Percy Cradock
Chargé d'affaires, Peking | |
---|---|
In office 1968–1969 | |
Monarch | Elizabeth II |
Preceded by | Sir Donald Hopson |
Succeeded by | John Denson |
Personal details | |
Born | Byers Green, County Durham, England | 26 October 1923
Died | 22 January 2010 London, England | (aged 86)
Education | Alderman Wraith Grammar School, Spennymoor |
Alma mater | St John's College, Cambridge |
Sir Percy Cradock
Joining the
Cradock remained a trusted advisor to the then Prime Minister,
Unlike his predecessors, Patten was strongly criticised by the Chinese authorities during his governorship because he introduced a series of democratic reforms without consulting them. Although Cradock had retired, he joined the
Cradock spent his later years in writing a number of books on realpolitik diplomacy and was a non-executive director of the South China Morning Post.
Early life and education
Percy Cradock was born on 26 October 1923 in
Cradock studied law and English language at Cambridge.[3] His outstanding performance secured him a number of scholarships. From Cambridge he also developed his interest in sinology, by appreciating the works of Chinese and Japanese literature translated by Arthur Waley.[4]
In 1950, he defeated his pro-Conservative opponent,
Diplomatic career
Arson attacks on the British Chargé d'affaires Office
In 1954, Cradock gave up his academic career in Cambridge and joined the Foreign Office as a late entrant. He served in the London headquarters from 1954 to 1957, and was then posted to the British High Commission in
Although the political situation in China by then was growing increasingly unstable, Cradock and his colleagues managed to maintain the safety of the office at the onset of the Cultural Revolution.
On 22 August 1967, a large group of Red Guards and their followers marched to the Chargé d'affaires Office and surrounded the office building, summoning a "Conference to Condemn the Anti-Chinese Crime Committed by British Imperialists". At night, the Red Guards and the mobs rushed into the office, setting fire to the building and the cars outside. The fire forced the Chargé d'affaires,
For his services during and after the chaos, Cradock was appointed a
Sino-British negotiations
In 1978, Cradock was posted to Peking for the third time to succeed Sir Edward Youde as British Ambassador to the People's Republic of China, a post created in 1972 to supersede the position of Chargé d'affaires.[4]
By then, senior officials in the
To test the attitude of the Chinese government to the validity of the leases, the Governor,
Following the victory of the Conservatives in the
Following Thatcher's visit to China, the first round of Sino-British negotiations began in Peking from October 1982 to June 1983 with Cradock as the British chief negotiator. However, due to the heavy clash of views, the negotiations saw little success. Cradock feared that prolonged or broken talks would put China in an advantageous position and would provide it with an excuse to unilaterally decide the future of Hong Kong, at a time when 1997 was rapidly approaching. In this regard, Cradock advised Thatcher to compromise with China so as to let Britain retain some degree of influence over the Hong Kong issue, and one of the major concessions he urged was to stop insisting upon the authority conferred by the three treaties to extend British administration beyond 1997. In a letter to the Chinese authorities towards the end of the first round of negotiations, Thatcher wrote that if the result of the negotiations was accepted by the people of Hong Kong, the British government would recommend
In July 1983, the United Kingdom and China began their second round of negotiations in Peking, with Cradock remaining as the British chief negotiator. Other British negotiators included Governor Youde and Political Advisor to the Governor, Robin McLaren. The Chinese negotiation team was first chaired by Yao Guang, later succeeded by Zhou Nan.[12] Similarly to the first round, both sides found each other difficult. During the negotiations, Britain suggested that the sovereignty of Hong Kong could be transferred to China in 1997, but to ensure the prosperity of Hong Kong, Britain should be given the right to rule beyond 1997. This suggestion was heavily criticised by Zhou as "replacing the three unequal treaties by a new one", thus forcing the talks into a stalemate again.[13]
The sign of failure of the United Kingdom in the Sino-British talks and the uncertainty of the future of Hong Kong greatly weakened the confidence of the
Cradock was deeply worried that China would leave the negotiating table and act alone. With much effort, he managed to convince the government in November 1983 that the United Kingdom would surrender any claims of sovereignty or power of governance over Hong Kong after 1997. Such a move was generally regarded as the second major concession offered by the United Kingdom.
