Charles Haughey
Charles Haughey | |
---|---|
7th Taoiseach | |
In office 10 March 1987 – 11 February 1992 | |
President | |
Tánaiste | |
Preceded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Succeeded by | Albert Reynolds |
In office 9 March 1982 – 14 December 1982 | |
President | Patrick Hillery |
Tánaiste | Ray MacSharry |
Preceded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Succeeded by | Garret FitzGerald |
In office 11 December 1979 – 30 June 1981 | |
President | Patrick Hillery |
Tánaiste | George Colley |
Preceded by | Jack Lynch |
Succeeded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Minister for the Gaeltacht | |
In office 10 March 1987 – 11 February 1992 | |
Taoiseach | Himself |
Preceded by | Paddy O'Toole |
Succeeded by | John Wilson |
Leader of the Opposition | |
In office 14 December 1982 – 10 March 1987 | |
President | Patrick Hillery |
Taoiseach | Garret FitzGerald |
Preceded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Succeeded by | Alan Dukes |
In office 30 June 1981 – 9 March 1982 | |
President | Patrick Hillery |
Taoiseach | Garret FitzGerald |
Preceded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Succeeded by | Garret FitzGerald |
Leader of Fianna Fáil | |
In office 7 December 1979 – 6 February 1992 | |
Deputy |
|
Preceded by | Jack Lynch |
Succeeded by | Albert Reynolds |
Minister for Social Welfare | |
In office 5 July 1977 – 12 December 1979 | |
Taoiseach | Jack Lynch |
Preceded by | Brendan Corish |
Succeeded by | Michael Woods |
Minister for Health | |
In office 5 July 1977 – 11 December 1979 | |
Taoiseach | Jack Lynch |
Preceded by | Brendan Corish |
Succeeded by | Michael Woods |
Minister for Finance | |
In office 10 November 1966 – 7 May 1970 | |
Taoiseach | Jack Lynch |
Preceded by | Jack Lynch |
Succeeded by | George Colley |
Minister for Agriculture | |
In office 8 October 1964 – 10 November 1966 | |
Taoiseach | Seán Lemass |
Preceded by | Paddy Smith |
Succeeded by | Neil Blaney (Agriculture & Fisheries) |
Minister for Justice | |
In office 11 October 1961 – 8 October 1964 | |
Taoiseach | Seán Lemass |
Preceded by | Oscar Traynor |
Succeeded by | Brian Lenihan Snr |
Parliamentary Secretary | |
1959–1961 | Justice |
Teachta Dála | |
In office June 1981 – November 1992 | |
Constituency | Dublin North-Central |
In office June 1977 – June 1981 | |
Constituency | Dublin Artane |
In office March 1957 – June 1977 | |
Constituency | Dublin North-East |
Personal details | |
Born | Castlebar, County Mayo, Ireland | 16 September 1925
Died | 13 June 2006 Kinsealy, Dublin, Ireland | (aged 80)
Resting place | St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton |
Political party | Fianna Fáil |
Spouse |
politician |
Website | Official website |
Military service | |
Branch/service | Irish Army |
Years of service | 1941–1957 |
Unit | Army Reserve |
Charles James Haughey (/ˈhɔːhi/;[1] 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who led four governments as Taoiseach: December 1979 to June 1981, March to December 1982, March 1987 to June 1989, and June 1989 to February 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.[2]
Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.
Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation,
After Haughey's forced retirement, further revelations of political corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair further tarnished his already crumbling reputation and legacy.[7] He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.[8]
Early life
He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; he subsequently developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, a northern working class suburb of Dublin, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.[9][10]
Haughey was educated by the
He joined the
On
Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.
On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met.[10] They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.[10]
After selling his house in
Early political career
He started his political career as a local councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955.[16] Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election.[17] While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency;[18] it was his fourth attempt.
Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992, representing Dublin North-East from 1957 to 1977, Dublin Artane from 1977 to 1981, and Dublin North-Central from 1981 until his retirement in 1992 (moving constituencies in line with boundary changes).
In 1959, Haughey obtained his first government position, that of
As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it.[20]
Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the de facto minister, as Traynor, a minister in all Fianna Fáil governments since 1936, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department.
Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan.[5]
By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people. His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread.
Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."[21]
Ministerial office
Minister for Justice
When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as
Minister for Agriculture: 1966 Farmers' Strike
In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as
Minister for Finance and 1966 presidential election
Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President
De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged[24] for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.
These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote, with de Valera re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.
In 1966, the
As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish pounds and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.
Arms crisis
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The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in
There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the
After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.Leadership years
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Opposition to Jack Lynch
In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to
In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. In
The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of
In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, except for Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.
Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.
Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis set back his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for "a new image" similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.[33]
Taoiseach (1979–1981)
When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the
I wish to talk to you this evening about the state of the nation's affairs and the picture I have to paint is not, unfortunately, a very cheerful one. The figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly. As a community we are living away beyond our means. I don't mean that everyone in the community is living too well, clearly many are not and have barely enough to get by, but taking us all together we have been living at a rate which is simply not justified by the amount of goods and services we are producing. To make up the difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue. A few simple figures will make this very clear ... we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford…
— Charles Haughey, 9 January 1980
While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the
Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".
