User:LynnWysong/sandbox/Jedediah Smith

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Jedediah Smith
DiedMay 27, 1831 (1831-05-28) (aged 32)
Cause of deathKilled by Native Americans in a Conflict of Unknown Origin
NationalityAmerican
Other namesDiah, Old Jed
Occupation(s)clerk, frontiersman, hunter, trapper, author, cartographer, explorer
Employer(s) Ashley-Henry Fur Company, partner in the the Ashley Smith Fur Company and Smith, Jackson and Sublette
Known forBeing a mountain man and explorer of the Rocky Mountains, American West Coast, American Southwest, first west-east crossing of the Great Basin Desert and naming of Cache Valley, Utah
Parent(s)Jedediah Smith, 1st and Sally Strong
RelativesAustin Smith (brother), Ira Smith (brother), Peter Smith (brother)


Jedediah Strong Smith (January 6, 1799 – May 27, 1831), was a clerk, frontiersman, hunter, trapper, author,

pioneers on the Oregon Trail
.

Coming from a modest family background, Smith traveled to St. Louis and joined

Sierra Nevada and the treacherous Great Basin Desert. Smith and his companions were also the first white Americans to travel up the California coast (on land) to reach the Oregon Country
. Surviving three massacres and one bear mauling, Jedediah Smith's explorations and documentation were important aids to later American westward expansion.

In March 1831, while in St. Louis, Smith requested of Secretary of War

para-military trading party to Santa Fe. On May 27, while searching for water in present-day southwest Kansas, Smith disappeared. It was learned some weeks later that he had been killed during an encounter with the Comanche
. After his death, Smith's memory and his accomplishments were mostly forgotten by his countrymen. At the beginning of the 20th century, scholars and historians made efforts to recognize and study his achievements. In 1918, a book by Harrison Clifford Dale was published covering Ashley-Smith western explorations. In 1935, Smith's summary autobiography was finally listed in a biographical dictionary. Smith's first comprehensive biography by Maurice S. Sullivan was published in 1936. A popular Smith biography by Dale Morgan, published in 1953, established Smith as an authentic national hero.

Early life

Lewis and Clark

Smith was born in Jericho, now

Dale L. Morgan, Smith's love of nature and adventure came from his mentor, Dr. Titus G. V. Simons, a pioneer physician who was on close terms with the Smith family. Morgan speculated that Simons gave the young Smith a copy of Lewis and Clark's 1814 book of their 1804-1806 expedition to the Pacific,[c] and, according to legend, Smith carried this journal on all of his travels, throughout the American West.[8] The Smith family moved, westward again, to Ohio and settled in Green Township, or what is present-day Ashland County, in 1817.[9]

Smith joins "Ashley's Hundred"

Regions of the Missouri River Watershed

Coming from a family of very modest means, Smith struck out to make his own way.

Fort Henry at the mouth of the Yellowstone River,[16] which had just been built by Major Henry and the men that he had led up earlier.[13][f] Smith and some other men continued up the Missouri to the mouth of the Musselshell River in central Montana, where they built a camp from which to trap through the winter.[19]

Arikaras massacre

Arikara warrior
Bodmer (1840–1843)

The next spring (1823), Maj. Henry ordered Smith to go back down the Missouri to the

Arikaras, who, due to a recent skirmish with Missouri Fur Company men, were antagonistic to the whites.[20] Ashley, who was bringing supplies as well as 70 new men upriver by boat,[21] met Jedediah at the Arikara village on May 30.[22] They negotiated a trade for several horses and 200 buffalo robes and planned to leave as soon as possible to avert trouble, but weather delayed them, and before they could depart, an incident provoked an Arikara attack. Forty Ashley men, including Smith, were caught in a vulnerable position, and 12 were killed in the ensuing massacre.[23][g] Smith's conduct during the defense was the foundation of his reputation: "When his party was in danger, Mr. Smith was always among the foremost to meet it, and the last to fly; those who saw him on shore, at the Riccaree fight, in 1823, can attest to the truth of this assertion."[25]

Smith and another man were selected by Ashley to return to Fort Henry on foot to inform Maj. Henry of the disaster.

Lakota Sioux warriors, enemies of the Arikaras, they set out to subdue the Arikaras. After a botched campaign, a peace treaty was negotiated.[26] Smith had been appointed commander of one of the two squads of the Ashley-Henry men, and was thereafter known as "Captain Smith."[27]

Grizzly bear attack and South Pass

19th-century depiction of a grizzly bear attack

After the campaign, in the fall of 1823, Smith and several other of Ashley's men traveled downriver to Fort Kiowa. He and 10 to 16 men left from there to make their way overland to the Rocky Mountains.[28] While looking for the Crow tribe to obtain fresh horses and get westward directions, Jedediah was stalked and attacked by a large grizzly bear. The huge bear tackled Smith to the ground. Smith's ribs were broken and members of his party witnessed him fight the bear, which ripped open his side with its claws and took his head in its mouth. The bear suddenly retreated, and the men ran to help Smith. They found his scalp and ear nearly ripped off, but he convinced a friend, Jim Clyman, to sew it loosely back on, giving him directions. The trappers fetched water, bound up his broken ribs, and cleaned his wounds.[29] After recuperating from his bloody wounds and broken ribs, Jedediah wore his hair long to cover the large scar from his eyebrow to his ear.[30]

