Nicholas Exton
Sir Nicholas Exton | |
---|---|
Lord Mayor of London | |
In office 1386–1389 | |
Personal details | |
Died | 1402 |
Sir Nicholas Exton (died 1402) was a medieval English merchant. A leading member of the
By then, Exton had in turn been elected Mayor. Although for a while he and Brembre worked together in running London, when his predecessor fell from influence, Exton effectively deserted him, even to the point of being partially responsible for Brembre's eventual hanging. Exton's primary policy throughout his two periods as Mayor was probably based on a desire to maintain the city's neutrality between the feuding parties. On the other hand, he appears to have personally profited from the Appellants' period of rule, and it seems that there was some dissatisfaction with him in London, even if he was subsequently cleared of any wrongdoing by parliament. His later years are as obscure as his youth; known to have married at least twice, he seems to have had no children and died in 1402 at an unknown age.
Background and origins
London
London in the late Middle Ages has been described as "the largest port, the largest market and retail outlet for luxuries and manufacture, and the largest employer in fifteenth-century England".[2]
Nationally and financially, it was the most important trading post in the country, only a few years later handling over 60 per cent of English trade abroad.[4] Throughout the later Middle Ages maintaining control of (and influence in) London was of fundamental importance for every monarch.[5][note 1] London meant close proximity and access to the hub of royal administration, justice, and patronage, as well as Parliament and the King's Council at Westminster.[6] The City, though, had also been hit heaviest by the King's poll taxes of 1376–81, providing even more "irritation and labour" for Londoners.[7]
Governance of London and relations with the crown
"...Divisions within the city itself, between citizens and the unenfranchised, the merchants and artisans, and the bitter economic rivalry between the different guilds, all destroyed the possibility of a united front" against the 1381 rebels.[8]
London was governed and administered by its successful merchant class, who were organised by their respective trades into different
It was during this period of crisis that Nicholas Exton first appears in contemporary records. It is possible that the factional strife within London's government in the early 1380s,[15] which influenced City politics for half a generation[16] (including during Exton's mayoralty), may have had similar causes to those that encouraged some Londoners originally to join the Great Revolt.[15]
Political career
Nothing is known of Nicholas Exton's date of birth or youth, and little of his early years. He is known to have been involved in an
London had been experiencing political tumult[20] ever since the 1376 Good Parliament (Exton attended),[21] which had caused radical constitutional change in the city, including annual aldermanic elections.[22] Caroline Barron has summed up this tense period:
It was not simply the intention that existing aldermen should be re-elected, rather there was to be a complete turnover of aldermen every year, although a man could be brought back to the aldermanic bench after a year's absence. The new system was fraught with difficulties and introduced an unwelcome instability in city government. [22]
Exton is known to have obtained
The leading men of this prestigious company enthusiastically exercised their right as citizens to deal wholesale in any goods, especially cloth, rather than dirtying their hands with fish.[33]
Justin Colson
By the early 1380s he had become an "active" spokesman for the
Relations with Geoffrey Chaucer
Exton's appointment as a port subsidy- or tax-collector was not an unusual one: "many of the greatest, and in some cases, the most infamous" London merchants were appointed to the position at this time.[41][note 7] The poet Geoffrey Chaucer had been appointed controller of the customs in 1374, so it is almost certain that he oversaw Exton's tenure as a tax-collector;[42] certainly Brembre was Chaucer's colleague in the wool custom.[43][note 8] They were also both supporters of the King—or at least were "both cultivated" by him, probably in order to create a "royalist" party within the City's administration. King Richard supported Brembre's and later Exton's mayoralties,[46] and had already appointed Chaucer to be an esquire of the royal chamber.[47] Indeed, it has been suggested that Chaucer modelled his merchant (from The Merchant's Tale) on one such as Exton—a "real man who was well known to Chaucer's audience".[48] Chaucer already seems to have been predisposed to Exton's faction in the Common Council, and they were thrown together again in 1386, as a result of the Wonderful Parliament. Here, a petition was presented by the Commons, to remove all customs controllers who had been granted life-terms in the office (i.e., such as Chaucer).[49]
Opposition to Northampton's reforms
