American judges and judges passing comparatively many incarceration sentences also being disproportionately likely to sentence Afro-Americans to jail.[13]

Studying the impact of entry regulation on job creation in France with Francis Kramarz, Bertrand finds that regional zoning boards' tendency to deter the creation or extension of retail stores increased retailer concentration and slowed down employment growth.[14] In another study of the impact of infra-industry competition on wages, Bertrand finds that growth in import competition makes workers' wages more sensitive to the current unemployment rate and less sensitive to the unemployment rate that prevailed at the time they were hired, thus suggesting that import competition may erode the implicit contracts between employers and their employees.[15]

Analysing the gender gap with

labour market is Bertrand's 2011 chapter in the Handbook of Labor Economics, which reviews the potential of psychological and socio-psychological factors in explaining gender differences in labour market outcomes.[18] More recently, in research with Emir Kamenica and Jessica Pan, Bertrand has found that the distribution of wives' share of household income drops sharply just after 50%, which she attributes to gender norms averse to the husband earning less than his wife, a norm that in turn affects the formation of marriages, wives' labour force participation and their income conditional on working, marriage satisfaction, divorce rates, and the division of household chores.[19] Relatedly, Bertrand and Pan have also explored the gender gap in disruptive behaviour, finding that boys' propensity to disruptive behaviour – unlike girls' – seems to be extremely responsive to parental inputs, which are substantially worse in broken families, whereas early school environment has little impact.[20]

Another interesting research pertaining to gender gap is about effect of board quotas on female labor force in Norway. She found that after Norway passed the law to have at least 40% women representation in board meetings, there were no significant impacts to the broader female population in the country. They found that this bill benefited young female business graduates the most. The overall conclusion after seven years was that this law had minimum impact on the larger society of women, expect for those who were actually on the board.[21]

Research on corporate governance, family firms and finance

Another major area of Bertrand's research is corporate governance. Together with Mullainathan, Bertrand has researched the determinants of CEO pay, contrasting the contracting view – shareholders set CEO contracts in such a way as to limit moral hazard – with the skimming view – CEOs set their own pay by manipulation the compensation committee to skim as much as possible.[22] In line with the skimming view, they find that CEO pay responds just as much to luck – shocks to the firm performance that are objectively beyond their control – as to developments over which they have control, with the sensitivity to luck being generally higher in firms with poor corporate governance.[23] Moreover, Bertrand and Mullainathan find that the more managers' firms are sheltered from competition, e.g. antitakeover laws, the more wages rise and productivity and profitability fall, possibly due to decreases in the destruction of old and the creation of new plants, suggesting that managers may prefer stability to empire building.[24] Together with Antoinette Schoar, Bertrand has investigated the effect of managers on firm policies in the U.S., finding that a large share of differences between firms' investment, financial, and organizational practices are due to differences in their managers and, more importantly, their management style, with older managers generally being more conservative and managers with MBA degrees being generally more aggressive in terms of corporate decisions.[25] In work with Schoar and David Thesmar, Bertrand observes that after the deregulation of banking in France in 1985, banks became less willing to bail out firms with poor performance and firms being more dependent on banks became more likely to restructure, with rising rates of job and asset reallocation, higher allocative efficiency, and a less concentrated banking sector, an observation in line with Schumpeterian processes of creative destruction.[26] Finally, together with Adair Morse, Bertrand succeeds in decreasing the take-up of highly costly payday loans by 11% over a four-month period by making borrowers think about the dollar fees accruing due to the loans' roll-over, suggesting a role for information disclosure policies to remedy payday borrowing.[27]

Bertrand and Schoar have also conducted research on the role of family for

trust – and more family firms are fairly stable over time, do not react much to economic changes, and do not appear to reflect weak formal institutions.[28] In further research on this topic in Thailand with Simon Johnson and Krislert Samphantharak, Bertrand and Schoar find family involvement in the ownership of family businesses to increase in family size, though firm performance decreases the more the founders' sons become involved, possibly because of a "race to the bottom", wherein fearing the dilution of ownership and control over the business group, the descendants attempt to tunnel resources out of the group's firms.[29] These results are matched by Bertrand and Mullainathan's earlier research on business groups in India, which also finds significant amounts of tunneling, especially via nonoperating components of profit.[30]

Research on development economics

A third area of Bertrand's research concerns

Simeon Djankov and Rema Hanna study corruption using the allocation of driver's licenses and find that the illegal obtention of licenses is mostly performed by using private intermediaries to give bribes so that they may not have to pass the driving test.[34] Finally, more recently, Bertrand has been involved in the evaluation of conditional cash transfer programs, e.g. finding that the postponement of transfers to parents until re-enrollment and the incentivization of graduation and tertiary enrollment both increase enrollment rates at the secondary and tertiary level.[35]
Another interesting research she did in the field of development economics was the marketing in aid of decision making to the poor. In this paper she studies the aspects of economic decision making on the life of the poor, and how it is influenced by effective marketing.