Crow Indians
Bodmer (1840-1843)

The party spent the rest of 1823 wintering in the

Green River near the mouth of the Big Sandy River in what is now Wyoming.[33] The group broke into two parties—one led by Smith and the other by Thomas Fitzpatrick to trap upstream and downstream on the Green.[34] The two groups met in July on the Sweetwater River, and it was decided that Fitzpatrick and two others would take the furs and the news of the identification of a feasible highway route through the Rockies[h] to Ashley in St. Louis.[35] Canadian trapper Robert Stuart employed by John Jacob Astor's fur company had previously discovered the South Pass in 1812 while traveling overland back from the Pacific Coast, but this information was kept secret.[36][37] Smith later wrote a letter to Secretary of War John Eaton in 1830 making the location of the South Pass public information.[37]

After Fitzpatrick left, Jedediah and his men again passed through South Pass, but their exact travels are unknown until they arrived in November 1824 at Flathead Post in Montana.[38] Maj. Henry returned to St. Louis on August 30,[39] and Ashley began making plans to lead a caravan back to the Rockies to regroup with his men.[40] Henry declined to return with Ashley, instead choosing to retire from the fur trade.[40]

First Rendezvous of 1825 and Smith, Jackson & Sublette partnership

Ashley left St. Louis late in 1824[40] and after an exploring expedition in Wyoming and Utah he and Smith were reunited on July 1, 1825, at what would become the first rendezvous.[41] During the rendezvous, Ashley offered Smith a partnership to replace Henry.[42][i] Smith returned to St. Louis for a time, where he asked Robert Campbell to join the company as a clerk.[44]

Second Rendezvous of 1826

During the second rendezvous in the summer of 1826, Ashley decided to no longer be directly involved in the business of harvesting furs. Smith left a cache near the rendezvous site at what would become known as

Bear River area near present-day Soda Springs, Idaho. Ashley sold his interest in his and Smith's partnership to the newly created partnership of Smith, Jackson & Sublette[45][j] but agreed to continue to send supplies to the rendezvous[46]
and broker the sale of furs brought to him in St. Louis.

The new partners were immediately faced with the reality, that beaver were rapidly disappearing from the region the two previous partnerships had traditionally trapped. But contemporaneous maps showed promise of untrapped rivers to the west,

First trip to California, 1826–1827

Jedediah Smith's party crossing the burning Mojave Desert during the 1826 trek to California by Frederic Remington

Smith and his party of 15 other men left the Bear River on August 7, 1826, and after retrieving the cache he had left earlier, headed south through present-day Utah and Nevada to the Colorado River, finding increasingly harsh conditions and difficult travel.

Mohave Trail, that would become the western portion of the Old Spanish Trail.[52] Upon reaching the San Bernardino Valley of California, Smith and Abraham LaPlant (who spoke some Spanish) borrowed horses from a rancher and rode to the San Gabriel Mission on November 27, 1826, to present themselves to its director, Father José Bernardo Sánchez, who received them warmly.[53][l]

Father Sánchez gave Jedediah and LaPlant a lavish dinner at Mission San Gabriel.

The next day, the rest of Smith's men arrived at the mission, and that night the head of the garrison at the mission confiscated all their guns.

José María Echeandía about his party's status in the country.[55][m] Echeandía was suspicious of Smith and his men for entering California.[5] LaPlant accompanied Smith south while the rest of the party remained at the mission. Echeandía detained Smith for about two weeks, demanding that he turn over his journal and maps. Smith asked for permission to travel north to the Columbia River on a coastal route, where known paths could take his party back to United States territory. Upon intercession of American sea Captain W.H. Cunningham of Boston on the ship, Courier, Smith was finally released by Echeandía to reunite with his men.[5] Echeandía ordered Smith and his party to leave California by the same route they entered, forbidding him to travel up the coast to Bodega, but giving Smith permission to purchase needed supplies for an eastern overland return journey. [56] [5][57] Smith boarded the Courier sailing from San Diego to San Pedro, to meet his men.[58][59]

After waiting for almost another month for an exit visa, and then spending, at least, two more weeks breaking the horses they had purchased for the return trip, Smith's party left the mission communities of California in mid-February of 1827. The party headed out the way it had came, but once outside the Mexican settlements, Smith convinced himself he had complied with Echeandía's order to leave by the same route he had entered, and the party veered north crossing over into the

Sierra Nevada range through which it could have flowed from the Rocky Mountains.[47] On December 16, 1826, Smith had written in a letter to the United State ambassador plenipotentiary to Mexico his plans to "follow up on of the largest Riv(ers) that emptied into the (San Francisco) Bay cross the mon (mountains) at its head and from thence to our deposit on the Great Salt Lake"[49] and appeared to be following that plan. They followed the Cosumnes River (the northernmost tributary of the San Joaquin River) upstream, but veered off it to the north and crossed over to the American River, a tributary of the Sacramento that flowed into the Bay. They tried traveling up the canyon of the South Fork of the American to cross the Sierra Nevada, but had to return because the snow was too deep.[63][n] Unable to find a feasible path for the well-laden party to cross, and faced with hostile indigenes, he was forced into a decision: since they did not have time to travel north to the Columbia and make it in time to the 1827 rendezvous, they would backtrack to the Stanislaus River and re-establish a camp there. Jedediah would take two men and some extra horses to get to the rendezvous as quickly as he could and return to his party with more men later in the year and the group would continue on to the Columbia.[65]

The exploration of the West by Jedediah Smith. The branch of the Sacramento River that is labeled as pointing northeast is now known as the Pit River.