Opposition (1981–1982)
FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to
A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.[37]
Second term as Taoiseach (1982)
After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.
Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.
In August 1982, the Attorney General Patrick Connolly was the subject of controversy when a man in his house was arrested for murder. At a press conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.
Return to opposition (1982–1987)
Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the
In May 1984, the New Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.
In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael–Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:
But I do not believe that the interests of this State or our Constitution and of this Republic would be served by putting politics before conscience in regard to this ... I stand by the Republic and accordingly, I will not oppose this Bill.[38]
He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.
O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.
In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garret FitzGerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.
Final term as Taoiseach (1987–1992)
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Haughey now headed a minority
In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989.[39] Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity.[39] A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.[8]
Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the
The
Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.
Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as
On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. During his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that". Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Seán Haughey was appointed as a Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.
Retirement, tribunals and scandal
Financial scandals
Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses,[45] a large motor sailing yacht Celtic Mist, Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary.[46] Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.
In 1997, a
Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on
The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report[7] on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:
- Haughey was paid more than
- In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends, former government minister Brian Lenihan, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey. The Moriarty tribunal found that of the £270,000 collected in donations for Brian Lenihan, no more than £70,000 ended up being spent on Lenihan's medical care. The tribunal identified one specific donation of £20,000 for Lenihan that was surreptitiously appropriated by Haughey,[52] who took steps to conceal this transaction.[53][54]
- The tribunal found evidence of favours performed in return for money (bribes): Saudi businessman Mahmoud Fustok paid Haughey £50,000 to support applications for Irish citizenship.[51]
- In other evidence of favours performed, the tribunal reported that Haughey arranged meetings between Ben Dunne and civil servant Seamus Pairceir of the Revenue Commissioners. These discussions resulted in an outstanding capital gains tax bill for Dunne being reduced by £22.8 million. Moriarty found that this was "not coincidental", and that it was a substantial benefit conferred on Dunne by Haughey's actions.[55]
- Allied Irish Banks settled a million-pound overdraft with Haughey soon after he became Taoiseach in 1979; the tribunal found that the lenience shown by the bank in this case amounted to an indirect payment by the bank to Haughey.[51]
The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs[50] and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of "devaluing democracy".[51]
Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations.[56] In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals.[57] He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.
Terry Keane affair
In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on The Late Late Show that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair.[58] In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.[citation needed]
Death and funeral
Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness.[59] He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.[60]
Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006.[60] He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.[61]
The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business.[62] The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.
Legacy
Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald said that Haughey had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement:[63]
Charles Haughey spent much energy fending off leadership challenges, chasing an elusive Dáil majority and dealing with GUBU-like events."
He comes with a flawed pedigree. ... His motives can ultimately only be judged by God, but we cannot ignore the fact that he differs from his predecessors in that these motives have been widely impugned, most notably by those in his own party who have observed him over many years.
A number of social measures were carried out during Haughey's various terms as Taoiseach, including a National Fuel Scheme, a Lone Parent's Allowance, a Carer's allowance, a Back to School Clothing Scheme,[64] and a Program for Economic and Social Progress (area-based partnerships in 12 pilot areas).[65]
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said,[66]
He had an immense ability to get things done and he inspired great loyalty amongst many of his followers both inside and outside Fianna Fáil.
In recent times, these achievements have become clouded by the revelations that are the subject of inquiry by the Moriarty Tribunal.
History will have to weigh up both the credit and the debit side more dispassionately than may be possible today, but I have no doubt its ultimate judgement on Mr Haughey will be a positive one.
Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said,[67]
He was a very promising minister in the '60s, but once he became leader all he was concerned with was staying leader. It was always about the cult of leadership. His sense of himself was much more important than any vision he had for the country. People say he discovered fiscal rectitude in '87, and people talk about his contribution to Anglo-Irish affairs, but really if you try and look for any consistency in his affairs after the late '70s you can't find it because it's just about him.
Historian John A. Murphy said,[68]
His vision was one of personal vanity. I don't think history's assessment will be the one Bertie uttered over his grave.
Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel Ratlines, by Stuart Neville.[69] A three-part television drama[70] Charlie, covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015, with Aidan Gillen in the title role .[71]
Governments
The following governments were led by Haughey:
- 16th government of Ireland(December 1979 – June 1981)
- 18th government of Ireland(March 1982 – December 1982)
- 20th government of Ireland(March 1987 – July 1989)
- 21st government of Ireland(July 1989 – February 1992)
See also
References
- ISBN 978-0-521-15255-6.
- ^ "Charles J. Haughey". Oireachtas Members Database. Archived from the original on 7 November 2018. Retrieved 1 June 2009.
- ^ "The death of Charles Haughey". The Irish Times. 14 June 2006. Archived from the original on 5 November 2012. Retrieved 17 February 2011.
