Suharto
Suharto | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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2nd President of Indonesia | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 27 March 1968 – 21 May 1998[a] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Vice President | See list
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Preceded by | Sukarno | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | B. J. Habibie | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Chairman of the Cabinet Presidium | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 25 July 1966 – 11 October 1967 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President |
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Preceded by | Sukarno (as Prime Minister) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Office abolished | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
16th Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 7 September 1992 – 20 October 1995 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Dobrica Ćosić | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Ernesto Samper | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Personal details | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Born | Kemusuk, Bantoel Regentschap, Yogyakarta, Dutch East Indies | 8 June 1921||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Died | 27 January 2008 Jakarta, Indonesia | (aged 86)||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Resting place | Astana Giribangun | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Political party | Golkar | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Height | 168 cm (5 ft 6 in)[1] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Spouse | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Children | 6, including Dutch East Indies Army | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Years of service | 1940–1974 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Rank | General of the army | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Unit | Infantry (Kostrad) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Commands | See list
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Battles/wars | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Awards | Full list | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Service no. | 10684[2] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Pre-Presidency
Domestic policy
Foreign policy
Post-presidency Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video |
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Suharto
Suharto was born in the small village of
An attempted coup on 30 September and 1 October 1965 was countered by Suharto-led troops. According to official reports, this attempt was backed by the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI).[11] The army subsequently led a nationwide violent anti-communist purge and Suharto wrested power from Indonesia's founding president, Sukarno. He was appointed acting president in 1967 and elected president the following year. He then mounted a social campaign known as "de-Sukarnoization" to reduce the former president's influence. Suharto ordered an invasion of East Timor in 1975, followed by a deadly 23-year occupation of the country. Support for Suharto's presidency was active throughout the 1970s and 1980s. By the 1990s, the New Order's increasing authoritarianism and widespread corruption[12][13] were a source of discontent and, following the 1997 Asian financial crisis which led to widespread unrest, he resigned in May 1998. Suharto died in January 2008 and was given a state funeral.
Under his "
Suharto remains a controversial and divisive figure within the Indonesian general public. Many Indonesians have praised his New Order leadership for its economic development, rapid industrialization, and perceived political stability, while others have denounced his authoritarian rule and rampant corruption.[20][21] Plans to award the status of National Hero to Suharto are being considered by the Indonesian government and have been debated vigorously in Indonesia.[22]
Name
Like many Javanese, Suharto had only one name.[13] Religious contexts in recent years had sometimes referred to him as Haji/Al-Haj Mohammed Suharto, but these names were neither part of his formal name nor generally used. The spelling "Suharto" reflects modern Indonesian orthography, although the general approach in Indonesia is to rely on the spelling preferred by the person concerned. At the time of his birth, the standard transcription was Soeharto, and he used the original spelling throughout his life. The international English-language press generally uses the spelling "Suharto" while the Indonesian government and media use "Soeharto".[23]
Early life and family
Suharto was born on 8 June 1921 in a plaited-bamboo-walled house in the hamlet of
Prawirowihardjo took to raising the boy as his own, which provided Suharto with a father-figure and a stable home in Wuryantoro. In 1931, he moved to the town of Wonogiri to attend the primary school, living first with Prawirohardjo's son Sulardi, and later with his father's relative Hardjowijono. While living with Hardjowijono, Suharto became acquainted with Darjatmo, a dukun ("shaman") of Javanese mystical arts and faith healing. The experience deeply affected him and later, as president, Suharto surrounded himself with powerful symbolic language.
Military service
Japanese occupation period
Suharto finished middle school at the age of 18 and took a clerical job at a bank in Wuryantaro. He was forced to resign after a bicycle mishap tore his only working clothes.
In October 1943, Suharto was transferred from the police force to the newly formed Japanese-sponsored militia, the
Indonesian National Revolution
Two days after the Japanese surrender in the Pacific, independence leaders Sukarno and Hatta declared Indonesian independence and were appointed president and vice-president respectively of the new Republic. Suharto disbanded his regiment under orders from the Japanese command and returned to Yogyakarta.[33] As republican groups rose to assert Indonesian independence, Suharto joined a new unit of the newly formed Indonesian army. Based on his PETA experience, he was appointed deputy commander, and subsequently, a battalion commander when the republican forces were formally organized in October 1945.[33] Suharto was involved in fighting against Allied troops around Magelang and Semarang and was subsequently appointed the head of a brigade as lieutenant-colonel, having earned respect as a field commander.[34] In the early years of the war, he organized local armed forces into Battalion X of Regiment I; Suharto was promoted to Major and became Battalion X's leader.[35] The arrival of the Allies, under a mandate to return the situation to the status quo ante bellum, quickly led to clashes between Indonesian republicans and Allied forces, i.e. returning Dutch and assisting British forces.[36]
Suharto led his Division X troops to halt an advance by the Dutch T ("Tiger") Brigade on 17 May 1946. It earned him the respect of Lieutenant-Colonel Sunarto Kusumodirjo, who invited him to draft the working guidelines for the Battle Leadership Headquarters (MPP), a body created to organize and unify the command structure of the Indonesian Nationalist forces.
