Sexism in academia
The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. (March 2018) |
Sexism in academia refers to the
Positions
Controversy exists over whether women's under-representation in specific academic fields is the result of
In some cases, legislation surrounding hiring diverse employees has shifted its narrative towards equal opportunities. However, it has been argued that focusing on equal opportunities among genders is inadequate due to the fact that it is more of a case of gender blindness rather than gender neutrality.[12] For example, the 2011 amendment to the equal opportunities legislation in the United Kingdom enables employers to select an applicant of "equal merit" if the applicant has an attribute that is underrepresented in the workforce or if they experience a disadvantage as a result of the given attribute.[12] Although this reform is an attempt at creating more gender equality, meritocratic systems do not fully acknowledge the structural disadvantages that women and other minorities face in gaining merit.
Tenure in the United States
Women are underrepresented in
Awards
Historically, women are less likely to win academic awards. For instance, there are 48 women Nobel Prize winners, compared to 844 men.[19] About two-thirds of these winners won a Nobel Prize for a humanities discipline, not a science discipline.[20] In most scientific disciplines, a small portion of women professors are nominated for awards compared to the number of women in the field.[21] The Recognition of the Achievements of Women In Science, Medicine, and Engineering (RAISE) project has reported that women represent 8.6% of Lasker Award winners.[22]
Although there has been an increase in women's award recognition in recent years, their recognition among service and teaching awards still outweighs recognition among awards for scholarly research.[23] Research shows that women are still less likely to win awards regardless of their representation in the nomination pool due to committees often being predominantly chaired by men, who are much more likely to award men.[23]
There has been an attempt to resolve these issues by highlighting women's work through the addition of awards restricted to women recipients; however, this exacerbates the issue because it inflates the amount of awards given to women and hides the persistent inequality.[23] For example, one study observed how women received 22 of the 108 possible awards; however, 10 of these 22 awards were restricted to women recipients.[23] This demonstrates how women's representation of academic awards can be distorted.
Women of color in academia
Women of color face specific issues related to sexism in academia as well. One such problem is referred to as the "Chilly Climate" problem, wherein, because women of color are infrequent in academia, they are often isolated and face a lack of institutional support.[24] Additionally, because women of color's bodies are both viewed racially and in terms of their gender in academia, their voices and identities are often overlooked through "elite racism," as coined by Allen et al. (2000).[25] Because women of color in academia are sometimes minorities in regards to their colleagues as well as their students, it is suggested that they feel the aforementioned isolation, racism, and sexism from both groups due to their intersectionality.
Women of color in academia are not only seemingly ostracized by their colleagues, but by their students as well. Women faculty of color reported having their authority questioned and challenged, their teaching competency questioned, and their knowledge and experience disrespected by their students. White men students were also seen to behave more aggressively towards these women and would also employ intimidating behaviors.[26] Students have accused faculty members of color of having a biased curriculum that is too heavily focused on readings written by people of color, and argue that this takes away from the intended course content.[27] Analyses of gender bias in teacher evaluations have highlighted a pattern of woman professors receiving vastly more negative reviews in comparison to men.[28] This is even more prevalent for women of color, as students tend to unfairly evaluate women of color in academia.[29] These evaluations are significant as they are taken into account by the administration. Receiving negative feedback from students will likely hinder the career growth and professional development of women of color.[27]
According to the
Women in academic publishing
In many academic disciplines, women receive less credit for their research than men.[32][33][34][35] This trend is especially pronounced in engineering fields. A study published in 2015 by Gita Ghiasi, Vincent Lariviere, and Cassidy Sugimoto demonstrates that women represent 20% of all scientific production in the field of engineering. The study examined 679,338 engineering articles published between 2008 and 2013, and it analyzed the collaborative networks among 974,837 authors. Ghiasi et al. (2015) created networking diagrams, depicting the frequency of collaboration among authors, and the success of each collaboration was measured by the number of times the study was cited.[32] The collaboration networks illustrate that mixed-gender teams have a higher average rate of productivity and citations, yet 50% of men engineers have collaborated only with other men and 38% of women engineers have collaborated only with men. The researchers use impact factors—the average annual number of citation that a journal receives—to measure the prestige of academic journals. Their study shows that when women publish their research in journals with high-impact factors, they receive fewer citations from the engineering community.[32] The authors explain their findings as a possible consequence of the "Matilda Effect", a phenomenon that systematically undervalues the scientific contributions of women.
