Hugh Beadle
Southern Rhodesian Legislative Assembly for Bulawayo North | |
---|---|
In office 14 April 1939 – 20 July 1950 | |
Preceded by | John Banks Brady Allan Ross Welsh |
Succeeded by | Cyril Hatty |
Personal details | |
Born | Thomas Hugh William Beadle 6 February 1905 Second World War |
Sir Thomas Hugh William Beadle,
Born and raised in the Southern Rhodesian capital
Beadle held the Rhodesian Front, the governing party from 1962, in low regard, dismissing its Justice Minister Desmond Lardner-Burke as a "small time country solicitor".[1] As independence talks between Britain and Southern Rhodesia gravitated towards stalemate, Beadle repeatedly attempted to arrange a compromise. He continued these efforts after UDI, and brought Harold Wilson and Smith together for talks aboard HMS Tiger. The summit failed; Wilson afterwards castigated Beadle for not persuading Smith to settle.
Beadle's de jure recognition of the post-UDI government in Rhodesia in 1968 outraged the Wilson government and drew accusations from the British Prime Minister and others that he had furtively supported UDI all along. His true motives remain the subject of speculation. After Smith declared a republic in 1970, Beadle continued as Chief Justice; he was almost removed from the Imperial Privy Council, but kept his place following Wilson's 1970 electoral defeat soon after. Beadle retired in April 1977 and thereafter sat as an acting judge in special trials for terrorist offences.
Early life and education
Thomas Hugh William Beadle (generally known as Hugh) was born in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia on 6 February 1905, the only son and eldest child of Arthur William Beadle and his wife Christiana Maria (née Fischer). He had two sisters.[2] The family was politically conservative and favoured joining the Union of South Africa during the latter years of Company rule, sharing a firm consensus that Sir Charles Coghlan and his responsible government movement were, in Beadle's recollection, "a pretty wild bunch of jingoes".[1] Responsible government ultimately prevailed in the 1922 referendum of the mostly white electorate, and Southern Rhodesia became a self-governing colony the following year.[3]
After attending Salisbury Boys' School,
Political and judicial career
MP and Cabinet minister
After returning to Rhodesia, Beadle took an interest in politics; he joined the
Beadle stood in Bulawayo South in the 1934 election, challenging
In the first post-war election in
Judicial career
Beadle filled the seat on the High Court bench vacated by
After Leonie's death in 1953, Beadle married Olive Jackson, of Salisbury, in 1954.[2] He later said that he was repeatedly asked to resign from the bench to become the Federal Minister of Law or stand for Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, but "didn't regard any of the issues as crucial enough to warrant my going back".[26] Beadle's biographer Claire Palley describes him as "a learned, fair but also adventurous judge".[2] He was appointed a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George (CMG) in the 1957 New Year Honours.[27] In August 1959, amid rising black nationalism and opposition to the Federation, particularly in the two northern territories, Beadle chaired a three-man tribunal on the Southern Rhodesian government's preventive detention of black nationalist leaders without trial during the disturbances. He upheld the government's actions, reporting that the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress had disseminated "subversive propaganda", encouraged racial hatred, intimidated people into joining and undermined the authority of tribal chiefs, government officials and police.[28]
In 1960 Beadle was a member of the
Whitehead's United Federal Party was defeated in the
UDI
Britain granted independence to Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, renamed Zambia and Malawi respectively, under black majority governments in 1964. As independence talks between the British and Southern Rhodesian governments continued with little progress, speculation began to mount that the colonial government might attempt a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) if no accommodation could be found. The British High Commissioner in Salisbury, J B Johnston, had few doubts about how Beadle would respond to such an act, writing that he was "quite certain that no personal considerations would deflect him for a moment from administering the law with absolute integrity."[37] Arthur Bottomley, the British Сommonwealth Secretary, took a similar line, describing Beadle to the Prime Minister Harold Wilson as "a staunch constitutionalist" who would be disposed to "frustrate any illegal action by Mr Smith's government".[37]
Beadle told Wilson that he and the judiciary would stand by the law in the event of a UDI, but that he expected the armed forces and police to side with the post-UDI authorities. He thought UDI would be a political and economic mistake for Rhodesia, and attempted to dissuade Smith from this course of action, but at the same time asserted that if UDI occurred it was "not the function of a court to attempt to end the revolution and restore legality".[38] He warned his High Court colleagues that he would not direct "a judicial rebellion against the Rhodesian government".[39]