In December 1948, the Dutch launched "
During the Revolution, Suharto married
Post-Independence career
In the years following Indonesian independence, Suharto served in the
Between 1956 and 1959, he served in the important position of commander of Diponegoro Division based in Semarang, responsible for Central Java and Yogyakarta provinces. His relationship with prominent businessmen Liem Sioe Liong and Bob Hasan, which extended throughout his presidency, began in Central Java, where he was involved in a series of "profit-generating" enterprises conducted primarily to keep the poorly funded military unit functioning.[43] Army anti-corruption investigations implicated Suharto in a 1959 smuggling scandal. Relieved of his position, he was transferred to the army's Staff and Command School (Seskoad) in the city of Bandung.[44]
While in Bandung, he was promoted to brigadier-general, and in late 1960, promoted to army deputy chief of staff.
Overthrow of Sukarno
Background
Tensions between the military and communists increased in April 1965, when Sukarno endorsed the immediate implementation of the PKI's proposal for a "fifth armed force" consisting of armed peasants and workers. However, this idea was rejected by the army's leadership as being tantamount to the PKI establishing its own armed forces. In May, the "Gilchrist Document" aroused Sukarno's fear of a military plot to overthrow him, a fear which he repeatedly mentioned during the next few months. On his independence day speech in August, Sukarno declared his intention to commit Indonesia to an anti-imperialist alliance with China and other communist countries and warned the army not to interfere.[46][page needed]
While Sukarno devoted his energy for domestic and international politics, the economy of Indonesia deteriorated rapidly with worsening widespread poverty and hunger, while foreign debt obligations became unmanageable and infrastructure crumbled. Sukarno's Guided Democracy stood on fragile grounds due to the inherent conflict between its two underlying support pillars, the military and the communists. The military, nationalists, and the Islamic groups were shocked by the rapid growth of the communist party under Sukarno's protection. They feared the imminent establishment of a communist state in Indonesia. By 1965, the PKI had three million members and was particularly strong in Central Java and Bali. The party had become the most potent political party in Indonesia.
Abortive coup and anti-communist purge
Before dawn on 1 October 1965, six army generals were kidnapped and executed in Jakarta by soldiers from the Presidential Guard, Diponegoro Division, and Brawidjaja Division.[47] Soldiers occupied Merdeka Square including the areas in front of the Presidential Palace, the national radio station, and telecommunications centre. At 7:10 am Untung bin Syamsuri announced on the radio that the "30 September Movement" had forestalled a coup attempt on Sukarno by "CIA-backed power-mad generals", and that it was "an internal army affair". The movement never made any attempt on Suharto's life.[48] Suharto had been in Jakarta army hospital that evening with his three-year-old son Tommy who had a scalding injury. It was here that he was visited by Colonel Abdul Latief, a key member of the Movement and close family friend of Suharto. According to Latief's later testimony, the conspirators assumed Suharto to be a Sukarno-loyalist; hence Latief went to inform him of the impending kidnapping plan to save Sukarno from treacherous generals, upon which Suharto seemed to offer his neutrality.[49]
Upon being told of the killings, Suharto went to
Complicated and partisan theories continue to this day over the identity of the attempted coup's organizers and their aims. The army's version, and subsequently that of the
Power struggle
Sukarno continued to command loyalty from large sections of the armed forces as well as the general population, and Suharto was careful not to be seen to be seizing power in his own coup. For eighteen months following the quashing of the 30 September Movement, there was a complicated process of political manoeuvres against Sukarno, including student agitation, stacking of parliament, media propaganda and military threats.[66] In January 1966, university students under the banner of KAMI, began demonstrations against the Sukarno government voicing demands for the disbandment of the PKI and control of hyperinflation. The students received support and protection from the army. Street fights broke out between the students and pro-Sukarno loyalists with the pro-Suharto students prevailing due to army protection.[67]
In February 1966, Sukarno promoted Suharto to lieutenant-general (and to full general in July 1966).