In addition to engineering, a
In the academic disciplines of political science and
The COVID-19 pandemic proved to have an additional gendered impact on women in academic publishing. Results from various studies and analyses suggest that pandemic disproportionately affects women's publishing rates,[44][45] which, as discussed earlier, are already lower in comparison to men's publishing rates. One explanation is increased childcare responsibilities brought on by quarantining during the pandemic.[45] In addition, many individuals in research simultaneously work as educators. As many institutions shut down during the pandemic, women faculty members, who make up the majority of non-senior positions, had to juggle non-research-related commitments like participation in hiring committees on top of their research activities.[45] Studies demonstrated that this gendered gap in publishing rates was most pronounced in biology, biomedical, and clinical medicine publications.[46][47] Additional research suggests that the pandemic could also impact women in the early stages of their research careers. In March 2020, women economists had a 12% drop in preprint production and registered reports, with this rate dropping to 20% the following month.[48][49]
Pregnancy
All around the world women face issues related to pregnancy; before, during and after conception especially in academia. Some issues are dealing with stagnant careers, backlash and scrutiny. Examples of this are women college and university students that become pregnant despite being adults and sometimes capable of taking care of someone being criticized for being pregnant. Besides this, women have to face the harsh reality that despite pregnancy being completely natural there are practically no resources or facilitations made to accommodate their needs.[50]
In Australia, Dr. Muireann Irish recounts her and her husband's "strategic decision" to start a family after she was awarded an award by the Australian Research Council; knowing the repercussions they would face. Dr. Irish describes thinking this decision would give her three years of the research grant but she understood the strict time frame. While on parental leave, however, her funding was suspended meaning a suspension on data collection and overall a major decision to lay off staff. Despite wanting to keep her research going this seemed to not be an option.
Dr. Irish exclaims "There was this consternation about whether I should challenge traditional funding conventions or should I just take the hit . . . Ultimately that's what I ended up doing."[51]
In the United States, while firing or demoting a woman that is pregnant for reasons relating to her pregnancy is illegal, the laws that pertain to the persons that are supposed to support these women are relatively unfair, as paid paternity leave is much less than for women. Under the Family and Medical Leave Act, federal law grants fathers or other secondary caregivers up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave, but the majority of fathers take off only 10 days or less, if they so decide to take time off. In American workplaces, paternal leave creates a culture that deems men weak or incapable of his duties.[52] This leaves expecting mothers with less physical support.
Additionally, women professors are often warned by colleagues, peers, and superiors of the risks they face when having children. They are either warned to wait until tenure to have more children or wait until tenure to have any at all. This is common and the same behavior is not reciprocated to men.[53]
See also
- Gender inequality
- Gender pay gap
- Gender role
- Glass ceiling
- Old boy network, or male cronyism
- Publish or perish
- Sex discrimination in education
- Sexism
- Sexism in medicine
- Sexism in the technology industry
- Occupational sexism
- Intersectionality
References
- ^ S2CID 144445995.
- PMID 33112856.
- ^ S2CID 145550000– via EBSCO.
- .
- ISBN 978-0-670-03151-1.
- PMID 21307907.
- S2CID 177234967.
- ^ "Bachelor's degrees conferred to females by postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and field of study: 2018-19 and 2019-20". National Center for Education Statistics. August 2021.
- ^ "Degree Attainment - Research and Trends for Women in STEM". Research and Trends for Women in STEM. 2016-08-17. Retrieved 2018-09-25.
- .
- ^ American Psychological Association (2000). "Women in academe: Two steps forward, one step back".
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ ISSN 1468-0432.
- ^ Curtis, John (2011-04-11). "Persistent Inequity: Gender and Academic Employment" (PDF). American Association of University Professors. Retrieved 2018-10-02.
- ^ S2CID 144494861– via EBSCOhost.