Following the rebellion, the reputations of Wentworth and the incumbent common council had been tarnished, and this allowed the election of a radical,[50] John Northampton. Northampton was Mayor between 1381 and 1382 and had very much a populist agenda.[31] He was particularly vocal in his desire to break the monopoly of the Fishmongers. This was also a popular policy, as it would bring down the price of fish for the citizens of London[51] and open London's markets up to the less-prosperous.[31] Exton, on the other hand, wanted to preserve the City's existing price controls.[52] He and his fellow fishmongers took the view that other victuals (bread, wine and beer, for example) were also monopolies, and so failed to see why their particular practices—restrictive or not—should be removed from solely themselves.[53] Exton's party has been called the "capitalist party" of London politics of the time.[21] The smaller misteries on the other hand, for instance, those of craftsmanship and manufacturing, stood for free trade.[54] The victualling guilds' desire to maintain their monopoly made them antagonistic towards foreign traders,[54] to the extent that the fishmongers were in the habit of seizing fresh fish from alien fishermen, selling at a heightened price, and only repaying when and what they liked.[55] Northampton's mayoralty was beset by violence, with riots and running street battles being commonplace, as members and apprentices of the clothing and manufacturing guilds clashed with those of the victuallers on a regular basis.[56][57] But Northampton was eventually able to introduce free trade in London fish in the parliament of 1382. Exton appealed to the King on behalf of his guild: Northampton immediately denounced the fishmongers for being the only thing in London that was stopping the city from existing in "unnitee amour and concorde".[58] Exton claimed that Northampton and his party were prejudiced against them, as did Walter Sybyll; in turn the fishmongers generally and Sybill[note 9] specifically was then accused of taking part in the Peasants Revolt in London in 1381 and of assisting the rebels.[57]w
Northampton's mayoralty has been described as a disaster for the fishmongers: the new Mayor deprived them of their retailing rights, and revoked their eligibility to hold civic office in the city.[59] Exton and Northampton were by now bitterest enemies.[21] Naturally, Exton joined Northampton's political opponents, chief of whom was Nicholas Brembre, who had earlier accompanied William Walworth against the rebels. Exton's advocacy for the Guild appears to have led him to make robust and vigorous comments regarding his opponents, to the extent that it was noted in the 1382 Letter-Book that Exton had made "opprobrious words used to the aforesaid Mayor [Northampton]". For this, it seems that Exton was removed from his aldermanry less than a week later. He may, however, have actually requested his own removal,[18] as he had already previously offered a "grosse somme" of money towards doing so.[60][note 10] This was not his whole punishment though. He was also deprived of his city citizenship,[62] sentenced to a year's imprisonment[63] (although this was immediately cancelled),[64] heavily fined,[63] and forced to leave the city. This last was also only of a short duration.[65] All of these punishments may have been at the direct order of Northampton himself.[66] In all, he both lost his office of Alderman and had to leave the City for a period, even if he had also escaped lengthy imprisonment[67]- all for having spoken-ill of the Mayor and aldermen in parliament.[68] The same year, 1382, he appointed one John Wroth as his mainpernor, and his need for a bondsman was probably a reflection on his troubled circumstances during this time.[69]
Only a month later, though, in September 1382, Exton was back, and reiterating the same points in parliament.[18] The fishmongers (and by extension the other victualling guilds), argued Exton, were entitled to the same rights of exclusivity as other companies: "If the retail in fish was to be thrown open to foreigners for the common Dukinfield", paraphrases one commentator on Exton's remarks, "then so should all the others". This line of argument provided Northampton's supporters with the opportunity to accuse Exton of defying the traditional liberties of the city. This, they claimed (as that year's Letter Book tells us) was "a manifest injury to all citizens" of London.[63]
Exton's fellow guildsmen, of course, took rather a different view. They acclaimed him for his spirited stand against Northampton. Later, one of them stated in court that "he and all the other fishmongers of London were bound to put their hands under the feet of Nicholas Extone for his deeds and words on behalf of the mistery".[18] It was, too, recorded in the City's Letter Book that Exton performed "good deeds and words" on behalf of his Guild.[70]
"It was only in that year, when he succeeded Brembre as Mayor and proceeded to a double term of office, that he became a figure of national importance. It fell to Exton, in fact, to guide London through the perils of the Appellant revolution".[21]
Mayoralty of Nicholas Brembre