The army arrested 15 cabinet ministers and forced Sukarno to appoint
The "New Order" (1967–1998)
Ideology
Suharto promoted his "New Order", as opposed to Sukarno's "Old Order", as a society based on the Pancasila ideology. After initially being careful not to offend sensitivities of Islamic scholars who feared Pancasila might develop into a quasi-religious cult, Suharto secured a parliamentary resolution in 1983 which obliged all organizations in Indonesia to adhere to Pancasila as a fundamental principle. He also instituted mandatory Pancasila training programs for all Indonesians, from primary school students to office workers. In practice, however, the vagueness of Pancasila was exploited by Suharto's government to justify their actions and to condemn their opponents as "anti-Pancasila".[75] The New Order also implemented the Dwifungsi ("Dual Function") policy which enabled the military to have an active role in all levels of the Indonesian government, economy, and society.
Consolidation of power
Having been appointed president, Suharto still needed to share power with various elements including Indonesian generals who considered Suharto as mere primus inter pares, and Islamic and student groups who participated in the anti-Communist purge. Suharto, aided by his "Office of Personal Assistants" (Aspri) clique of military officers from his days as commander of Diponegoro Division, particularly Ali Murtopo, began to systematically cement his hold on power by subtly sidelining potential rivals while rewarding loyalists with political position and monetary incentives.[citation needed] Having successfully stood-down MPRS chairman General Abdul Haris Nasution's 1968 attempt to introduce a bill which would have severely curtailed presidential authority, Suharto had him removed from his position as MPRS chairman in 1969 and forced his early retirement from the military in 1972. In 1967, generals Hartono Rekso Dharsono, Kemal Idris, and Sarwo Edhie Wibowo (dubbed "New Order Radicals") opposed Suharto's decision to allow participation of existing political parties in elections in favour of a non-ideological two-party system similar to those found in many Western countries. Suharto sent Dharsono overseas as an ambassador, while Idris and Wibowo were sent to distant North Sumatra and South Sulawesi as regional commanders.[76]
Suharto's previously strong relationship with the student movement soured over the increasing authoritarianism and corruption of his administration. While many original leaders of the 1966 student movement (Angkatan '66) were successfully co-opted into the regime, Suharto was faced with large student demonstrations challenging the legitimacy of 1971 elections ("Golput" movement), the costly construction of the
On 15–16 January 1974, Suharto faced a significant challenge when violent riots broke out in Jakarta during a visit by the Japanese prime minister Kakuei Tanaka. Students demonstrating against increasing dominance of Japanese investors were encouraged by General Sumitro, deputy commander of the armed forces. Sumitro was an ambitious general who disliked the strong influence of Suharto's Aspri inner circle. Suharto learned that the riots were engineered by Sumitro to destabilise the government, resulting in Sumitro's dismissal and forced retirement. This incident is referred to as the Malari Incident (Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari / Disaster of 15 January). However, Suharto also disbanded Aspri to appease popular dissent.[79] In 1980, fifty prominent political figures signed the Petition of Fifty, which criticised Suharto's use of Pancasila to silence his critics. Suharto refused to address the petitioners' concerns, and some of them were imprisoned with others having restrictions imposed on their movements.[80]
Domestic policy and political stability
To placate demands from civilian politicians for the holding of elections, as manifested in MPRS resolutions of 1966 and 1967, Suharto government formulated a series of laws regarding elections as well as the structure and duties of parliament which were passed by MPRS in November 1969 after protracted negotiations. The law provided for a
To participate in the elections, Suharto realised the need to align himself with a political party. After initially considering alignment with Sukarno's old party, the PNI, in 1969 Suharto decided to take over control of an obscure military-run federation of NGOs called Golkar ("Functional Groups") and transform it into his electoral vehicle under the coordination of his right-hand man Ali Murtopo. The first general election was held on 3 July 1971 with ten participants; consisting of Golkar, four Islamic parties, as well as five nationalist and Christian parties. Campaigning on a non-ideological platform of "development", and aided by official government support and subtle intimidation tactics, Golkar managed to secure 62.8% of the popular vote. The March 1973 general session of newly elected MPR promptly appointed Suharto to second-term in office with Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as vice-president.[83]
"It is not the military strength of the Communists but their fanaticism and ideology which is the principal element of their strength. To consider this, each country in the area needs an ideology of its own with which to counter the Communists. But a national ideology is not enough by itself. The well being of the people must be improved so that it strengthens and supports the national ideology."