After a difficult crossing of the Sierra Nevada, near

Bear Lake on the border between present-day Utah and Idaho). Smith borrowed a fresh horse from them and rode ahead of the other two men, reaching the rendezvous on July 3. The mountain men celebrated Jed's arrival with a cannon salute[q] for they had given up him and his party for lost.[72]

Third Rendezvous of 1827 and Second trip to California, 1827–1828

Smith's return to California threatened Mexican authority at Mission San José.

As agreed, Ashley had sent provisions for the rendezvous, and his men took back 7,400 pounds (3,400 kg) of Smith, Jackson & Sublette furs[73] and a letter from Smith to William Clark, then in the office of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the region west of the Mississippi River, describing what he had observed the previous year. Smith left to rejoin the men he had left in California almost immediately after the rendezvous. He was accompanied by 18 men and two French-Canadian women, following much of the same route as the previous year.[74] However, in the ensuing year, the Mojave along the Colorado River who had been so welcoming the previous year had clashed with trappers from Taos and were set on revenge against the whites.[75] While crossing the river, Smith's party was attacked; 10 men, including Silas Gobel, were killed, and the two women were taken captive. Jedediah and the eight surviving men, one badly wounded from the fighting, prepared to make a desperate stand on the west bank of the Colorado, having made a makeshift breast work out of trees and lances by attaching butcher knives to light poles.[74] The men still had five guns among them, and as the Mojave began to approach, Jedediah ordered his men to fire on those within range.[75] Two Mojaves were shot and killed, one was wounded, and the remaining attackers ran off.[74] Before the Mojave could regroup, Smith and eight other surviving men retreated on foot across the Mojave Desert on the Mohave Trail to the San Bernardino Valley.[76]

California Central Valley. Smith and his men explored the southern San Joaquin Valley in 1826–27, and the northern Sacramento Valley in 1828.

Smith and the other survivors were again well received in San Gabriel. The party moved north to meet with the group that had been left in the San Joaquin Valley, reuniting with them on September 19, 1827. Unlike in San Gabriel, they were coolly received by the priests at Mission San José, who had already received warning of Smith's renewed presence in the area. Smith's party also visited the settlements at Monterey and Yerba Buena (San Francisco).

John B. R. Cooper and William Edward Petty Hartnell in Monterey. After posting a $30,000 bond, Smith received a passport, on the same promise – to leave the province immediately and not to return.[77] Also as before, Smith and his party remained in California hunting in the Sacramento Valley for several months.[r] Upon reaching the northern edge of the valley, the party scouted the route to the northeast afforded by the Pit River, but determined it to be impassable,[79][s] so veered northwest toward the Pacific coast to find the Columbia River and return to the Rocky Mountain region. Jedediah became the first explorer to reach the Oregon Country over land by traveling up the California coast.[81]

Trip to the Oregon Country

Fort Vancouver, 1845

In the

George Simpson Governor-in-Chief of the HBC paid Smith $2,600 for the horses and furs[97] and in return, Smith assured that his American fur trade company would confine its operations to the region east of the Great Divide.[98] Smith remained at Fort Vancouver until the spring of 1829, when he and Arthur Black traveled back east to meet up with his partners.[99][z]

Blackfoot warrior
Bodmer (1840-1843)

Blackfeet expedition, 1829–1830

In 1829, Captain Smith personally organized a fur trade expedition into the

Powder River during the profitable mountain man expedition. In the four years of western fur trapping, Smith, Jackson, and Sublette were able to make a substantial profit and at the 1830 rendezvous on the Wind River they sold their company to Tom Fitzpatrick, Milton Sublette, Jim Bridger, Henry Fraeb, and John Baptiste Gervais who renamed it the Rocky Mountain Fur Company.[100]

Return to St. Louis

John H. Eaton

After Smith's return to St. Louis in 1830, he and his partners wrote a letter on October 29 to Sec. of War

Dale L. Morgan, Smith's letter was "a clear sighted statement of the national interest".[102] The letter also included a description of Fort Vancouver and described how the British were in the process of making a new fort at the time of Smith's visit in 1829. Smith believed the British were attempting to establish a permanent settlement in the Oregon Country.[96]

Smith had not forgotten the financial struggles of his family in Ohio. After making a sizable profit from the sale of furs, over $17,000 (approx. $4 million in 2011),[103] Jedediah sent $1,500 to his family in Green Township; whereupon his brother Ralph bought a farm. Smith also bought a house on First Avenue in St. Louis to be shared with his brothers. Smith bought two African slaves to take care of the property in St. Louis.[104]