After rounds of negotiations, the Sino-British Joint Declaration was finally initialled by representatives of both Britain and China on 26 September 1984, and on 19 December, the Joint Declaration was formally signed by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang in the Great Hall of the People. As one of the main draftsmen of the Joint Declaration, Cradock also witnessed the signing in person.[17] However, the Joint Declaration could not bring confidence to the people of Hong Kong. According to an opinion poll conducted shortly afterwards, only 16% of the respondents felt reassured by it, while 76% of the respondents held a reserved attitude. Furthermore, 30% believed that "One Country Two Systems" suggested in the Joint Declaration would be unworkable, showing that the general public of Hong Kong felt insecure and doubtful about the agreement made between Britain and China.[18]
Disagreements leading up to 1997
When Cradock, a diplomat fluent in Mandarin, left the Sino-British talks in the end of 1983, it was rumoured that he would succeed Sir Edward Youde as Governor of Hong Kong. Yet, the rumour never turned into reality,[3] and on the contrary, Cradock, who was dubbed "Maggie's Mandarin", and had become a much trusted advisor to Margaret Thatcher, insisted that he should be posted back to London.[4] By then Cradock had reached the diplomatic retirement age of 60, but Thatcher still appointed him as Deputy Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office and Foreign Affairs Advisor to the Prime Minister, responsible for overseeing the Sino-British negotiations.[3] After the signing of the Joint Declaration in December 1984, he was further appointed as Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee in 1985, providing military strategic advice to the Prime Minister, while remaining as Foreign Affairs Advisor. Critics have claimed that the reason for Thatcher entrusting him was because both of them regarded the Soviet Union as Britain's biggest adversary, while the United States was the most important ally, and therefore they could always head to the same direction when making diplomatic decisions.[4] Cradock continued to serve as her advisor until the 1987 General Election.
When John Major succeeded Thatcher as the Prime Minister in 1990, Cradock continued to work in
Since the Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, Hong Kong had entered its last thirteen years of British colonial rule, which was also known as the "transitional period". During the period, China and Britain continued to discuss the details of the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong scheduled for 1997. Nevertheless, when the Tiananmen Square crackdown occurred on 4 June 1989, Hong Kong fell into a new series of confidence crises. An unprecedented one million people assembled in downtown Central, expressing their anger towards the Communist regime's military suppression of the peaceful student rally in Peking which was in support of freedom and democracy in China. After the crackdown, the talks between Britain and China came to a halt, with an international boycott of China.[19] In Hong Kong and the United Kingdom, public opinion called for the British government to denounce and abandon the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and many felt worried about transferring Hong Kong from Britain to the Communist regime. Among them, the Senior Unofficial Member of the Executive Council of Hong Kong, Dame Lydia Dunn, even publicly urged Britain not to hand over British subjects in Hong Kong to a regime that "did not hesitate to use its tanks and forces on its own people".[19]
Cradock was instructed to visit Peking secretly in the end of 1989, trying to maintain the Joint Declaration and to cool down the
Apart from the above measures, to rebuild confidence of the people of Hong Kong towards their future, Governor Sir David Wilson introduced the Airport Core Programme, which was also known as the "Rose Garden Project", in his annual Policy Address to the Legislative Council in October 1989. However, as the projected cost was very high, and the programme would endure beyond 1997, the Chinese government soon critically accused Britain of plotting to use the "Rose Garden Project" to squander Hong Kong's abundant foreign exchange reserves, and of employing a tactic to secretly withdraw the exchange reserves and send them to the United Kingdom. They even threatened that they would not "bless" the project.[21] As a result of the accusations made against it, the British government was anxious to gain the support of China. They secretly sent Cradock to China for several visits in 1990 and 1991, "explaining" the details of the new airport project to the Chinese leadership, and attempted to reassure the Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party Jiang Zemin that the new airport would not bring any harm to China.[3] Despite his reassurance, Jiang insisted that the dispute could not be solved unless Prime Minister John Major visited China to sign a memorandum.[19]
Under pressure from China, Major was forced to visit Peking unwillingly and signed the Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Construction of the New Airport in Hong Kong and Related Questions with China on 3 September 1991. In the Memorandum, Britain promised to reserve not less than HK$25 billion for the future government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in exchange for the support of China over the Airport Core Programme. Furthermore, Britain agreed in the Memorandum to adopt an effectively 'proactive' attitude to assist in reducing the government debts of Hong Kong after 1997.[19] In fact, Major felt angry about the visit because he became the first Western leader to pay visit to China after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, while the international community was still boycotting China.[22] After the new airport episode, it was felt by the Conservative government that the soft diplomacy previously adopted by Britain in its relations with China was no longer effective, and Major concluded that Cradock and Governor Wilson had been too kind to the Chinese authorities and that they should take responsibility for that approach.[23]
The first to go was Governor Wilson. In the
Soon after assuming the governorship, Patten adopted a tougher line with China, which was at complete variance with that of his predecessors. In his first
Patten was much blamed by the Chinese authorities for his democratic reform, with the Director of the
Later years
Cradock was appointed a
Controversies
The two major retreats of Cradock and his compromising attitude in the Sino-British negotiation aroused considerable controversies at that time. Cradock defended his actions on the grounds that he acted from a
However, the attitude of Cradock was heavily criticised. After the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed, general public opinion in Hong Kong and Britain was that it could not rebuild the confidence of the Hong Kong people towards their future.