— Suharto speaking to President Ford in 1975[84]
On 5 January 1973, to allow better control, the government forced the four Islamic parties to merge into PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/United Development Party) while the five non-Islamic parties were fused into PDI (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia/Indonesian Democratic Party). The government ensured that these parties never developed effective opposition by controlling their leadership while establishing the "re-call" system to remove any outspoken legislators from their positions. Using this system dubbed "Pancasila Democracy", Suharto was re-elected unopposed by the MPR in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998.[83] Golkar won landslide majorities in the MPR at every election, ensuring that Suharto would be able to pass his agenda with virtually no opposition.
Suharto took great care to make it appear that his regime appeared to observe the tenets of the constitution. On paper, the president was the "mandatory of the MPR," responsible for implementing the "Broad Lines of State Policy" (GBHN) developed by the MPR. Near the end of each of his terms, Suharto delivered "accountability speeches" to the MPR that outlined the achievements of his administration and demonstrated how he had adhered to the GBHN. Additionally, the president had the power to issue regulations in lieu of law, but such regulations had to be approved by the
Suharto also proceeded with various social engineering projects designed to transform Indonesian society into a de-politicised "floating mass" supportive of the national mission of "development", a concept similar to corporatism. The government formed various civil society groups to unite the populace in support of government programs. For instance, the government created the Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (Korps Pegawai Republik Indonesia or KORPRI) in November 1971 as union of civil servants to ensure their loyalty, organized the FBSI (Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia) as the only legal labour union in February 1973, and established the MUI in 1975 to control Islamic clerics.[85]
Internal security and social policy
Additionally, Suharto relied on the military to ruthlessly maintain domestic security, organized by the
In 1968, Suharto commenced the highly successful family-planning program (Keluarga Berentjana/KB) to stem the high population growth rate and hence increasing per-capita income. A lasting legacy from this period is the
Economy
To stabilise the economy and to ensure long-term support for the New Order, Suharto's administration enlisted a group of mostly US-educated Indonesian economists, dubbed the "
From 1967, the government secured low-interest foreign aid from ten countries grouped under the Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI) to cover its budget deficit.[91] With the IGGI funds and the later jump in oil export revenue from the 1973 oil crisis, the government invested in infrastructure under a series of five-year plans, dubbed REPELITA (Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun) I to VI from 1969 to 1998.[16][90][92] Outside the formal economy, Suharto created a network of charitable organizations ("yayasan") run by the military and his family members, which extracted "donations" from domestic and foreign enterprises in exchange for necessary government support and permits. While some proceeds were used for charitable purposes, much of the money was recycled as a slush fund to reward political allies and to maintain support for the New Order.[16][93] In 1975, the state-owned oil company, Pertamina, defaulted on its foreign loans as a result of mismanagement and corruption under the leadership of Suharto's close ally, Ibnu Sutowo. The government bail-out of the company nearly doubled the national debt.[94][page needed]
Foreign policy
Upon assuming power, Suharto's government adopted a policy of neutrality in the
In 1974, the neighbouring colony of Portuguese Timor descended into civil war after the withdrawal of Portuguese authority following the Carnation Revolution, whereby the left-wing populist Fretilin (Portuguese: Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente) emerged triumphant. With approval from Western countries (including from U.S. president Gerald Ford and Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam during their visits to Indonesia), Suharto decided to intervene. He claimed the move was to prevent the establishment of a communist state. After an unsuccessful attempt of covert support to Timorese groups UDT and APODETI, Suharto authorised a full-scale invasion of the colony on 7 December 1975 followed with its official annexation as Indonesia's 27th province of East Timor in July 1976. The "encirclement and annihilation" campaigns of 1977–1979 broke the back of Fretilin control over the hinterlands, although continuing guerrilla resistance caused the government to maintain a strong military force in the half-island until 1999. An estimated minimum of 90,800 and maximum of 213,600 conflict-related deaths occurred in East Timor during Indonesian rule (1974–1999); namely, 17,600–19,600 killings and 73,200 to 194,000 'excess' deaths from hunger and illness; Indonesian forces were responsible for about 70% of the violent deaths.[95]