John Northampton served two terms in office. In 1383, he lost the mayoral election to Nicholas Brembre, who would be Mayor for the next three years.[71] He almost certainly one this election by the simple method of filling the Guildhall's main hall (where the election took place) with his own (armed) supporters,[31] as well as also concealing them around the building.[72] General lawlessness had continued in the city, and it has been suggested that Richard II assisted the election of Brembre in order to suppress dissent. Almost immediately a cordwainer was summarily executed as an example, with the King's backing.[73] Within a few months Northampton was on trial for sedition (between February and August 1384), with Exton attending, again in support of Brembre.[18] Brembre—a member of the Grocers' Company—was sympathetic to the Fishmongers.[64] Early in Brembre's mayoralty, Exton petitioned the Common Council against his condemnation in 1382. His appeal was, unsurprisingly, successful, and all records of Exton's previous conviction were struck through in the Council's Letter Book.[64] In 1384, for example, he (together with William Maple) paid the future Archbishop of Canterbury, Roger Walden, 80 marks in order to settle a dispute over a Southampton Cog between the two.[74]
Exton was soon elected
Twice Mayor of London
The years 1387 to 1390 have been described as critical in London history,[16] and the Mayor was the single most important figure in the City's government.[citation needed] Yet Exton's election as Mayor would still have been an occasion of some of the most magnificent pageantry the city experienced, described thus:
First of all, there were the chevauchés-the Ridings-of the newly-elected Mayors. In these great processions... the Companies turned out, court members, prentices, and servingmen, the first on horseback, the rest on foot, in their colours and with their banners; they were preceded by minstrels, and the streets were hung with tapestry...Next there were the usual Companies' festivities, and then the extraordinary ceremonies.
The war with France was going badly, there was a financial crisis (blamed to some extent on the King's profligate misuse of patronage)[82] and the King was growing in unpopularity. So badly was the war going in fact, that just as Exton started his first year as Mayor, there was a serious threat of French invasion. By September 1386 a French fleet was reckoned in England to be on the verge of sailing,[83] and a 10,000-strong army surrounded the City of London to protect it from the expected invasion.[84]
First term, 1386–7
Exton was elected Mayor of London on 13 October 1386.
As a recent biographer has commented, Exton and Brembre continued their close co-operation.
In September 1387, the King wrote to Exton and expressed his satisfaction, having learned from Brembre that, in the King's own words, "good and honourable men"[104] (Hugh Fastolf and William Venour)[105] had recently been elected Sheriffs of London. So widely were these viewed as partisan and avowedly political appointments—Fastolf's particularly—that it drew particular comment in the Cutlers' Guild's later petition against Exton.[104]
Second term, 1387–8
It was said that they learned that those who had gone to treat with the King would have been fallen upon by armed men and slain... but that Nicholas Exton, the Mayor of London, having refused to countenance the evil, a deep and wicked plot was spread about and the scandal gradually uncovered.[106]
In October 1387, Exton was re-elected Mayor. This was again enabled by the King—rege annuente—who threatened to forbid his
According to the St Alban's Chronicle, Exton officially distributed food and drink to the Lords' encamped retainers in an attempt at dissuading them from treating the City as the
"...At the beginning of the parliament certain mercers, goldsmiths, drapers, and other restless elements in the city of London presented in the parliament bills of complaint against the fishmongers and the vintners, whom they described as victuallers, unfitted in their judgement to control a city so illustrious... they petitioned that their mayor, Nicholas Exton, be deposed".[127]
– The Westminster Chronicle
The Appellants proceeded to prosecute those they considered the King's political allies. This included Nicholas Brembre,[128] and at the Merciless Parliament of 1388, he was condemned to death.[129] Exton seems to have acquiesced in the proceedings against (and subsequent hanging of) his earlier ally.[18] Exton had also been a leading member in Brembre's London "Ricardian faction" and stayed with Brembre as long as he could. He deserted him decisively sometime after March 1387.[130] Exton was in, it has been said, a "particularly difficult position".[67] He and other aldermen were questioned before an assembly of Appelant lords in parliament; they were the same group of men who, under Brembre, had petitioned John of Gaunt against the duke's support of a pardon for John Northampton.[131] Questioned as to whether Brembre could be supposed to have realised that his actions were treasonous, Exton is supposed to have replied that he "supposed he [Brembre] was aware rather than ignorant of them"[92]—or, as May McKisack put, was "more likely to be guilty than not". Either way, it was this judgement that persuaded the Appellant Lords to condemn Brembre.[132] Brembre's fate, then, had been sealed by Exton and "those that knew him best",[133] however reluctantly they might have opined.[112]
Exton seems to have tried to continue Brembre's tradition of loyalty to the crown, but, significantly, "within limits never acknowledged by the headstrong Brembre".