Smith and Wilson made little progress towards a settlement during 1964 and 1965; each accused the other of being unreasonable. The RF won a decisive victory in the May 1965 general election. After efforts to forge a compromise in London in early October 1965 failed, Wilson, desperate to avert UDI, travelled to Salisbury later that month to continue negotiations. Beadle's "irrepressible ingenuity led to an incredible succession of proposals for a settlement", Wilson recalled,[36] but these talks also failed. The two sides agreed on an investigatory Royal Commission, possibly chaired by Beadle, to recommend a path towards independence, but could not settle on the terms. Beadle continued to seek a compromise, and on 8 November persuaded Smith to allow him to go to London to meet Wilson again. Beadle told Wilson that he thought Smith was personally disposed to continue talks but under pressure from some of his ministers to abandon negotiations.[39] Wilson told the British House of Commons that Beadle had provided "wise advice" to both governments, and was "welcome [in] this country not only for his sagacity, judgement, and humanity but as a man with the courage of a lion."[40]
Beadle later wrote to his fellow High Court judge Benjamin Goldin that he thought he had "saved the situation" by going to London,[39] having persuaded Wilson to give some ground on the terms for the Royal Commission, but his trip alarmed the pro-UDI camp in the Rhodesian Cabinet, who feared that Beadle might be carrying a message to the Governor Sir Humphrey Gibbs telling him to prorogue parliament. Smith and his Cabinet declared independence on 11 November 1965, while Beadle was at Lusaka Airport on his way home. Smith later rejected the suggestion that Beadle could have had anything significant to tell them on his return, saying that "the only thing that Beadle could have done when he got back was to have talked us out of insisting on our questions".[39]
Before announcing UDI to the nation, Smith, Lardner-Burke and the Deputy Prime Minister
The UK government introduced extensive economic and political sanctions against Rhodesia and indicated that any dialogue had to take place through Gibbs. Beadle was told to liaise with Lardner-Burke regarding any proposals Smith's government might have.[37] Beadle would later recount that the post-UDI government briefly threatened him, telling him to "go now, otherwise you lose your job",[41] but he was ultimately left alone. The Chief Justice noted in his diary that Smith's government was "not prepared to force [a] showdown with the judges".[41]
Madzimbamuto case and Tiger talks
During the immediate post-UDI period Beadle, in his role as Chief Justice, occupied a unique position as he could speak directly with all the main players—Gibbs, Smith and Wilson. He became the main intermediary between them,
Beadle summarised the Rhodesian judiciary's position in light of UDI by saying simply that the judges would carry on with their duties "according to the law",
Beadle arranged "talks about talks" between the British and Rhodesian governments during 1966, which led to Smith and Wilson meeting personally aboard HMS Tiger off Gibraltar between 2 and 4 December.[44] Beadle had to be hoisted aboard because of a back injury.[47] Negotiations snagged primarily over the matter of the transition. Wilson insisted on the abandonment of the 1965 constitution, the dissolution of the post-UDI government and a period under a British Governor—conditions that Smith saw as tantamount to surrender, particularly as the British proposed to draft and introduce the new constitution only after a fresh test of opinion under UK control.[48] Indeed, Smith had warned Beadle before the summit that unless he "could assure his people that a reasonable constitution had been agreed", he would feel unable to settle.[44] Smith said he could not agree without first consulting his ministers in Salisbury, infuriating Wilson, who declared that a central condition of the talks had been that he and Smith would have plenipotentiary powers to make a deal.[49]
Beadle agreed with Smith that a deal ending UDI without any prior agreement on the replacement constitution would meet with widespread opposition among white Rhodesians, but still felt that Salisbury should agree. He asked Smith to commend the terms to his colleagues in Salisbury, speculating that if he did the Cabinet would surely accept. Smith refused to make such a commitment, much to the disappointment of Beadle and Gibbs, and signed the final document only to acknowledge it as an accurate record.[49] Wilson was furious with Beadle, feeling that he should have taken a far firmer line to persuade Smith to settle; after Beadle left the meeting, Wilson said that he "could not understand how any man could have a slipped disc whom Providence had failed to provide with a backbone".[50] Beadle and Gibbs urged Smith to reconsider during the journey home, but made little headway.[49]
During the Rhodesian Cabinet meeting on the proposals, the judges were kept informed by the "expression on Sir Hugh's face and from comments of increasing despair", Goldin later wrote; the Chief Justice "spent the whole day in his chambers looking more anxious and despondent after each occasion on which he was smuggled into the Cabinet meeting to explain the meaning or effect of particular provisions".