Indonesia's invasion and occupation of East Timor during Suharto's presidency resulted in at least 100,000 deaths.[96] To comply with the New York Agreement of 1962 which required a plebiscite on the integration of West Irian into Indonesia before the end of 1969, the Suharto government begin organizing for a so-called "Act of Free Choice" scheduled for July–August 1969. The government sent RPKAD special forces under Sarwo Edhie Wibowo which secured the surrender of several bands of former Dutch-organized militia (Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps / PVK) at large in the jungles since the Indonesian takeover in 1963 while sending Catholic volunteers under Jusuf Wanandi to distribute consumer goods to promote pro-Indonesian sentiments. In March 1969, it was agreed that the plebiscite would be channelled via 1,025 tribal chiefs, citing the logistical challenge and political ignorance of the population. Using the above strategy, the plebiscite produced a unanimous decision for integration with Indonesia, which was duly noted by the United Nations General Assembly in November 1969.[97]
Socio-economic progress
Real socio-economic progress sustained support for Suharto's regime across three decades. By 1996, Indonesia's poverty rate has dropped to around 11% compared with 45% in 1970. From 1966 to 1997, Indonesia recorded real GDP growth of 5.03% pa, pushing real GDP per capita upwards from US$806 to US$4,114. In 1966, the manufacturing sector made up less than 10% of GDP (mostly industries related to oil and agriculture). By 1997, manufacturing had risen to 25% of GDP, and 53% of exports consisted of manufactured products. The government invested in massive infrastructure development (notably the launching of a series of Palapa telecommunication satellites); consequently, Indonesian infrastructure in the mid-1990s was considered at par with China. Suharto was keen to capitalize on such achievements to justify his presidency, and the parliament (MPR) on 9 March 1983 granted him the title of "Father of Development".[98]
Suharto government's health-care programs (such as the Puskesmas program) increased life expectancy from 47 years (1966) to 67 years (1997) while cutting infant mortality rate by more than 60%. The government's Inpres program launched in 1973 resulted in primary school enrolment ratio reaching 90% by 1983 while almost eliminating the education gap between boys and girls. Sustained support for agriculture resulted in Indonesia achieving rice self-sufficiency by 1984, an unprecedented achievement which earned Suharto a gold medal from the
The largest of these conglomerates were the
In the late 1980s, the Suharto government decided to de-regulate the banking sector to encourage savings and providing a domestic source of financing required for growth. Suharto decreed the "October Package of 1988" (PAKTO 88) which eased requirements for establishing banks and extending credit; resulting in a 50% increase in the number of banks from 1989 to 1991. To promote savings, the government introduced the TABANAS program to the populace. The Jakarta Stock Exchange, re-opened in 1977, recorded a "bull run", due to a spree of domestic IPOs and an influx of foreign funds after the deregulation in 1990. The sudden availability of credit fuelled robust economic growth in the early 1990s, but the weak regulatory environment of the financial sector sowed the seeds of the catastrophic crisis in 1997, which eventually lead to the end of Suharto's presidency.[101]
Growing corruption
The growth of the economy coincided with the rapid expansion of corruption, collusion, and nepotism (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme / KKN). In the early 1980s, Suharto's children, particularly Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana ("Tutut"), Hutomo Mandala Putra ("Tommy"), and Bambang Trihatmodjo, had grown into greedy adults. Their companies were given lucrative government contracts and protected from market competition by monopolies. Examples include the toll-expressway market which was monopolised by Tutut, the national car project monopolised by Bambang and Tommy, and even the cinema market, monopolised by 21 Cineplex (owned by Suharto's cousin Sudwikatmono). The family is said to control about 36,000 km2 of real estate in Indonesia, including 100,000 m2 of prime office space in Jakarta and nearly 40% of the land in East Timor. Additionally, Suharto's family members received free shares in 1,251 of Indonesia's most lucrative domestic companies (mostly run by Suharto's ethnic-Chinese cronies), while foreign-owned companies were encouraged to establish "strategic partnerships" with Suharto family companies. Meanwhile, the myriad of yayasans run by the Suharto family grew even larger, levying millions of dollars in "donations" from the public and private sectors each year.[19][102]
