Decree on Islamic Defenders Front
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The Decree on Islamic Defenders Front or Joint Decree 220-4780/2020, M.HH-14.HH.05.05/2020, 690/2020, 264/2020, KB/3/XII/2020, 320/2020 is a decree enacted by six ministries and departments in Indonesia to prohibit any activity related to the
Background
Call for disbandment
Calls to disband the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) began in June 2000, after FPI members attacked the
Over the years, the increased vigilantism of the FPI worried the public and caused unrest for many Indonesians. There have been demands by Indonesians, mainly mainstream Muslims, other religious organizations, political communities and ethnic groups, for the FPI to be disbanded or banned. In the aftermath of the Monas Incident, the moderate Islamic organization, Nadhlatul Ulama, and its wings sent an open letter to Indonesia's then-president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), calling on the government to take action against the FPI by disbanding it and any of its factions.[9][10] Former president Abdurrahman Wahid, in the aftermath of that incident, voiced his support for disbanding the FPI after visiting the victims of its attack, saying he disagreed with is use of violence and its threats against national security and safety. However, he said law enforcement agencies had not disbanded the FPI because it was "supported by law enforcement".[11]
A collaborative study undertaken by Arizona State University Tempe, the Singapore Institute of Management, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, and Manado State Islamic College, published in 2013, found that there was collusion between the government and factions of the state security forces with the FPI for their own gain.[12]
The study revealed the FPI enjoyed legislative protection then. There was an attempt to disband it by the SBY administration. Gamawan Fauzi, the Minister of the Interior, studied ways to end FPI activity and disestablish the organization.[13] However, piece of legislation at that time, Ormas Law (Law No. 17 of 2013), required that the disbanding process must be exhaustive and finally must be supported by a court decision. The regulation at the time prevented the government from easily disbanding an organization.[14] Such a lengthy and exhaustive process made the disbandment process one that was no longer pursued.
Over time, because of the state's uncertain future and its lack of control, the FPI's influence and actions grew. The FPI used Islamic jargon to further cement its influence. At its peak of power, there was a perception that "whoever is against the FPI was against Islam". Such a perception made the situation very difficult.[15]
Loss of government support and disbandment by Jokowi administration
Over time, the FPI gradually lost political favor with the ruling government. Despite that, the FPI still maintained a militant mass of individuals under its umbrella. Until the end of the SBY administration, the FPI enjoyed a good relationship with government.
In a post-return action celebrating the return of
Back in 2017, in a shocking move, Joko Widodo and his administration issued Government Regulation instead of Law No. 2/2017. The Government Regulation (later signed into law as Law No. 16 of 2017) amended the previous Ormas Law (Law No. 17 of 2013).[35] The new law removed the need for a lengthy process and a court decision to disband an unruly and threatening organization for the sake of national unity and integrity and maintaining peace and order. The new law made it much easier for the government to disband an organization, despite many Indonesian human rights activists maintaining this law might violate human rights in an authoritarian manner.[36][37] Despite that opposition, the government banned Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) on 19 July 2017 using the new law.[38] After the banning of the HTI, far-right Indonesian Islamic group, including the FPI, feared their existence might be threatened by the law.[39][40][41]
On 30 December 2020, like the HTI, the FPI was finally banned using the same law.[26] The ban was announced after the capture of FPI leader, Muhammad Rizieq Shihab, on 13 December 2020 for violating Indonesia's COVID-19 restrictions and anti-government incitement.[42]
Content
The decree is six pages long decree divided into three parts detailing with justifications, considerations, and decisions on why the FPI should be banned.
The justification part contains seven points, summarized as:
- For the sake of preserving state ideology and basic state consensus: Pancasila, 1945 Constitution, state integrity, and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, the law regulating community/mass organization had been enacted (Law No. 16 of 2017 as Amendment of Law No. 17 of 2013 (Law of Community/Mass Organization), in Indonesia colloquially called the "Undang - Undang Ormas/UU Ormas" ("Ormas Law")).
- The FPI organization constitution had been proved to conflict with the law.
- The FPI Certification of Registration, Certification of Registration No. 01-00-00/010/D.III.4/VI/2014 dated 20 June 2014, was valid until 20 June 2019, but the FPI does not fulfil the requirements to extend the certificate past that time. Since the expiration date, FPI was dissolved de jure.
- As Ormas Law prescribed, a community/mass organization must not commit acts against the law.
- FPI members and administrators (and also ex-members and ex-administrators) had been found to be participating in terrorism (35 individuals, with 29 already sentenced), and other criminal acts (206 individuals, with 100 already sentenced).
- The FPI also participated in illegal sweepings, which sweepings must be performed by authorities.
- The Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Law and Human Rights, Ministry of Communication and Information Technology, Attorney General, Chief of the National Police, and National Counter Terrorism Agency needed to issue the decree.
The consideration part contained references to establish the decree. The consideration part referring Constitution of Indonesia, related laws in force, and a Constitutional Court Decision.