De facto decision; rejection of royal prerogative
The United Nations instituted mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia in December 1966. Over the next year British diplomatic activity regarding Rhodesia was diminished; the UK government's stated policy shifted towards NIBMAR—"
Ruling on Madzimbamuto's appeal in January 1968, Beadle and three other judges decided that Smith's post-UDI order was not de jure but should be acknowledged as the de facto government by virtue of its "effective control over the state's territory".[46] Sir Robert Tredgold, the former Southern Rhodesian and Federal Chief Justice, told Gibbs that Beadle had thereby "sold the pass" and "should be asked to leave Government House".[43] The following month, considering the fate of James Dhlamini, Victor Mlambo and Duly Shadreck, three black Rhodesians sentenced to death before UDI for murder and terrorist offences, Beadle upheld Salisbury's power to execute the men.[2] Whitehall reacted by announcing on 1 March 1968 that at the request of the UK government, the Queen had exercised the royal prerogative of mercy and commuted the sentences to life imprisonment. Dhlamini and the others promptly applied for a permanent stay of execution.[52]
At the hearing for Dhlamini and Mlambo on 4 March 1968, Beadle dismissed the statement from London, saying it was a decision by the UK government and not the Queen herself, and that in any case the 1961 constitution had transferred the prerogative of mercy from Britain to the Rhodesian Executive Council. "The present government is the fully de facto government and as such is the only power that can exercise the prerogative," he concluded. "It would be strange indeed if the United Kingdom government, exercising no internal power in Rhodesia, were given the right to exercise the prerogative of clemency."[52] The Judge President Sir Vincent Quenet and Justice Hector Macdonald agreed, and the application was dismissed. Dhlamini, Mlambo and Shadreck were hanged two days later.[52]
Justice John Fieldsend of the High Court's General Division resigned in protest, writing to Gibbs that he no longer believed the High Court to be defending the rights of Rhodesian citizens.[52] Beadle told reporters that "Her Majesty is quite powerless in this matter," and that "it is to be deplored that the Queen was brought into this".[43] At Government House, the Chief Justice berated Gibbs for "dragging the Queen into the political argument".[43] To the Governor's astonishment, Beadle conceded that for some time he had no longer considered himself to be sitting under the 1961 constitution, but had not made this clear as he had not fully accepted the 1965 constitution as valid. Gibbs told him to leave Government House forthwith.[43] They never met again.[37][n 3]
In his analysis of Beadle's behaviour, Manuele Facchini suggests that the Chief Justice considered the matter from a dominion-style viewpoint—by stressing the 1961 constitution and the rights held by Salisbury thereunder, he was repudiating not the royal prerogative itself, but rather the attempt to exercise it at the behest of British rather than Rhodesian ministers.[54] Kenneth Young comments that the British government's involvement of the Queen inadvertently strengthened the post-UDI authorities' position; outraged, many in Rhodesia who had heretofore rejected UDI now threw their weight behind the RF.[55] Beadle, deeply disillusioned, wrote to a friend that he was "thoroughly fed up with the way the Wilson government had behaved in this whole affair."[54]
De jure decision
Madzimbamuto petitioned for the right to appeal against his detention to the Privy Council in London; the Rhodesian Appellate Division ruled that he had no right to do so,