In 1997, Forbes magazine listed Suharto as the fourth richest person in the world with an individual net worth of $16 billion, despite drawing an annual salary in his last peak year of only $21,000. The Suharto family owned or controlled 3.6 million hectares of prime Indonesian land, an area comparable to all of Belgium, and directly owned or had controlling equity in at least 564 companies, with no Indonesian economic sector untouched. With $100,000 of seed capital, Tommy Suharto got his start in 1984 at age 22. Within ten weeks his Humpuss Group already had twenty subsidiaries, which soon ballooned to sixty. A year later he acquired Perta Oil Marketing, a subsidiary of the state oil company Pertamina, instantly making him a major crude-oil broker and transporter. Perta generated profits of $1 million per month. Most of Indonesia's toll roads were built and operated by the stateowned firm Jasa Marga, with untold markups and opportunities for skimming and theft for oligarchs as the projects were completed. In 1989, Suharto issued a decree granting his daughter Tutut 75% of profits from all toll roads her group operated jointly with Jasa Marga, driving costs up still further. Bambang positioned his group as a partner of major foreign power companies and forced the state-run power company, PLN, to buy electricity at inflated rates. According to one estimate from the 24 May 1999 cover story in the international issue of Time magazine, the total wealth amassed by the Suharto family over three decades in power was $73.24 billion. Setting aside $9 billion earned from interest on deposits, three-fourths of this wealth was derived from grabbing the country's oil, gas, and mining resources, or muscling in on state corporations and major government contracts. The entrepreneurial value added from these Suharto family companies was, by all accounts, almost zero.[103]
In early 2004, the German anti-corruption NGO Transparency International released a list of what it believed to be the ten most self-enriching leaders in the previous two decades; in order of amount allegedly stolen in USD, the highest-ranking of these was Suharto and his family who are alleged to have embezzled $15 billion – $35 billion.[104]
The New Order in the 1980s and 1990s
By the 1980s, Suharto's grip on power was maintained by the emasculation of civil society, engineered elections, and use of the military's coercive powers. Upon his retirement from the military in June 1976, Suharto undertook a re-organization of the armed forces that concentrated power away from commanders to the president. In March 1983, he appointed General
The
With the end of communism and the Cold War, Suharto's human rights record came under greater international scrutiny, particularly following the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre in East Timor. Suharto was elected as head of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1992, while Indonesia became a founding member of APEC in 1989 and host to the Bogor APEC Summit in 1994.[107] Domestically, the business dealings of Suharto's family created discontent among the military who lost access to power and lucrative rent-seeking opportunities. The March 1988 MPR session, military legislators attempted to pressure Suharto by unsuccessfully seeking to block the nomination of Sudharmono, a Suharto-loyalist, as vice-president. Moerdani's criticism of the Suharto family's corruption saw the president dismiss him from the position of military chief. Suharto proceeded to slowly "de-militarise" his regime; he dissolved the powerful Kopkamtib in September 1988 and ensured key military positions were held by loyalists.[108]
In an attempt to diversify his power base away from the military, Suharto began courting support from Islamic elements. He undertook a much-publicised
In the 1990s, elements within the growing Indonesian middle class created by Suharto's economic development were becoming restless with his
Economic crisis and downfall
Asian financial crisis
Indonesia was the country hardest hit by the 1997 Asian financial crisis. From mid-1997 there were large capital outflows and against the US dollar. Due to poor bank lending practices, many Indonesian companies borrowed cheaper US dollar loans while their income is mainly in Indonesian rupiah. The weakening rupiah spurred panic buying of US dollar by these companies, causing the Indonesian rupiah to drop in value from a pre-crisis level of Rp. 2,600 to a low point in early 1998 of around Rp. 17,000. Consequently, many companies were bankrupted and the economy shrank by 13.7%, leading to sharp increases in unemployment and poverty across the country.[113]
Efforts by the central bank to defend the rupiah proved futile and only drained the country's dollar reserves. In exchange for US$43 billion in liquidity aid, between October 1997 and the following April, Suharto signed three letters of intent with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for an economic reform process. In January 1998, the government was forced to provide emergency liquidity assistance (BLBI), issue blanket guarantees for bank deposits and set-up the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency to take over management of troubled banks to prevent the collapse of the financial system. Among the steps taken on IMF recommendation, the government raised an interest rate up to 70% pa in February 1998, which further worsened the contraction of the economy. In December 1997, Suharto did not attend an ASEAN presidents' summit for the first time, which was later revealed to be due to a minor stroke, creating speculation about his health and the immediate future of his presidency. In mid-December, as the crisis swept through Indonesia and an estimated $150 billion of capital was being withdrawn from the country, he appeared at a press conference to re-assert his authority and to urge people to trust the government and the collapsing rupiah.[114]
However, his attempts to re-instil confidence had little effect. Evidence suggested that his family and associates were being spared the most stringent requirements of the IMF reform process, further undermining confidence in the economy and his leadership.