The partners' busy schedules in St. Louis also found them and Samuel Parkman making a map of their

cartographic discoveries in the West,[105] to which Smith was the major contributor. On March 2, 1831, Smith wrote another letter to Eaton, now a few months away from resigning due to the Petticoat Affair,[101] referencing the map[106] and requesting to launch a federally funded exploration expedition similar to the Lewis & Clark expedition.[107][aa] Smith requested that Reuben Holmes, a West Point graduate and military officer, and himself would lead the expedition.[106]

Smith and his partners were also preparing to join into the supply trade known as the "commerce of the prairies". At the request of William H. Ashley, Smith Jackson and Sublette received a passport from Senator Thomas Hart Benton on March 3, 1831, the day after Smith wrote his letter to Eaton and they began forming a company of 74 men, twenty-two wagons, and a "six-pounder" artillery cannon for protection.[citation needed]

Death

Comanches
as depicted in the 1830s.
Painting by Lino Sánchez y Tapia (1830s)

Having no response from Eaton,

Cimmaron River in present-day southwest Kansas.[109] He never returned to the group. The remainder of the party proceeded on to Santa Fe hoping Smith would meet up with them, but he never did. They arrived in Santa Fe on July 4, 1832, and shortly thereafter members of the party discovered a comanchero with some of Smith's personal belongings.[110] It was relayed that Smith had encountered and communicated with a group of comancheros just prior to his approaching a group of Comanche.[111] Smith tried to negotiate with the Comanche, but they surrounded him in preparation for attack.[110]

Most likely, the death of Jedediah Smith occurred in what was then

Comanches in the group. Smith attempted to conciliate with them, until the Comanches scared his horse and shot him in the left shoulder, with an arrow. Jedediah fought back, ultimately killing 13 of the warriors.[ab] The version written by Austin Smith in letter to his brother Ira four months after Smith's death says that Jedediah killed the "head Chief," but nothing about any other Comanche being wounded or killed. Josiah Gregg wrote in 1844, that Smith "struggled bravely to the last; and, as the Indians themselves have since related, killed two or three of their party before he was overpowered."[112][ac] Smith stated that his grand-uncle had fought so valiantly that the Comanche believed "he had been more than mortal, and that it would be better to propitiate his spirit; so they did not mutilate his body, but later gave it the same funeral rites they gave its chief"[114][ad] Austin Smith, Jedediah's brother, who along with another Smith brother, Peter, was a member of the caravan, was able to retrieve Smith's rifle and pistols that the Indians had taken and traded to the comancheros.[117][ae]

Personal characteristics and religious beliefs

Illustration from The Circuit Rider: A Tale of the Heroic Age by Edward Eggleston depicting a Methodist circuit rider on horseback.

Jedediah Smith was "no ordinary mountain man." He had a dry, not racuous, sense of humor, and was not known to use the profanity common to his peers.[119] Smith's immediate family were practicing Christians; his younger brother Benjamin was named after a Methodist circuit preacher[120] and his letters indicate his own Christian beliefs. But, although after his death, the legend of him being a "Bible-toter" and a missionary was widely disseminated, assertions that he carried a Bible with him in the wilderness have no basis in any accounts by him or his companions[121] and the only documentation of any public demonstration of faith was a prayer said at the burial of one of the Arikara massacre victims.[24][af] However, neither do those accounts speak of him drinking alcohol to excess[ag] or bedding Native American women, indicating he had the discipline often associated with a strict moral code.[124] It is known that he owned, at least, two slaves[125] which conflicted with his northern Methodist upbringing and his behavior was not always honorable when dealing with those he considered his antagonists.[126] He was known to be physically strong, cool under pressure, extremely skilled at surviving in the wild and possessed extraordinary leadership skills.[124] Smith's true character is an enigma still open to interpretation[122]

Views of Native Americans

While traveling throughout the

American West, Jedediah's policy with the Native Americans was to maintain friendly relations[25] with gifts and exchanges, learning from their cultures.[124] As he traveled through Northern California for the first time, he tried to maintain that policy but the situation quickly deteriorated. The Maidu were very fearful and defensive and Smith's men killed at least seven of them upon his orders when they refused peaceful advances and demonstrated aggressive behaviors.[127][128] He later wrote that they were "the lowest intermediate link between man and the Brute creation."[129] Later, during his trek across the Great Basin, he called the desert indigeness he came upon "children of nature...unintelligent type of beings...They form a connecting link between the animal and intellectual creation..."[ah] Upon returning to California, even after suffering the Mojave massacre, he continued to try to maintain good relations, punishing two of his men, albeit lightly, that had unnecessarily killed one Native and wounded another.[132] But as the party continued north, the Natives continued the aggressive actions, and Smith's men wounded at least two more and three were killed.[133] By the time the party reached the Umpqua, their tolerance was at an ebb, leading to the ax incident and resulting in disastrous consequences.[134]

Late in 1829, Smith Jackson and Sublette wrote another letter to William Clark. The letter described the altercations the firm had had with the various Indian tribes, and encouraged a military presence and intervention to subdue the natives.