Beadle and his judges granted full de jure recognition to the post-UDI government on 13 September 1968, while rejecting the appeals of 32 black nationalists who one month earlier had been convicted of terrorist offences and sentenced to death.[60] Beadle declared that while he believed the Rhodesian judiciary should respect rulings of the Privy Council "so far as possible", the judgement of 23 July had made it legally impossible for Rhodesian judges to continue under the 1961 constitution. He asserted that as he could not countenance a legal vacuum, the only alternative was the 1965 constitution.[60] Referring to the Privy Council's decision that the UK might yet remove the post-UDI government, he said that "on the facts as they exist today, the only prediction which this court can make is that sanctions will not succeed in overthrowing the present government ... and that there are no other factors which might succeed in doing so".[46][n 4] UDI, the associated 1965 constitution and the government were thereafter considered de jure by the Rhodesian legal system.[46]
The British Commonwealth Secretary George Thomson expressed outrage, accusing Beadle and the other judges of breaching "the fundamental laws of the land",[60] while Gibbs stated that since his position as governor existed under the 1961 constitution he could only reject the ruling.[60] An internal UK Foreign Office memorandum rejected Beadle's argument but recognised his belief that "because of the effect of the effluxion of time, he was entitled to take a different view", and concluded that the Chief Justice's argument was "sufficiently plausible to make it difficult to say that that position is manifestly improper or that, in adopting it, Sir Hugh Beadle is manifestly guilty of misconduct."[54] Beadle explained in a 1972 interview: "We had been doing our best to try and uphold the law and when the thing was in the revolutionary stage we dug our toes in, we wouldn't budge. But then as the government became more and more entrenched we had to apply the principle of law, which says that if a revolution succeeds the law changes with it. Yet because we accepted the inevitable we're blamed by a lot of people for being responsible for the revolution, which is a very different thing."[62]
Threatened removal from Privy Council; republican Chief Justice
Beadle's acceptance of the post-UDI order effectively placed him on the side of the RF and removed any chance of his regaining an intermediary role with Wilson. The British Prime Minister minimised the political impact of the Chief Justice's decision by presenting it as evidence that Beadle had furtively supported UDI all along, and subsequently excluded him from the diplomatic dialogue. Wilson pursued a second initiative which led to a fresh round of talks with Smith off Gibraltar aboard HMS Fearless in October 1968.[62] Marked progress towards agreement was made but the Rhodesian delegation demurred on a new British proposal, the "double safeguard". This would involve elected black Rhodesians controlling a blocking quarter in the Rhodesian parliament, with the power to veto retrogressive legislation, and thereafter having the right to appeal passed bills to the Privy Council in London. Smith's team accepted the principle of the blocking quarter but agreement could not be reached on the technicalities;[63] the involvement of the Privy Council was rejected by Smith as a "ridiculous" provision that would prejudice Rhodesia's sovereignty. The talks ended without success.[64]
Smith's government held a referendum on 20 June 1969 in which the mostly white electorate overwhelmingly voted in favour of both a new constitution and the declaration of a republic.[65] Four days later the UK Foreign Office released Gibbs from his post, withdrew the British residual mission in Salisbury and closed the post-UDI government's representative office at Rhodesia House in London.[66] The 1969 constitution introduced a President as head of state, a multiracial senate, separate black and white electoral rolls (each with qualifications) and a mechanism whereby the number of black MPs would increase in line with the proportion of income tax revenues paid by black citizens. This process would stop once blacks had the same number of seats as whites; the declared goal was not majority rule, but rather "parity between the races".[65]