Attacked by fellow merchants
The Lords replied that Exton and the others "have been questioned about this matter [and the Lords] have concluded that Exton made no attempt to do this by petition or otherwise".[74] It is possible that on-going and pressing political issues distracted the Lords from pressing the case against Exton.[104] After all, "Exton's 'royalist' credentials seemed hardly less pronounced than Brembre's own, whom of course they had removed brutally".[147] The Lords took a "ruthlessly pragmatic" approach towards Exton, probably due to the fact that he was still—just— in office. Their lack of action against him may also have been the result of a deal which saw them protect Exton in return for his abandonment of Brembre.[148] For his part, the rumour that he "sought the derogation and annulment" of London's liberties was probably sufficiently grave for Exton to seek the protection of the Appellant Lords. Indeed, he probably had good reason to fear that his previous good relations with the King could yet be enough to turn the rebels against him.[149]
Later career
Exton continued to receive royal favour.
Richard II advised the City in 1388 to choose the next mayor as someone "trusty and loyal"—by which, of course, the King meant, loyal to him. However, the actual election of Nicholas Twyford was probably displeasing to him:[153] Twyford had previously been defeated by Brembre in 1384;[154] although never a supporter of John Northampton, he had regularly been opposed to Exton.[155] The "Merciless Parliament" held that year also, finally, stripped London of its right to monopolize the retail sale of goods.[154]
In 1390, he finally lost his position as collector of the wool subsidy, which he had held since 1386, firstly alongside Brembre, and after his execution, William Venour.[156]
Although his guild had regained their official civic rights in 1383, they did not see the restoration of their reading rights until long after Exton left office, in 1399.[59]
There were to be no further loans from the city to the crown after Exton's mayoralty until September 1397.[86][note 17]
He would later, in 1390, pledge £200 on Maple's behalf for the latter to keep the peace with a fellow merchant.[158]
In 1392 the King would commence a series of sustained attacks on the liberties of the city.[159]
Death and overview
Although Exton was "clearly a partisan figure"[18] in the politics of London, his most recent biographer has noted that he "nevertheless belonged to a ruling oligarchy whose shared interests often made it a force for stability"[18] in those politics. In any case, he managed to negotiate a difficult political period with little harm coming to him or the city under his mayoralty, even though this involved allying with both the crown and its opponents against the other on varying occasions.[18] Paul Strohm has suggested that, although Exton is often viewed as being politically sympathetic towards Brembre's views, Strohm says the difference between them is that Exton was "an honest and above-board player who did not scruple to expose his predecessor's hyperpartisan chicanery" and whose policies were much the same but lacking the "criminal excesses" of Brembre's.[160] Sumption, meanwhile, has summed up the Mayor as an "astute trimmer whose main objective was to stay out of trouble",[161] whereas an earlier biographer believed that Exton remained loyal to the King, but was unable to go against the general feeling of his compatriots.[123] Another recent historian takes a much darker view: that Exton was "a dangerous and powerful man who needed to be reminded of the consequences of placing private interests above those of the commonalty" and "every bit as fickle and unscrupulous" as Thomas Usk, whom the Appellants had themselves had executed.[162]
"Though Exton and his fellow aldermen acted in a craven manner, they may have saved the City from repression by the appellant lords, for the divisions since Northampton could have given a good excuse for interference; Exton had been close enough to the government of Richard II for the lords appellant to have taken action against him if he had not capitulated".[163]
– A. R. Myers
Either way, Exton's policy was clearly one of non-alignment,[164] if probably an "opportunistic neutrality".[112] The basis of Exton's problem was that the King had attempted—with some success—to build up a Ricardian faction in London politics in the early-to-mid 1380s (for example, Brembre). Whereas, actually, much of the City (including of course many who were close to Brembre) were often sympathetic to the Lords Appellant. Exton, it has been said, was at that "cross-current of considerable significance in the history of London".[16] He was also, more broadly, illustrative of the social mobility that political turmoil could induce: In 1382 he was effectively a pariah, only just avoiding imprisonment, yet four years later holding the highest office in the City.[64] Exton's career also illustrates the important part that royal intervention could play in the governance of London. The King had already supported Brembre and then Exton's candidatures; this was followed by a warning to London to elect a Mayor favourable to him and culminated in Richard seizing the City's liberties in 1392. Five years later, a Mayor died in office; rather than allow an election, he simply imposed his own candidate—one Richard Whittington.[113]
Exton was also the name of the murderer of Richard II in Shakespeare's
Subsequent events
National politics remained as polarised and volatile in the years following Exton's mayoralties as during it, and, so connected as they were, did the civic politics of London.