Suharto resigned
With Suharto increasingly seen as the source of the country's mounting economic and political crises, prominent political figures, including Muslim politician
On 16 May, tens of thousands of university students demanded Suharto's resignation, and occupied the grounds and roof of
Post-presidency
Corruption charges
After resigning from the presidency, Suharto became a recluse in his family's compound in the
Suharto was placed highest on Transparency International's list of corrupt leaders with alleged misappropriation of between US$15–35 billion during his 32-year presidency.[19][102] On 29 May 2000, Suharto was placed under house arrest when Indonesian authorities began to investigate the corruption during his presidency. In July 2000, it was announced that he was to be accused of embezzling US$571 million of government donations to one of several foundations under his control and then using the money to finance family investments. However, in September court-appointed doctors announced that he could not stand trial because of his declining health. State prosecutors tried again in 2002, but then doctors cited an unspecified brain disease. On 26 March 2008, a civil court judge acquitted Suharto of corruption but ordered his charitable foundation, Supersemar, to pay US$110 m (£55 m).[126]
In 2002, Suharto's son Tommy was sentenced to 15 years' jail for ordering the killing of a judge (who had previously convicted him of corruption), illegal weapons possession, and fleeing justice. In 2006, he was paroled on "conditional release".[127] In 2003, Suharto's half-brother Probosutedjo was tried and convicted for corruption and the loss of $10 million from the Indonesian state. He was sentenced to four years in jail. He later won a reduction of his sentence to two years, initiating a probe by the Corruption Eradication Commission into the alleged scandal of the "judicial mafia" which uncovered offers of $600,000 to various judges. Probosutedjo confessed to the scheme in October 2005, leading to the arrest of his lawyers. His full four-year term was reinstated.[128] After a brief standoff at a hospital, in which he was reportedly protected by a group of police officers, he was arrested on 30 November 2005.[129][130] On 9 July 2007, Indonesian prosecutors filed a civil lawsuit against Suharto, to recover state funds ($440 million or £219 million, which allegedly disappeared from a scholarship fund, and a further $1.1 billion in damages).[131]
Illness and death
After resigning from the presidency, Suharto was hospitalised repeatedly for
On 4 January 2008, Suharto was taken to the
Minutes after his death, then-Indonesian President
Honours
National honours
As an officer in the Indonesian Army (1940–1974), and then as president of Indonesia (1967–1998), he received several civilian and military Star Decorations from Indonesia, namely:[143]
- Star of the Republic of Indonesia, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Republik Indonesia Adipurna)[144][145]
- Star of Mahaputera, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Mahaputera Adipurna)[145]
- Star of Merit, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Jasa Utama)[145]
- The Sacred Star (Indonesian: Bintang Sakti)
- Star of Meritorious Service (Indonesian: Bintang Dharma)
- Guerrilla Star (Indonesian: Bintang Gerilya)
- Star of Culture Parama Dharma (Indonesian: Bintang Budaya Parama Dharma)[145]
- Star of Yudha Dharma, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Yudha Dharma Utama)
- Star of Kartika Eka Paksi, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Kartika Eka Paksi Utama)
- Star of Kartika Eka Paksi, 2st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Kartika Eka Paksi Pratama)
- Star of Kartika Eka Paksi, 3st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Kartika Eka Paksi Nararya)
- Star of Jalasena, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Jalasena Utama)
- Star of Swa Bhuwana Paksa, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Swa Bhuwana Paksa Utama)
- Star of Bhayangkara, 1st Class (Indonesian: Bintang Bhayangkara Utama)
- Garuda Star (Indonesian: Bintang Garuda)
- Indonesian Armed Forces 8 Years of Service Star (Indonesian: Bintang Sewindu Angkatan Perang)
- Military Long Service Medal, 16 Years Service (Indonesian: Satyalancana Kesetiaan 16 Tahun)
- Military Campaign Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana Teladan)
- 1st Campaign Commemoration Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana Perang Kemerdekaan I)
- 2nd Campaign Commemoration Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana Perang Kemerdekaan II)
- 1st Military Operations Service Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana G.O.M I)
- 2nd Military Operations Service Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana G.O.M II)
- 3rd Military Operations Service Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana G.O.M III)
- 4th Military Operations Service Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana G.O.M IV)
- West New Guinea Military Campaign Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana Satya Dharma)