Smith officially declared a republic on 2 March 1970, and on 10 April the RF was decisively returned to power in the first republican election, winning all 50 white seats out of a total of 66.[67] Six days later, Dupont was sworn in as the first president of Rhodesia. British officials learned only from the Rhodesian radio that Dupont's oath of office was administered not by Beadle but by the "Acting Chief Justice", Hector Macdonald. Beadle's absence prompted speculation in British quarters, but this promptly dissipated after The Rhodesia Herald reported on 29 April that a High Court farewell to Sir Vincent Quenet, a retiring judge, would be presided over by the republic's Chief Justice Sir Hugh Beadle.[66][n 5]
On 6 May 1970, Stewart suggested to Wilson that they should formally advise the Queen to remove Beadle from the Privy Council. Wilson resolved to wait until after the British general election the following month. This decision proved decisive for Beadle as, to the surprise of many, the Conservatives won the election, and Edward Heath replaced Wilson as prime minister. Heath's government decided against removing Beadle from the Privy Council, surmising that this would only hinder progress towards an accommodation with Smith. Beadle remained a Privy Counsellor for the rest of his life.[66]
Later years
In May 1973 Beadle chaired the High Court appeal hearing for Peter Niesewand, a freelance reporter for the overseas press who had been convicted of espionage under the Official Secrets Act, prompting outcry abroad.[69] Niesewand had written three articles in November 1972 claiming to describe the Rhodesian military's plans for combating communist-backed black nationalist guerrillas, and had been sentenced by a magistrate to two years' hard labour, one year suspended.[70] Beadle, Goldin and Macdonald rejected the state prosecution and unanimously overturned the conviction, ruling that Niesewand's reports had embarrassed the government but did not damage the Rhodesian state. "Factual evidence as opposed to opinion was never given," Beadle commented.[71] The government promptly expelled Niesewand from Rhodesia.[70]
After Olive's death in a motor accident in 1974, Beadle married Pleasance Johnson in 1976.[2] He retired as Chief Justice in 1977;[66] Macdonald succeeded him.[72] For the rest of his life, Beadle served as an acting judge in special trials where suspected insurgents were tried for terrorist offences carrying the death penalty.[2] In March 1977 he refused to try Abel Mapane and Jotha Bango, two Botswana citizens facing arms charges, ruling that since Rhodesia and Botswana were not at war and the Rhodesian Army had crossed into Botswana to capture the accused, the court had no jurisdiction. "Were it not so it would mean this Court condoned the illegal abduction of Botswana nationals," he explained.[73]
Beadle continued to serve under the short-lived, unrecognised government of Zimbabwe Rhodesia, which replaced the Rhodesian republic in June 1979, and under the British interim authorities following the Lancaster House Agreement of December that year. Following fresh elections in February–March 1980, the UK granted independence to Zimbabwe under the leadership of Robert Mugabe in April. Beadle died, aged 75, in Johannesburg on 14 December 1980.[2] Hugh Beadle Primary School in Bulawayo retains its name in the 21st century.[74]
Personality and appraisal
"A short, stocky man of ruddy complexion with a toothbrush moustache,"
The black nationalist movement regarded Beadle as a
Wilson and other British figures saw him as two-faced for first supporting Gibbs, then declaring Smith's post-UDI government legal, and concluded that the judge must have always been a furtive UDI supporter, a theory that many have accepted. Wilson's private assistant
Others, including Palley, Wood and Facchini, contend that Beadle was determined to avert UDI and afterwards sincere in his search for an accommodation until he came to believe this was not possible. "Beadle accepted the rebellion when he realised that he was identifying himself with 'the code of an Empire that had ceased to exist'," Facchini concludes. "Thus, he retained his Privy Counsellorship as a vestige of the Rhodesia he had known all his life."[77]
Palley asserts that but for UDI, "Beadle would have been remembered as a Commonwealth chief justice who upheld individual liberty".[2]
"The thing that I've regretted most is this UDI and also I've regretted more than anything the fact that later it wasn't settled," Beadle said in 1972; "I think it could have been settled at a much earlier stage if Wilson had been a bit more reasonable."[62]