Historical reputation

Smith for the most part was forgotten by his countrymen as a historical figure for over 75 years after his death.[135] In 1853, Peter Skene Ogden[ai] had written about the Umpqua massacre in Traits of American Indian Life and Character by a Fur Trader, and the Oregon Pioneers Association and Hubert Howe Bancroft wrote versions of it in 1876 and 1886, respectively. There are mentions of him in memoirs by other fur trappers, and mentions by George Gibbs and F. V. Hayden in their reports. Recollection of a Septuagenarian by William Waldo was published by the Missouri Historical Society in 1880 discussed Smith, focusing on hearsay evidence of his piety,[122] There was no mention of Smith in the 1891 volume 5 publication of Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography edited by James Grant Wilson and John Fiske.[136] The first known publication solely about Smith was in the 1896 Annual Publication of the Historical Society of Southern California.[113] In 1902, Hiram M. Chittenden wrote of him extensively in The American Fur Trade of the West[137] The same year Frederick Samuel Dellenbaugh wrote about Smith's exploits with the Mojave Indians in his book The Romance of the Colorado River: The Story of Its Discovery in 1540 with an Account of Later Explorations.[138][aj] Smith, however, again was not listed in the 1906 volume 9 publication of American Biographical Society's Biographical Dictionary of America, edited by Rossiter Johnson [140] It wasn't until 1908, when John G. Neihardt and Doane Robinson lamented the obscurity of Smith, that more extensive efforts to publicize his accomplishments were initiated.[141]

In 1912, an article about Smith written by a grand-nephew, Ezra Delos Smith of Meade, Kansas, was published by the Kansas Historical Society. Five years later, Smith's status as a historical figure was further revived by Harrison Clifford Dale's[ak] book, The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific, 1822–1829, published in 1918. During the 1920s, Sullivan traced descendants of Smith's siblings, and found two portions of the narrative of Smith's travels, written in the hand of Samuel Parkman,[142][al] who had been hired to assist in compiling the document[105] after Smith's return to St. Louis in 1830. The narrative's impending publication had been announced in a St. Louis newspaper as late as 1840,[am] but never happened.[144] In 1934, Sullivan published the remnants, documenting Smith's travels in 1821 and 1822 and from June 1827 until the Umpqua massacre a year later, in The Travels of Jedediah Smith, giving a new documented perspective of Smith's explorations.[an] Along with the narrative, Sullivan published the portion of Alexander McLeod's journal documenting the search for any surviving members of Smith's party and the recovery of his property after the Umpquah massacre. The Dictionary of American Biography, Volume 17, edited by Dumas Malone, published in 1935 contains an article on Smith authored by Joseph Schafer.[145] The next year, the first comprehensive biography of Smith: Jedediah Smith: Trader and Trail Breaker by Sullivan was posthumously published, but it was Dale Morgan's book, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West, published in 1953, that established Smith as an authentic American hero whose explorations were overshadowed by the Lewis and Clark Expedition.[135]

Frémont-Gibbs-Smith map

According to Maurice S. Sullivan

High Sierra of California, and the first to explore the entire Pacific Slope from Lower California to the banks of the Columbia River".[146] He was known for his many systematic recorded observations on nature and topography. His expeditions also raised doubts about the existence of the legendary Buenaventura River.[147] Jedediah Smith's explorations were the main basis for accurate Pacific-West maps. He and his partners, Jackson and Sublette, produced a map that, in a eulogy for Smith printed in the Illinois Magazine for June 1832, the unknown author[ap] claimed "This map is now probably the best extant, of the Rocky Mountains, and the country on both sides, from the States to the Pacific."[25] This map has been called "a landmark in mapping of the American West".[148] The original map is lost, its content was superimposed by George Gibbs on a base map by John C. Frémont, which is on file at the American Geographical Society Library, at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.[149][aq]

Author of journal

Another important piece of the Jedediah Smith story was discovered in 1967, when another portion of the 1830-31 narrative (again in Parkman's hand)[142] was found amongst other historical papers in an attic in St. Louis.[150] This portion documented Smith's first California trip (1826–27), and immediately preceded the portion of the narrative found by Sullivan 35 years earlier. George R. Brooks[ar] edited and introduced the narrative portion, along with the first "journal" of Smith companion Harrison Rogers,[as] in 1977.[151]

Legacies

Geographic namesakes

Smith's exploration of northwestern California and southern Oregon resulted in two rivers, the

Bear River, in southwest Wyoming, is named for him.[153][154] and Smith's fork of Blacks Fork of the Green River may also be named for him.[155]

Honorary commemorations

In popular culture

  • The cowboy Jedediah in the Night at the Museum movies is said by the ship_manifesto to be based on Jedediah Smith,[169] despite the disparity between a fur trapper/explorer and a cowboy. IMBD calls the Jedediah character in the movie "Jedediah Smith", but that he "he may or may not be based off the real life 'cowboy' from the 1700's Jedediah Smith."[170] The Movie Pilot asserts that all the characters in the movie are based on real-life characters, including Jedediah, who is claimed to be Jedediah Smith.[171]
  • The LA Times and Wikimapia states that Jebediah Springfield of the cartoon
    The Simpson's is also probably loosely based on Jedediah Smith.[173][174]
  • In 2005,
    mini-series, Into the West, where American actor, Josh Brolin portrayed Jedediah Smith and in the dramatized grizzly bear mauling, showing the graphic hanging and sewing back on, of the lacerated scalp of Smith. The mini-series, fictionalized the death of Smith, in the California desert, by enraged Mohave Indians.[citation needed
    ]