It was also claimed that Cradock was indeed not a liberal because he and the British government did not act for the interests of Hong Kong on the negotiating table. In fact, the British government believed that maintaining a friendly Sino-British relationship was of the utmost importance in preserving British business interests in China. To give up Hong Kong in exchange for a long-term friendship with China was regarded as profitable especially to the business sector in the United Kingdom. In addition, as the Joint Declaration was designed to bring stability to Hong Kong, it effectively closed the "back door" of entry into the United Kingdom and therefore avoided a possible influx of 3 million British subjects of Hong Kong to seek asylum or right of abode there.[31]
Cradock was a bitter critic of Governor Patten's political and democratic reform programme, blaming him for enraging the Chinese government, for which he thought Patten should be held responsible.[3][20] He also blamed the implementation of the reform programme for damaging the agreed "through-train" arrangement and other transitional arrangements, and that it would only bring adverse effect to the democratisation of post-1997 Hong Kong. Nevertheless, his pro-Beijing standpoint attracted much opposition and criticism in both Hong Kong and the United Kingdom. The mainstream public opinion at that time was that the memory of the Tiananmen crackdown was still vividly in the mind of many Hong Kong people, and that was why Britain had the responsibility to adequately safeguard human rights in Hong Kong, and to show support for Patten's political reform. Even though the colonial legislature would not survive after 1997, many thought that his reform was worthwhile for Hong Kong to experience the benefits resulting from a democratically elected Legislative Council, and to give a voice to the discontent of the Hong Kong public to the Chinese government by voting in the election.[20] The Foreign Affairs Select Committee of the House of Commons also stated that it would be disreputable for the United Kingdom to not introduce political reform in response to the demand of the people of Hong Kong.[20]
Although Governor Patten's political reform was generally supported in Hong Kong, Cradock insisted that if Britain stood against China, Britain would find it very difficult to bargain for Hong Kong any more. In an interview in 1996 with
In response to Cradock's criticisms on the political reform, Governor Patten struck back on a number of occasions, and in the Legislative Council meeting on 13 July 1995, he publicly mocked Cradock and those who appeased with China as suffering from "Craddockitis":
I think that we suffer in Hong Kong from an epidemic of what we call at home, Craddockitis, and it is something which affects not just dyspeptic retired ambassadors; it clearly goes wider than that. And there are a number of ingredients to the disease, a number of symptoms. There is a belief that one has a monopoly of virtue, a belief that one has a monopoly of wisdom about what is right for Hong Kong, a belief that one has a monopoly of concern about the things which have made Hong Kong so special, and a belief that unless everybody else agrees with you and follows your own analysis, that, as far as Hong Kong is concerned, is the end of the road. Hong Kong is doomed unless people always agree with you. Those are some of the symptoms of this epidemic.[27]
Though Cradock was on bad terms with Patten, he was highly valued by the Chinese government and the pro-Beijing camp.[26] They generally praised him for playing a vital role in the making of the Sino-British Joint Declaration.[33] The Xinhua News Agency, the official news agency of the Chinese authority, once described Cradock as a "friend of China and an experienced British diplomat who at the same time bears in mind to safeguard the interests of his country…History has proved his sincerity and objectivity."[28]
Personal life
From 1953, Cradock was married to Birthe Marie Dyrlund, who also worked in the Foreign Office. They had no children.[5] Lady Cradock died in September 2016.[34] Cradock was a member of the Reform Club.[5]
Bibliography
- Recollections of the Cambridge Union: 1815–1939 (Bowes & Bowes, 1953)
- Experiences of China (ISBN 9780719553493
- In Pursuit of British Interests (John Murray, 1997) ISBN 9780719554643
- Know Your Enemy (John Murray, 2002) ISBN 9780719560484
Honours
- Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George (1968[5])
- Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (1980[5])
- Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1983[5])
- Privy Counsellor (9 February 1993[35])
Honorary fellowship
See also
- Handover of Hong Kong
- Sino-British Joint Declaration
- Margaret Thatcher
- Chris Patten
- David Akers-Jones
Footnotes
- ^ Hong Kong's Governor Opens New Legislature : Asia: China says it will disband the first fully elected, all-Chinese 'historic council' in 1997., Los Angeles Times, 12 October 1995
- Hong Kong Legislative Council, 13 July 1995.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n "Sir Percy Cradock: Ambassador to China, 1978–83", Times, 29 January 2010.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s "Sir Percy Cradock", Telegraph, 28 January 2010.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Who's Who, London: A & C Black, 2008.
- ^ 唐英,〈英前官員憶文革噩夢:火燒英國代辦處〉,《大紀元時報》,2006年8月26日。
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009, p.212.