Julian Greenfield, a close friend and colleague of Beadle, considered him "one who put service to the country first and foremost and laboured unceasingly on what he believed to be its true interests."[78] According to Palley, Beadle's own view was similar—that "he did his best for his country in a time of difficult choices".[2]
Notes and references
Footnotes
- ^ Huggins and Northern Rhodesia's Sir Roy Welensky envisioned the amalgamation of the two Rhodesias into a unitary state that would eventually become a dominion or Commonwealth realm. British politicians rejected this idea, asserting that black Northern Rhodesians would never accept it, but agreed to consider a Federation on the condition that neighbouring Nyasaland was also included.[21]
- ^ Beadle ruled that while the City of Salisbury had provided "substantially equal swimming pools for different races", the effect was to arouse "feelings of humiliation, insult and of inferiority" among non-whites.[33] The defence argument—that whites equally suffered by being excluded from facilities reserved for other races—was rejected by Beadle as disingenuous, under the reasoning that such pools only existed because of white "prejudice against ... mixed bathing".[33]
- ^ Beadle's dormant commission was withdrawn on 15 March. He took with him most of the messages Wilson and Gibbs had exchanged during 1965 and 1966, and refused to return them. The British government briefly attempted to recover these but ultimately let Beadle keep them, deciding that their publication would be awkward but little more. Beadle wrote to Gibbs that he would keep the papers safe in South Africa.[53]
- ^ To support this argument, Macdonald referred to the assertion by the 17th-century Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius that "the purpose of governing and the purpose of destroying cannot subsist together".[61] Ruling that Britain's sanctions campaign against Rhodesia constituted economic warfare, the court concluded that the UK could not concurrently be seen as governing the country.[61]
- ^ A British government memorandum speculated that Beadle may have hoped to become President himself, and may have felt too disappointed to attend Dupont's swearing-in ceremony.[66] Facchini suggests that it may have been a last gesture of personal loyalty to the Queen.[68]
References
- ^ a b c d Facchini 2007, p. 678.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Palley 2004.
- ^ Blake 1977, pp. 186–191.
- ^ "No. 4977". The London Gazette. 24 June 1928. p. 33406.
- ^ "No. 33572". The London Gazette. 21 January 1930. p. 430.
- ^ "No. 33733". The London Gazette. 7 July 1931. p. 4442.
- ^ "No. 33973". The London Gazette. 29 August 1933. p. 5668.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Facchini 2007, p. 679.
- ^ Gowlland-Debbas 1990, pp. 48–53.
- ^ Weinrich 1973, p. 15.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 139.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 148.
- ^ a b F. M. G. Willson and G. C. Passmore. "Holders of Administrative and Ministerial Office 1894-1964" (PDF). University of Zimbabwe Library. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 August 2020.
- ^ Wood 2005, p. 19.
- ^ "No. 37407". The London Gazette. 28 December 1945. p. 55.
- ^ "No. 39095". The London Gazette. 19 December 1950. p. 6333.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 157.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 164.
- ^ "No. 39035". The London Gazette. 6 October 1950. p. 4968.
- ^ Greenfield 1978, p. 98.
- ^ Blake 1977, pp. 247–249.
- ^ Blake 1977, p. 249.
- ^ Blake 1977, pp. 265–269.
- ^ Blake 1977, p. 294.
- ^ Blake 1977, pp. 310–312.
- ^ Facchini 2007, pp. 679–680.
- ^ "No. 40960". The London Gazette (Supplement). 28 December 1956. p. 4.
- ^ Wood 1983, pp. 689–690.
- ^ Pratt 1960, pp. 42–43.
- ^ "No. 42308". The London Gazette. 21 March 1961. p. 2165.
- ^ Federal Ministry of Works 1961, p. 67.
- ^ Feltoe 2010, p. 190.
- ^ a b Dugard 1978, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Blake 1977, pp. 345–351.
- ^ Wood 2005, pp. 392–393.
- ^ a b Facchini 2007, p. 680.
- ^ a b c d e Facchini 2007, p. 676.