- Northern Borneo Military Campaign Medal (Indonesian: Satyalancana Wira Dharma)
- Medal for Combat Against Communists (Indonesian: Satyalancana Penegak)
Foreign honours
In addition, he also received several foreign decorations:[143]
Austria:
- Grand Star of the Decoration of Honour for Services to the Republic of Austria (1973)
- Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold (1973)
- Recipient of the Most Esteemed Family Order of Laila Utama (DK) (1988)
- Grand Collar of the Order of the Nile (1977)
- Grand Cordon and Collar of the Order of the Queen of Sheba (1968)
- Grand Cross of the National Order of the Legion of Honour (1972)
Iran:
- First Class of the Order of Pahlavi
- Commemorative Medal of the 2,500-year Celebration of the Persian Empire(1971)
- Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (OMRI) (1972)[146]
- Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (1968)
- Grand Cordon with Collar of the Order of Al-Hussein bin Ali (1986)
- Collar of the Order of Mubarak the Great (1977)
- Honorary Recipient of the Most Exalted Order of the Crown of the Realm (DMN) (1988)
- Johor:
- Grand Commander of the Most Esteemed Royal Family Order of Johor (DK Johor) (1990)
- Perak:
- Recipient Member of the Most Esteemed Royal Family Order of Perak (DK Perak) (1988)
- Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Netherlands Lion (1970)
- Nishan-e-Pakistan (NPk) (1982)
- Grand Collar (Raja) of the Order of Sikatuna (GCS) (1968)
- Grand Collar (Maringal na Kuwintas) of the Order of the Golden Heart (GCGH) (1968)
- First Class of the Order of the Star of the Romanian Socialist Republic (1982)
- Recipient of the Order of Temasek (DUT) (1974)
- Grand Cross of the Order of Good Hope (1997)[147]
- Grand Order of Mugunghwa (1981)
- Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (CYC) (1980)[148]
- Order of the Umayyads(1977)
- Knight of the Most Auspicious Order of the Rajamitrabhorn (KRM) (1970)
- Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic (1995)
- First Class of the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise (1997)
- Honorary Knight Grand Cross (Military Division) of the Order of the Bath (GCB) (1974)
- Grand Cordon with Collar of the Order of the Liberator (1988)
- Grand Cross Special Class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany (1970)
- Grand Cordon with Collar of the Order of the Republic[149]
- Yugoslav Star with Sash of the Order of the Yugoslav Star (1975)
Places and statue
Suharto's childhood house in Kemusuk is currently a memorial museum, called Memorial Jenderal Besar HM Soeharto. A statue of him stands in front of the museum. It was built by Probosutedjo and was inaugurated in 2013.[150]
FELDA Soeharto, a village in Selangor, is named after him. He visited the village in 1977 as part of a momentous visit to normalize the Indonesia–Malaysia relations.[citation needed]
In popular culture
Suharto has been portrayed by five Indonesian actors in several movies.[151]
- Kaharuddin Syah portrayed Suharto in the 1980 movie Janur Kuning directed by Alam Surawidjaja.
- Antonius Yacobus portrayed Suharto in the 1982 movie Serangan Fajar directed by Arifin C. Noer.
- Amoroso Katamsi portrayed Suharto in the 1984 movie Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI and the 1988 movie Djakarta 66 directed by Arifin C. Noer. Amoroso Katamsi also portrayed Suharto in the 2015 drama movie Di Balik 98 directed by Lukman Sardi.
- Marcell Siahaan portrayed Suharto in the 2010 comedic movie Laskar Pemimpi directed by Monty Tiwa.
- Tio Pakusadewo portrayed Suharto in the 2012 biopic movie Habibie & Ainun directed by Faozan Rizal.
See also
- History of Indonesia
- High-ranking commanders of the Indonesian National Revolution
- Asas tunggal Pancasila
Notes
- ^ De facto: 11 March 1966 – 12 March 1967; Acting president: 12 March 1967 – 27 March 1968
- ^ Also spelt Soeharto
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Further reading
- Dwipayana, G.; Ramadhan, K.H. (1989). Soeharto: Pikiran, ucapan dan tindakan saya: otobiografi [Soeharto: My thoughts, words and deeds: an autobiography]. Jakarta: PT Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada. ISBN 979-8085-01-9.
- Elson, R.E. (2001). Suharto: A Political Biography, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. ISBN 0 521 77326 1
- McGlynn, John H. et al. (2007). Indonesia in the Soeharto years. Issue, incidents and images, Jakarta, KITLV
- Abdulgani-Knapp, Retnowati (2007). Soeharto: The Life and Legacy of Indonesia's Second President: An Authorised Biography. Marshall Cavendish Editions. p. 12. ISBN 978-981-261-340-0.
- Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (2011). Pak Harto: The Untold Stories, Jakarta: PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama.
External links
- Shadow Play Website accompanying a 2002 PBSdocumentary on Indonesia, with emphasis on the Suharto era and early Reformasi
- "Suharto, Inc." 1999 Time magazine article on Suharto's presidency and family, published on the first anniversary of his resignation
- "Life in pictures: Indonesia's Suharto" BBC News – Photographs about Suharto's life, from his rise to power to his downfall and trial