Family
Nicholas Exton is known to have died in 1402; as much (or as little) is known regarding the last few years of his life as his youth. Something similar can be said regarding his private life. He is known to have married twice, to a Katherine, around 1382, and later to a Johanna[173] (also called Joan). In 1389 Exton and Joan received the manor of Hill Hall in Theydon Mount, conveyed to them by feoffees of Richard de Northampton. In 1390 Nicholas and Joan received a licence to found a chantry in the local church, providing an endowment of a half-acre of land and ten marks rent.(http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/essex/vol4/pp276-281#highlight-first)
As to whether he had any children, the issue is unclear. Paul Strohm suggests not, on the grounds that none are recorded.
Notes
- ^ "London was, moreover, the capital of England in part because of its proximity to Westminster. So kings processed through the city before their coronations and... London crowds provided the required "collaudatio" for usurpers such as Henry IV in 1399 and Edward IV in 1461".[5]
- ^ Particularly following the Good Parliament of 1376. Barron points out that actually "for most of its history London had been turbulent".[11]
- ^ Today, the earliest known muniment extant from the guild's early history is from 1590. Although much existed before that, almost everything was lost in the Great Fire of London in 1666.
- ^ After Exton died in 1402, his children's guardian was John Cockaigne, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. One of those who stood surety for Cockaigne was one Richard Forster of the Saddlers' Guild- an ex-outlaw and 1381 rebel.
- ^ Indeed, testament to the power of that guild, and their support from the King, the fishmongers provided seven Mayors of London in the late fourteenth-century.[27]
- ^ The Church forbade the consumption of meat on many days of the year for the purpose of fasting.[35] Thus, alongside the meat trade, the Fishmonger's guild was the most important industry in London at the time. Their joint-market house had space sufficient to hold seventy-one market stalls and twenty lesser areas for their trades. In comparison, "most other traders were limited to a single street".[36]
- ^ For instance, Sir John Philipot (d. 1384), who was elected to parliament at the same time as Exton, and also worked as a subsidy collector under Chaucer.