- ^ Facchini 2007, pp. 680–681.
- ^ a b c d Facchini 2007, p. 681.
- ^ The Glasgow Herald 1965.
- ^ a b c Facchini 2007, p. 675.
- ^ a b Facchini 2007, pp. 681–682.
- ^ a b c d e f Facchini 2007, p. 684.
- ^ a b c d e f Facchini 2007, p. 682.
- ^ Wood 1999.
- ^ a b c d Gowlland-Debbas 1990, pp. 75–76.
- ^ Blake 1977, p. 397.
- ^ Wood 2008, pp. 229–231.
- ^ a b c Facchini 2007, pp. 682–683.
- ^ Blake 1977, p. 398.
- ^ a b Facchini 2007, p. 683.
- ^ a b c d Wood 2008, pp. 423–424.
- ^ Facchini 2007, pp. 684–687.
- ^ a b c Facchini 2007, p. 685.
- ^ Young 1969, pp. 536–537.
- ^ Wood 2008, p. 421.
- ^ Wood 2008, pp. 487–488.
- ^ Wood 2008, p. 499.
- ^ Cary & Mitchell 1977, pp. 96–99.
- ^ a b c d Wood 2008, p. 513.
- ^ a b Young 1969, pp. 538–541.
- ^ a b c Facchini 2007, p. 686.
- ^ Wood 2008, pp. 542–555.
- ^ Berlyn 1978, p. 192.
- ^ a b Rowland 1978, pp. 255–256.
- ^ a b c d e f Facchini 2007, p. 687.
- ^ Gowlland-Debbas 1990, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Facchini 2007, p. 688.
- ^ Kilpatrick 1973; Caminada 1973; Time 1973.
- ^ a b Kilpatrick 1973.
- ^ Time 1973.
- ^ The Times 2011.
- ^ The Glasgow Herald 1977.
- ^ Bulawayo Chronicle 2013.
- ^ a b Facchini 2007, pp. 676–677.
- ^ Blake 1977, p. 386.
- ^ a b Facchini 2007, pp. 688–689.
- ^ Facchini 2007, pp. 677–678.
Journal and newspaper articles
- Caminada, Jerome (3 May 1973). "The Press is the enemy to Rhodesia". The Age. Melbourne. p. 9.
- Facchini, Manuele (2007). "The 'Evil Genius': Sir Hugh Beadle and the Rhodesian Crisis, 1965–1972". S2CID 144731347.
- The Blade. Toledo, Ohio. p. 23.
- Pratt, R Cranford (1960). "Partnership and Consent: The Monckton Report Examined". International Journal. 16 (1). Toronto: Canadian International Council: 37–49. JSTOR 40198516.
- "Sir Hugh Beadle's Wise Advice: Courage of a Lion". The Glasgow Herald. 10 November 1965. p. 11.
- "The Press: Bittersweet Victory". Time. New York. 14 May 1973. Retrieved 21 September 2014.
- "Rhodesian Judge does not condone abduction". The Glasgow Herald. 23 March 1977. p. 2.
- "Hector Macdonald". The Times. London. 10 March 2011. Retrieved 21 September 2014.
- "Hugh Beadle pupil swept away by flooded Mazayi River". The Chronicle. Bulawayo. 17 January 2013. Retrieved 21 September 2014.
Online sources
- doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/30799. Retrieved 18 September 2014. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- Wood, J R T (1999). "Four Tall NCOs of the Life Guards: Lord Mountbatten, Harold Wilson, and the Immediate Aftermath of UDI: The Proposed Mountbatten Mission". jrtwood.com. Durban. Retrieved 10 June 2013.
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- ISBN 978-0-413-28350-4.
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- Young, Kenneth (1969) [1967]. Rhodesia and Independence: A Study in British Colonial Policy. London: J M Dent & Sons. OCLC 955160.
- Annual Report of the Under Secretary to the Federal Ministry of Works For the Year Ended 30th June, 1960. Salisbury: Ministry of Works, Government of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. 1961. OCLC 124013842.