Notes

  1. ^ Smith's mother's family, the Strong's, were of Basque descent[3]
  2. ^ According to Dale, p. 175, Smith was born on June 24, 1798, the son of a general store owner. More recent sources agree on the later date.
  3. ^ Barbour later wrote, that one of Smith's neighbors Patrick Gass, a member of the Corps of Discovery, may have been the one who introduced young Smith to the story of Lewis and Clark, whom Smith later referenced in his memoir.[7]
  4. ^ There is dispute when Smith actually arrived in St. Louis, the earliest account is dated 1816.[10][5]
  5. ^ Henry had formerly been associated with the Missouri Fur Company
  6. Ashley's Hundred"[18]
  7. ^ Another man had died in the initial incident, and one more died later of his injuries, making 14 the total death toll of the whites.[24]
  8. Transcontinental Railroad and Interstate 80
    were routed over the Continental Divide through the Great Divide Basin.
  9. ^ The Ashley-Smith partnership was not well publicized, documented only in a letter written by Smith a year later.[43]
  10. ^ Upon being sold again in 1830, the Company was called the Rocky Mountain Fur Company (RMFC), and many sources imply that's what Ashley and Henry originally called it.
  11. ^ The Ashley-Smith men and other American and Canadian trappers had already ventured into Mexican territory in present day southwest Wyoming, northwest Colorado and northeast Utah without permission of the Mexican government. For all practical purposes, Mexican authority did not extend much past the Pacific Coastal region.
  12. ^ Harrison Rogers remembered Sánchez fondly in his journal.[47]
  13. ^ As with the Zebulon Pike expedition two decades earlier, the authorities saw Smith's party as a harbinger of future trouble with the United States. Unlike Pike's expedition, which was commissioned by the United States Army, the Smith party was a private commercial venture. Although, five members of the 1826 party carried United States passports, the excursion into Mexican territory was unauthorized by the United States government and without permission from the Mexican government.
  14. Humboldt Lake in Nevada. He then could have traveled up the Humboldt, the vital waterway making possible a route across the Great Basin Desert later used by California immigrants, and forging what would later be known at the "Hastings Cutoff" across the south end of the Great Salt Lake. The Donner Party followed a reverse course of most of this route in 19 years later. In late 1828, Peter Skene Ogden discovered the Humboldt River's course.[64]
  15. ^ Once having left the foothills of the Sierra Nevada, the lack of water sources and adequate feed prevented the natives from maintaining horses. Smith's own horses deteriorated rapidly upon the trip.
  16. ^ It is around this point that Smith's narrative of his journey was split into two parts, the first found by Sullivan around 1930, and the second by a descendant of Ashley's lawyer in 1967. The portion found by Sullivan starts at this point in the journey.
  17. ^ The cannon, a four pounder, was sent by Ashley on a carriage, the first wheeled vehicle to cross South Pass.[70][71]
  18. ^ Most notably along the American River, which was named for the party.[78]
  19. ^ This determination was probably the end of Smith's belief in the possibility that what Luis Antonio Argüello had called the Buenaventura, the Sacramento River,[80] flowed from the Great Salt Lake region.
  20. ^ Of the total 32 (Silas Gobel was on both trips, so the total is 15 plus 18 minus one equals 32) men that had left with Smith for California, ten had been killed, one, Richard Evans, had returned with Smith to the Rocky Mountains but did not accompany him on the second trip to California, and five others had either deserted or were expelled from the party while in California. One man, Richard Leland, had been added to the group while there, and a young Native American boy, Marion, joined the group on the way to Oregon.
  21. ^ Smith bought the wild Spanish horses in California in hopes of selling them in the Rocky Mountains for a tidy profit.[81] He had learned the previous year that horses in California were so plentiful that the rancheros (owners of Ranchos) would round up hundreds of them into an enclosure, take out the best, and leave the rest to starve to death. Smith was disgusted by the practice[82] but saw a chance at profit. The next year, after having lost so many men at the Colorado River, he wanted to hire more in California for the trip north, but Mexican officials would not allow him to do so. In defiance of the orders, Smith did hire Richard Leland who was an excellent horseman.
  22. ^ Several early sources stated that only three men survived the massacre.[78][84][85][86] However, McLoughlin had documented Black had arrived two days before "Smith arrived with two men"[84] James Nesmith stated in 1880 that "Smith, John Turner, and the other man, name unknown, who had been absent from the camp" had avoided the attack.[87] Neihardt had documented that one source stated that Smith went off with "a little Englishman" that morning,[88] but confusion over the identity of the fourth survivor ceased when Smith's narrative, found by Maurice Sullivan around 1930, corrected the name of Richard Leland (previously documented as "Richard Taylor"[89] and "Richard Laughlin"[85]), an Englishman who Smith met in California and who joined the party in December of 1827[90] allowing Sullivan to determine he was the third Smith man in the canoe,[91] Leland's survival was later confirmed by Dale Morgan.[92]
  23. ^ Some early versions written about the incident stated that Smith gone off by himself, and that Turner and/or Leland had been at camp, fought their out with a burning log and met up with Smith enroute to Fort Vancouver. However, this appears to be based on Turner's experience in a subsequent massacre. The currently accepted version is that Turner and Leland were in the canoe with Smith and avoided the attack. A discussion of the versions can be found in Don Whereat's Our Culture and History[93]