- ^ Both Brembre and Exton were two out of seven collectors who were also Mayors, out of fifteen appointed by Richard II, further, both were mayors of the Westminster Staple, Members of Parliament, and aldermen of the city.[44] Says Coleman, "It seems not too fanciful to suppose that appointment to the wool customs was a quid pro quo about which the crown had little choice for as long as it made a habit of borrowing from London and Londoners".[45]
- ^ For Sybil, see Bird, esp. p.57 n, for his "Billingsgate tongue"
- ^ This is not necessarily unusual; the office was relatively strenuous and expensive.[60] Indeed, it was less than twenty years later that one John Gedney was even imprisoned for refusing to take up the office when elected.[61]
- ^ A curious disparity in the dating of this event was identified by Ruth Bird, in that according to the City's own Letterbook, the book-burning may not actually have taken place until the year after Exton was petitioned against- when it was one of the most notable events of his mayoralty to be used against him.[99]
- ^ The rebels demanded, for example, the immediate beheading "of anyone who could write a writ or official letter".[100] The Jubilee Book (so-called due to is compilation during Edward III's jubilee year, 1376-7), substantially and radically revised the city's ordinances, although due to its destruction by Exton, the book's precise contents remain necessarily vague. Nicholas Brembre had already had the book re-examined in 1384 with the intention of "preserving good ordinances and rejecting the bad", as was said at the time. It is due to Brembre's interest in the book that Exton's burning of it is seen to link their two mayoralties so closely.[101]
- ^ During his time in the country, Richard intended to gather and consolidate his supporters.[43] In August 1387, in Shrewsbury, the King summoned the royal justices. Presenting a number of "Questions for the judges", as they have been called, to them, Richard wanted to establish once and for all the parameters and extents of the liberties and prerogatives of the Crown.[109] More, he wanted an explicit condemnation of those he held responsible as traitors, and a ruling that, therefore, they should die as traitors.[110] Most importantly, he intended to establish whether the law passed imposing his unwanted council was "derogatory... to the lord King". The King clearly intended, despite the constraints parliament had set on his authority, to regain his previous political pre-eminence.[109] The judges, at least, gave him the answers he required.[43]
- ^ "In una secta, alba silicet et rubea," says the Westminster Chronicle.[112]
- ^ Notwithstanding Exton's claim that Londoners would not fight, the antiquarian John Noorthouck noted in the eighteenth century that Gloucester's army at Radcot Bridge was composed "chiefly of Londoners".[119]
- Mercers) and SC 8/21/1001B (from the Leathersellers). One of the few Guilds not to petition against Exton, in fact, was the Horners.[145]
- ^ Loans to the crown in this period have been described as a political "quagmire" for the city by one historian of the period.[157]
- ^ Jean Creton was Philip the Bold's varlet du chambre, on a diplomatic mission to the English court, and was with King Richard at the time of his expedition to Ireland and deposition. Indeed, his account of the first has been called the best of the many that were composed at the time, although he had left England by the time Richard was killed.[168]
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- ^ Barron 1981, p. 19.
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- ^ Strohm 2015, p. 177.
- ^ Bird 1949, p. 98.
- ^ McKisack 1991, p. 457.
- ^ Oliver 2010, p. 104.
- ^ Tuck 1973, p. 111.
- ^ a b Ross 1956, p. 571 n. 1.
- ^ Victoria County History 2001, p. 165.
- ^ a b c d Bird 1949, p. 97.
- ^ Ellis 2012, pp. 416–417.
- ^ Duls 1975, p. 60.
- ^ Bird 1949, p. 96.
- ^ Given-Wilson et al. 2005c.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1993a.
- ^ Round 1886, p. 256.
- ^ a b Welch 1916, p. 49.
- ^ Bird 1949, p. 74.
- ^ Turner 2007, p. 13.
- ^ Dodd 2011, p. 404.
- ^ Dodd 2011, pp. 405–407.
- ^ Bird 1949, pp. 96–97.
- ^ Ross 1956, p. 571 n. 1..
- ^ Tuck 1973, p. 60.
- ^ Bird 1949, p. 12.
- ^ Barron 2000, p. 148.
- ^ a b Barron 2000, p. 142 n. 57.
- ^ Bird 1949, p. 29.
- ^ Coleman 1969, pp. 187, 188.
- ^ Barron 1969, p. 203.
- ^ Woodger 1993b.
- ^ Coleman 1969, p. 193.
- ^ Strohm 2015, p. 151.
- ^ Sumption 2012, p. 636.
- ^ Dodd 2011, p. 414.
- ^ Myers 2009, p. xvii.
- ^ Strohm 2015, p. 173.
- ^ Shakespeare 1994, p. 197.
- ^ Muir 2014, p. 48.
- ^ Saul 2008, p. 144.
- ^ a b Gransden 1996, p. 162.
- ^ Wylie 1884, p. 113 + n..
- ^ Madison Davis & Frankforter 2004, p. 246.
- ^ Mortimer 2008, p. 212.
- ^ Saul 1997, p. 425 n.104.
- ^ a b c Rawcliffe 1993c.
- ^ a b Rawcliffe 1993e.
- ^ Woodger 1993a.
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