Other research

Other topics of Bertrand's research include econometric methodology, welfare cultures, advertising, lobbyism, and trickle-down consumption:

  • Because of the correlation between measurement errors of subjective data and many personal characteristics and behaviours, subjective data do not make good
    dependent variables, though they can be useful as explanatory variables (with Mullainathan).[36]
  • The standard errors of research applying difference in differences estimation to time-series or panel data with serially correlated outcomes are likely to understate the real standard errors if such autocorrelation is not accounted for (with Mullainathan and Esther Duflo).[37]
  • Being surrounded by others who speak the same language increases welfare participation more for those from high welfare-using language groups (with Erzo Luttmer and Mullainathan).[38]
  • Advertising through the inclusion of a photo of an attractive woman increases demand for consumer loans, decreasing the number of example loans, or not suggesting particular uses for a loan increases loan demand by as much as a 25% reduction in the credit rate, as do longer deadlines for loan applications (with Mullainathan, Shafir, Dean Karlan and Jonathan Zinman).[39]
  • Evidence on lobbyism in the US does not support the expertise view, wherein lobbyism provides issue-specific expertise to politicians, as the sole explanation for lobbyism and instead suggests that lobbyists focus on developing a "circle of influence" within which they represent the special interests of their clients (with Matilde Bombardini and Francesco Trebbi).[40]
  • Especially for visible goods and services, the share of non-rich households' incomes spent on consumption increases in their exposure to higher top income and consumption, suggesting a role for conspicuous consumption with regard to inequality (with Adair Morse).[41]
  • The cost of political connections (joint with Francis Kramarz and David Thesmar)[42]
  • What do high interest borrowers do with their tax rebates?

Other activities

Awards, honors and grants

Selected bibliography

  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; Duflo, Esther; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2004). "How Much Should We Trust Differences-In-Differences Estimates?" (PDF).
    S2CID 470667
    .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; .
  • Bertrand, Marianne; Morse, Adair (December 2011). "Information disclosure, cognitive biases, and payday borrowing". The Journal of Finance. 66 (6): 1865–1893. .

References

  1. ^ An Interview with Marianne Bertrand, 2004 Elaine Bennett Research Award Winner
  2. ^ CSWEP: Elaine Bennett Research Prize
  3. ^ Marianne Bertrand ranks among the top 1% of labour economists registered on IDEAS/RePEc. Retrieved April 20, 2018.
  4. ^ "CSWEP: Elaine Bennett Research Prize". American Economic Association. Retrieved October 4, 2023.
  5. ^ "Society of Labor Economists (2012). Award of Sherwin Rosen Prize to Marianne Bertrand. Retrieved April 20, 2018". Archived from the original on September 9, 2015. Retrieved April 20, 2018.
  6. ^ "Marianne Bertrand". The Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab (J-PAL). Retrieved October 4, 2023.
  7. Booth School of Business. Archived from the original
    (PDF) on April 21, 2018. Retrieved April 20, 2018.
  8. ^ Top 10% Authors. Retrieved November 4, 2018.
  9. ^ Top 10% female economists. Retrieved November 4, 2018.
  10. S2CID 18973218
    .
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  18. ^ Bertrand, M. (2011). "New perspectives on gender". In Card, D.; Ashenfelter, O. (eds.). Handbook of Labor Economics. Vol. 4. Amsterdam: Elsevier. pp. 1543–1590.
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  21. ^ "Marianne Bertrand". The University of Chicago Booth School of Business. Retrieved 2019-04-23.
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  42. ^ "Research". faculty.chicagobooth.edu. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  43. ^ BSE Board appoints 5 new Scientific Council members Barcelona School of Economics, press release of November 2022.
  44. ^ "Economist with focus on inequality receives new Swedish prize in economics and management".
  45. ^ "Marianne Bertrand: Personal Website at Chicago Booth".

External links