  24. ^ From their earlier communications with the indigenes they had encountered, they had hopes that four men had survived the massacre and where in the hands of the "Cahoose Indians", but as no trace of them was found elsewhere, their bodies had possibly been simply swept away by the river while trying to escape the massacre.[95]
  25. ^ Rogers was Smith's clerk. He had accompanied Smith to California on the 1825 trip, and was left in charge during the four months Smith was gone to the 1827 rendezvous. After Smith's death, Rogers' journals ended up in Ashley's hands. Ashley's grand-niece donated them to the Missouri Historical Society and were the source of much early information about Smith's travels.[86]
  26. ^ Richard Leland and John Turner stayed at Fort Vancouver.[99]
  27. ^ President Andrew Jackson, opposed federal funding for western exploration during his first term, but relented during his second term creating United States Exploring Expedition in May 1836.
  28. ^ The number of indigenes killed by Smith was most certainly embellished over the years. Another account of Smith's death is that found in his obituary. "Some indians" trapped Smith in a box canyon, he was shot with a bullet, not an arrow, and upon that he shot both the chief and the man behind him with the "same ball".[25]
  29. ^ Another later version stated that three Comanche were killed.[113]
  30. ^ Ed Lewis, a descendant of an early Kansas rancher, tells a story of the skeletal remains of two men found on his grandfather's property along the Cimmaron River, which he speculated were Smith and the Comanche Chief. That, as well as the fact that, a search two days later had found no sign of Smith's body[25] give some credence to the Ezra Smith's version.[115][116]
  31. ^ At some point, Peter Smith had taken possession of one of Smith's pistols, as it was in the possession of his daughter, Jedediah's niece, in the late 1800s.[113] It was ultimately stolen in 1961. See [118]
  32. ^ There have even have been doubts raised about that episode. It was documented that "Mr. Smith" spoke the prayer, but there were three Smith's in the party.[122]
  33. ^ Part of the legend of Smith's character is that he never used tobacco, but he carried it and a pipe with him; in the narratives of his travels, he speaks of offering it to the Natives he encounters[123]
  34. ^ The Maidus and the Great Basin Indians came to be known by the somewhat derogatory term "Diggers."[130][131] Having never developed horse cultures, and living in harsh environments, they compared poorly to the Plains Indians when observed by early explorers and settlers. However, Smith's assessment of the Great Basin indigenes is harsh, considering they probably saved his life more than once as he crossed the desert.
  35. ^ Ogden probably got a first hand account of the massacre from Smith after Smith arrived at Fort Vancouver, then left shortly afterwards on his excursion in which he discovered the Humboldt River.
  36. ^ Dellenbaugh wrote extensively about Smith in 1905[139] and again mentioned Smith in his 1914 book Fremont and '49.
  37. ^ Dale, 1885-1969, was a professor at the University of Wyoming
  38. ^ Sullivan's notes on Smith are archived in the University of the Pacific Library[143] They apparently had been acquired by Dale Morgan, and after Morgan's death were donated to the library.
  39. ^ The announcement had stated that the "work" would "take in" nine years of Smith's travels, presumably from 1821 until his 1830 return to St. Louis.
  40. ^ The narrative was based in part on journals Smith kept, and many of the activities described have specific dates. Smith's journal from the time he left the rendezvous on July 13, 1827, until the Mohave massacre was lost during that tragedy, and that time period was reconstructed in general terms, as was the 1821 and 1822 time period. The daily entries did not recommence until November 7, 1827.
  41. ^ Sullivan, 1893–1935, was a New Jersey newspaperman who moved to California in the early 1920's and developed an interest in Smith.
  42. ^ In 2013, Joe J. Molter, editor of Castor Canadensis, the journal of the Jedediah Smith Society speculated that the author was James Hull, editor of Illinos Magazine[25]
  43. ^ The "Fremont-Gibbs-Smith" map was "found" in 1954 by Carl I Wheat at the library's former location in New York City.
  44. ^ George Brooks, 1929-2006, St. Louis author and editor
  45. ^ Roger's first surviving journal was in two segments; an accounting ledger with a narrative that began abruptly on November 27, 1826, and ended as abruptly on December 20, 1826, and then a second segment that starts again on January 1, 1827, and ends on January 28. Brooks only published this first journal and stated that Smith likely used it as a reference in preparing the 1830-31 narrative. Some of the missing pages are probably "the journal" Smith gave to the Spanish officials to try to convince them of his party's innocent intentions, since the detail in the Parkman narrative indicates Smith and Parkman had access to Smith's notes of the group's travels from the time it left in August, 1826 until reaching California. Rogers' second journal starts on May 10, 1828, and continued documenting the excursion until he was killed in the Umpqua massacre. The lapse of entries from January 1827 until May 1828 may have been due to a lack of paper or there may have been other journals that were lost in the massacre. Harrison Dale published both recovered journals in 1918.
  46. ^ Smith originally named what he thought to be an unnamed river after himself, but due to a mistake in geography (later corrected by George Gibbs), it turned out the river was actually the Klamath. His name was therefore attached to a smaller river to the north just south of California's border with Oregon, and also to the branch of the Umpqua River whose mouth was near the massacre site and where it was rumored to be his place of death.
  47. ^ A photo of the trail marker commemorating Smith can be seen here.