- ^ a b "Ex-Irish Taoiseach Haughey dies". BBC News. 13 June 2006. Archived from the original on 8 November 2014. Retrieved 17 February 2011.
- ^ a b c d e A young Turk full of overweening ambition Archived 23 October 2010 at the Wayback Machine – The Irish Times obituary
- from the original on 5 September 2021. Retrieved 5 September 2021.
- ^ a b "Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Payments to Politicians and Related Matters Part I" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 May 2011. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- ^ a b c "Charles Haughey (1925–2006)". RTÉ News. Archived from the original on 31 December 2012.
- ^ The other six children were Pádraig, Seán, Eoghan, Bridget, Maureen and Eithne.
- ^ a b c Carl O'Brien, "Green roots and new shoots – The Family", A supplement with The Irish Times, 14 June 2006.
- ^ Joan O'Farrell, later FitzGerald's wife, had at one stage dated Haughey.
- ^ Haughey served with the North Dublin Battalion, becoming commanding officer of the Donnycarney Platoon FCÁ
- ^ Local Defence Force (later FCA): 1941 – 1957. "Charles J Haughey". charlesjhaughey.ie. Archived from the original on 23 March 2016. Retrieved 22 March 2016.
- ISBN 1-84067-418-0.
- ^ Smyth, Sam (17 June 2006). "Four Haughey children will inherit a fortune – €30m (and Blasket island) to be shared". Irish Independent.
- ^ Kenny, S. and Keane, F., "Irish Politics Now: 'This Week' Guide to the 25th Dáil", Brandon/RTÉ (Dingle, 1987), p. 132
- ^ The Irish Times, 14 June 2006.
- ^ "Charles Haughey". ElectionsIreland.org. Archived from the original on 10 June 2009. Retrieved 1 June 2009.
- ^ "Ministers and Parliamentary Secretaries: Announcement by Taoiseach – Dáil Éireann (16th Dáil) – Vol. 176 No. 2". Houses of the Oireachtas. 30 June 1959. Retrieved 31 May 2022.
- ^ T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles J. Haughey (Marino, 1995) p.31.
- ^ T. Ryle Dwyer, Haughey's Forty Years of Controversy (2003), p.33.
- ^ 'Irish solutions for Irish problems' Archived 7 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine – The Irish Times obituary.
- ^ The previous Minister for Agriculture, Paddy Smith, had resigned over a policy dispute.
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- ^ a b Arms and the man Archived 7 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine — Charles Haughey obituary, from The Irish Times newspaper.
- ISBN 9781407074801. Archivedfrom the original on 31 May 2021. Retrieved 24 October 2013.
- ^ a b Down Down Deeper and Down – Ireland in the 70's and 80's – Eamon Sweeney – pg 182
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- ^ Ireland in the 20th Century – Tim Pat Coogan
- ^ Down Down Deeper and Down – Ireland in the 70's and 80's – Eamon Sweeney – p. 186
- ^ Down Down Deeper and Down – Ireland in the 70's and 80's – Eamon Sweeney – pg 186 -187
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Mr Haughey was lambasted for having spent huge sums on tailored shirts and expensive restaurant meals while simultaneously urging Irish people to tighten their belts amid economic gloom.
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- ISBN 978-1-61695-204-4.
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Sources
- ISBN 1-84488-035-4.
- T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles J. Haughey (Marino, 1994) ISBN 1-86023-142-X
- T. Ryle Dwyer, Nice Fellow: A Biography of Jack Lynch (Marino, 2004) ISBN 1-85635-401-6
- T. Ryle Dwyer, Charlie: The political biography of Charles Haughey (1987) ISBN 0-7171-1449-X
- ISBN 0-86121-362-9.
- Mara, P. J. The Spirit of the Nation. Fianna Fáil.
- Raymond Smith, Garret: The Enigma (Aherlow, 1986)
Further reading
- Collins, Stephen (1992). The Haughey file: The unprecedented career and last years of the boss. O'Brien Press.
- Kelly, Stephen. "'The Totality of Relationships': The Haughey-Thatcher Relationship and the Anglo-Irish Summit Meeting, 8 December 1980." Eire-Ireland 51.3 (2016): 244–273.
- Kelly, Stephen, 'A failed political entity': Charles Haughey and the Northern Ireland question, 1945-1992 (Kildare: Merrion Press, 2016). ISBN 9781785370984, a standard scholarly biography
- O'Connor, Philip (2020). A very political project: Charles Haughey, social partnership and the pursuit of an Irish economic miracle, 1969–92 (PDF) (PhD). Dublin City University.
- O'Donnell, Catherine (2003). "Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin: the 1988 talks reappraised". Irish Political Studies. 18 (2): 60–81. S2CID 144826967.
- Wilsford, David, ed. Political leaders of contemporary Western Europe: a biographical dictionary (Greenwood, 1995) pp. 188–95.
- The most controversial of them all – Irish Times
External links
- Media related to Charles Haughey at Wikimedia Commons
- Quotations related to Charles Haughey at Wikiquote
- charlesjhaughey.ie "The official memorial website ... established with the consent of his family"