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.212.
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.218
- ^ 《一九八二年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1982年。
- ^ a b Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.221.
- ^ 《一九八三年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1983年。
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.223.
- ^ a b Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.224.
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.225.
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.222.
- ^ 《一九八四年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1984年。
- ^ a b 蔡貞停編導,〈霧裡看花〉,《鏗鏘集》,香港:香港電台,1996年7月21日。
- ^ a b c d Russell Spurr, Excellency: The Governors of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: FormAsia, 1995.
- ^ a b c d e f g Cradock, Sir Percy, "Losing the plot in Hong Kong", Prospect Issue 18, 20 April 1997.
- ^ 〈港國際機場洗雪啟用初期大混亂的恥辱〉,《高行網》,2000年8月14日。
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.253.
- ^ a b c Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.254.
- ^ 〈昔日「千古罪人」,今日貴為太學祭酒〉,《高行網》,2003年3月18日。
- ^ "Sir Percy Cradock dies", RTHK English News, 29 January 2010.
- ^ a b 〈英前駐華大使柯利達病逝〉,《蘋果日報》,2010年1月30日。
- ^ a b OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS, Hong Kong Legislative Council, 13 July 1995.
- ^ a b 陶志彭,〈憶採訪柯利達爵士:歷史驗證了他的真誠和中肯〉,《新華網》,2007年6月21日。
- ^ Barr, Robert, "Sir Percy Cradock – UK diplomat and China specialist dies at 86", Associated Press, 29 January 2010.
- ^ Evans, Annemarie, "Chief architect of Hong Kong's return to mainland passes away – Sir Percy Cradock, 1923–2010", South China Morning Post, 30 January 2010.
- ^ a b c d e 張國良編導,〈如夢初醒〉,《鏗鏘集》,香港:香港電台,1996年8月11日。
- ^ Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, p.220.
- ^ 余勝,〈當年對手今安在〉,《文匯報》,2007年5月30日。
- ^ CRADOCK
- ^ "PRIVY COUNSELLORS 1969 – present", Leigh Rayment's Peerage, retrieved on 31 January 2010.
References
English language sources
- Russell Spurr, Excellency: The Governors of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: FormAsia, 1995.
- Official Record of Proceedings, Hong Kong Legislative Council, 13 July 1995. online version
- Cradock, Sir Percy, "Losing the plot in Hong Kong", Prospect Issue 18; 20 April 1997. online version
- Who's Who, London: A & C Black, 2008.
- Tsang, Steve, A Modern History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009.
- "Sir Percy Cradock", Telegraph, 28 January 2010. online version
- Barr, Robert, "Sir Percy Cradock – UK diplomat and China specialist dies at 86", Associated Press, 29 January 2010. online version
- "Sir Percy Cradock: Ambassador to China, 1978–83", Times, 29 January 2010. online version
- "Sir Percy Cradock dies", RTHK English News, 29 January 2010. online version
- Evans, Annemarie, "Chief architect of Hong Kong's return to mainland passes away – Sir Percy Cradock, 1923–2010", South China Morning Post, 30 January 2010.
- "PRIVY COUNSELLORS 1969 – present", Leigh Rayment's Peerage. Retrieved 31 January 2010.web page[usurped]
Chinese language sources
- 《一九八二年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1982年。
- 《一九八三年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1983年。
- 《一九八四年大事回顧》,香港:無綫電視,1984年。
- 蔡貞停編導,〈霧裡看花〉,《鏗鏘集》,香港:香港電台,1996年7月21日。online version
- 張國良編導,〈如夢初醒〉,《鏗鏘集》,香港:香港電台,1996年8月11日。online version
- 〈港國際機場洗雪啟用初期大混亂的恥辱〉,《高行網》,2000年8月14日。web page
- 〈昔日「千古罪人」,今日貴為太學祭酒〉,《高行網》,2003年3月18日。web page
- 唐英,〈英前官員憶文革噩夢:火燒英國代辦處〉,《大紀元時報》,2006年8月26日。
- 余勝,〈當年對手今安在〉,《文匯報》,2007年5月30日。online version
- 陶志彭,〈憶採訪柯利達爵士:歷史驗證了他的真誠和中肯〉,《新華網》,2007年6月21日。online version
- 〈英前駐華大使柯利達病逝〉,《蘋果日報》,2010年1月30日。online version
External links
- Sino-British Joint Declaration, 19 December 1984
- Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Construction of the New Airport in Hong Kong and Related Questions, 3 September 1991
- Basic Law of Hong Kong
- Losing the plot in Hong Kong, Prospect Issue 18, 20 April 1997
- Interview with Sir Percy Cradock & transcript, British Diplomatic Oral History Programme, Churchill College, Cambridge, 1997