- ^ Fothergill, Alice; Feltey, Kathryn. ""I've Worked Very Hard and Slept Very Little": Mothers on Tenure Track in Academia". Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering. 5 – via Google Scholar.
- ^ "BPDA data presentation at National Postdoc Association conference". YouTube.
- JSTOR 2672882.
- ISBN 9780826514783.
- ^ "Nobel Prize Facts".
- ^ "Nobel Prize Awarded Women".
- S2CID 4411858.
- ^ Leboy, Phoebe (1 January 2008). "Fixing the Leaky Pipeline". The Scientist.
- ^ S2CID 24673577.
- S2CID 145393832.
- JSTOR 2696268.
- S2CID 145486791.
- ^ JSTOR 40027232.
- ^ Schmidt, Benjamin (December 16, 2015). "Gender bias exists in professor evaluations". The New York Times. Retrieved 2022-04-05.
- ISSN 1938-8934.
- ^ National Center for Education Statistics. (2016). Enrollment and employees in postsecondary institutions https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2017/2017024.pdf
- PMID 26716831.
- ^ PMID 26716831.
- ^ a b c d e 1. Sarsons, Heather. "Gender Differences in Recognition of Group Work". Harvard University. 2015. https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/sarsons/files/gender_groupwork.pdf
- S2CID 145123777.
- S2CID 128820187.
- ^ "Home | Teaching, Research, and International Policy (TRIP)". trip.wm.edu. Retrieved 2018-09-04.
- S2CID 54062777.
- ISSN 1049-0965.
- ^ "Women Also Know Stuff". womenalsoknowstuff.com. Retrieved 2018-09-04.
- ^ "Women Also Know History". Retrieved 2018-09-04.
- ^ "Gender Balance Assessment Tool (GBAT)". jlsumner.shinyapps.io. Retrieved 2018-09-04.
- ^ "New Evidence on Gender Bias in IR Syllabi | Duck of Minerva". duckofminerva.com. 27 August 2015. Retrieved 2018-09-04.
- S2CID 54756649.
- PMID 33212208.
- ^ S2CID 218766620.
- PMID 35293860.
- PMID 34881381.
- ^ Vincent-Lamarre, Philippe; Sugimoto, Cassidy R.; Larivière, Vincent (19 May 2020). "The decline of women's research production during the coronavirus pandemic". Nature Index. Retrieved 2022-04-12.
- S2CID 234044469– via AEA Papers and Proceedings.
- ^ Frizzell, Nell (2019-08-28). "The Reality of Being Pregnant at University". Vice. Retrieved 2020-05-15.
- ^ "Women in academia take aim at sexism, gender inequality in university research fields - ABC News". www.abc.net.au. 2018-03-10. Retrieved 2020-05-15.
- ^ "Paid paternity leave should be the norm in the US". World Economic Forum. Retrieved 2020-05-15.
- ^ Givens, Terri E. (February 27, 2019). "The pregnancy penalty". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved 2020-05-15.
Further reading
- Bourabain, D. (2021). Everyday sexism and racism in the ivory tower: The experiences of early career researchers on the intersection of gender and ethnicity in the academic workplace. Gender, Work & Organization, 28(1), 248–267. https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12549
- Patton, Tracey (2004). "Reflections of a black woman professor: Racism and sexism in academia". Howard Journal of Communications. 15 (3): 185–203. S2CID 144459106.
- "Gender bias alive and well in academia." Practical Neurology Feb. 2013: 66. Academic OneFile. Web. 10 May 2014.
- Ratliff, Jacklyn M (31 May 2012). A chilly conference climate: The influence of sexist conference climate perceptions on women's academic career intentions (Ph.D.). University of Kansas. hdl:1808/10328.
- Savigny, H. (2014). Women, know your limits: Cultural sexism in academia. Gender and Education, 26(7), 794–809. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2014.970977
External links
- "Nepotism and sexism in peer-review" at Nature (journal)
(Leaper, Campbell, and Christia Spears Brown. “Perceived Experiences with Sexism among Adolescent Girls.” Child Development, vol. 79, no. 3, 2008, pp. 685–704. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27563511.)