- UUD 1945 (Art. 28, 28C verse 2, 28E verse 3, and 28J)
- Law No. 39 of 1999 (Law of Human Rights)
- Law No. 9 of 2015 as Amendment of Law No. 23 of 2014 (Law of Local Government)
- Law No. 16 of 2017 as Amendment of Law No. 17 of 2013 (Law of Community/Mass Organization)
- Constitutional Court Decision No. 82/PUU-XI/2013 dated 23 December 2014
The decision part, deciding:
- Declaring the FPI as unregistered organization, hence dissolved de jure.
- However, even though already dissolved de jure, the FPI continues to commit acts that disturb the peace, are against public order, and against the law.
- Forbidding any activities and display of any symbols and attributes of the FPI.
- If an offense is found as detailed in decision No. 3, law enforcement officers can take proper action to stop the activity.
- Asking the people:
- Not to be influenced by FPI activities.
- To report to law enforcement officers the sighting any activities and use of FPI symbols and attributes.
- To assign the signatories of the decree (the ministries, police, and counter terrorism agency) to coordinate with each other and take proper legal actions as prescribed by the law.
- The decree is effective on the date of stipulation.
Follow-up and derivatives
The chief of the Indonesian National Police issued an edict known as Chief of Indonesian National Police Edict No. Mak/1/I/2021. The edict prohibited involvement of the public, both directly or indirectly, in FPI or FPI-related activity, encouraged the public to report any FPI symbols, encouraged Municipal Police (Satpol-PP) (with support of TNI - POLRI) to clear the symbols, banners, posters, pamphlets, etc., and prohibited any sharing, access, and creation of content related to Islamic Defender Fronts online. The last point in the edict caused concern among journalists, as it may limit them in relating news about the FPI.[43][44] However, the Indonesia National Police ensured the edict does not conflict with the rights of journalists as provided and protected by Law in Press (Law No. 40 of 1999). Inspector General Argo Yuwono, head of the Indonesia National Police Public Relations Division, later clarified that as long as the content is not a hoax, inciting conflicts, division, ethnic-race-religion (SARA) sensitive, and potentially causing public disorder and threatening public safety and security, it is still allowed.[45]
Soon after the decree was announced, on 30 December 2020,
Minister of Communication and Information Technology,
On 5 January 2021, the
Response
After the official disbanding of the FPI, its central committee and many FPI branches reacted strongly. South Sulawesi Regional FPI claimed the disbandment of the FPI is a "great disaster for Muslims and Islam". The Central Java Regional FPI vowed to rebuild the organization again after Jokowi's presidency, or soon after so-called "regime change".[55] The FPI Solo branch announced another name and form of the FPI would surface.[56] The FPI Cianjur branch also lamented the government's disbandment decision.[57] Sugito Atmo Prawiro, one of Muhammad Rizieq Shihab's lawyers, said the FPI's central committee will discuss the future of the FPI, either transforming into a new organization or changing its form into some kind of majlis ta'lim (lit. 'study assembly').
Soon after its disbandment, a tweet on the FPI's main Twitter account announced the formation of the Front Pejuang Islam (English: Islamic Fighters Front) with a new motto Tetap Tegak Walau Tangan Terikat (English: Always Stand Up Straight Even Hands Are Bound), and tried to agitate the police and the military who are taking down any FPI groups in Petamburan FPI HQ.[58] Separately before the announcement, the Ciamis branch of the FPI announced the same replacement name as the FPI.[59] The FPI vowed to fight their disbandment in court.[60]
Many parties appreciated the FPI disbandment. The
Criticism
The Indonesian Youths' National Committee (KNPI) criticized the dissolution as unfair because the FPI was unlike the
Indonesian legal experts criticized the decree. Margarito Kamis, a legal expert, said that a ministerial decree is not the law and the existence of the organization is not based upon that organization being registered or not.[74] Another legal expert, Refly Harun, said the decree can be viewed as a government attack against the FPI to weaken its power, even weakening the FPI's ability to defend itself against many cases befalling it.[75] Arif Nurul Imam, an Indo Strategic Research and Consulting political analyst, said although he appreciated the government move as the FPI always acts and tries to undermine national integrity, he feared the decision would not kill the FPI's extreme ideology and may incite the FPI to become a clandestine organization continuing to urge its former members to undermine national integrity. He added the decree may spark a polemic by legal and human rights activists.[76]
Bivitri Susanti, called the decree "clever and difficult to challenge" but said the decree is ineffective, as it still makes it possible for former FPI members to operate under a new name, and the constitution still granted them the right to organize.[77] However, she noted the wording of the decree made it somewhat "court-proof", as the wording of the decree declaring the ban itself did not mention the FPI being "forbidden" and "disbanded". These two words would make the decree flawed, as they could be seen as depriving the human rights of former FPI members. The decree means the FPI has lost its legal standing and any future FPI would be "acts against the law", allowing law enforcement officers to take steps according to the law.[78]
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