Citations

  1. ^ Smith, Travels, front fly leaf
  2. ^ Barbour p. 15
  3. ^ "Extended Biography". Earl Bascom, Master Sculptor-The Cowboy of Cowboy Artists. Retrieved November 14, 2014.
  4. ^ Morgan, p. 24
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Schafer 1935, p. 290.
  6. ^ Barbour, p. 16
  7. ^ Barbour p. 17
  8. ^ Morgan p. 25
  9. ^ a b c Morgan p. 26
  10. ^ Smith, Ezra Delos (1912). Jedediah S. Smith and the Settlement of Kansas. Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society. Kansas State Historical Society. p. 254.
  11. ^ Barbour, p. 23
  12. ^ Eddins, O. N. (ed.). "William Ashley Mountain Man Rendezvous System". Mountain Man - Indian - Canadian Fur Trade.
  13. ^ a b "Andrew Henry". National Park Service. Retrieved October 10, 2015.
  14. ^ Barbour pp. 29-30
  15. ^ Barbour pp. 31-32
  16. ^ Morgan, p. 40
  17. ^ Morgan pp. 28–29
  18. ^ "William Ashley". National Park Service. Retrieved October 10, 2015.
  19. ^ Barbour pp. 35–36
  20. ^ Barbour p. 40
  21. ^ Barbour p. 38
  22. ^ Morgan, pp. 49–50
  23. ^ Barbour pp. 42-44
  24. ^ a b c Barbour p. 45
  25. ^ a b c d e f Unknown (2013) [1832]. Joe J. Molter (ed.). "Captain Jedediah Strong Smith: A Eulogy of That Most Romantic and Pious of Mountain Men, First American by Land into California" (PDF). Castor Canadensis. The Jedediah Smith Society.
  26. ^ Barbour p. 47
  27. ^ Barbour p. 48
  28. ^ Camp p. 2
  29. ^ Camp, pp. 5–6
  30. .originally published in Leroy R. Hafen, ed. (1971). Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West vol. VIII. Glendale: The Arthur H Clark Company.
  31. .
  32. ^ Morgan, p. 92
  33. ^ Morgan, p. 93
  34. ^ Barbour p. 55
  35. ^ Barbour, p. 56
  36. ^ Bagley, op. cit., pp. 45, 51
  37. ^ .
  38. ^ Morgan pp. 128–29
  39. ^ Morgan p. 113
  40. ^ a b c Morgan pp. 154–55
  41. ^ Barbour pp. 74–75
  42. ^ Barbour p. 81
  43. ^ Morgan p. 175
  44. .originally published in Leroy R. Hafen, ed. (1971). Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West vol. VIII. Glendale: The Arthur H Clark Company.
  45. ^ a b c Eddins
  46. ^ "William H. Ashley, Jedediah S. Smith, David E. Jackson, and William L. Sublette. Articles of Agreement, July 18, 1826". Library of Western Fur Trade Historical Source Documents. Retrieved October 16, 2015.
  47. ^ a b c d Sears p. 3
  48. ^ Sears p.1
  49. ^ .
  50. ^ Morgan, p. 182
  51. ^ Barbour, p. 113
  52. .
  53. ^ Barbour, pp. 118–19
  54. ^ Barbour, pp. 119–20
  55. ^ Barbour, p. 127
  56. ^ Barbour, pp. 129–30
  57. ^ Southern California Quarterly (1914), Volume 9, p 202, Historical Society of Southern California 1912-1913
  58. ^ Southern California Quarterly (1914), Volume 9, p 203, Historical Society of Southern California 1912-1913
  59. ^ Southern California Quarterly (1914), Volume 9, p 203, Historical Society of Southern California 1912-1913
  60. ^ Barbour, pp. 134–35
  61. ^ Barbour, p. 137
  62. ^ Barbour, pp. 139–40
  63. ^ Morgan, p. 208
  64. ^ Morgan, p. 211
  65. ^ Barbour, p. 143
  66. ^ Barbour, p. 147
  67. ^ Barbour, pp. 150–51
  68. ^ Morgan, pp. 212–13
  69. ^ Barbour, pp. 152–53
  70. ^ Bagley, op. cit. p. 76
  71. ^ Morgan, p. 225
  72. ^ Morgan, pp. 214–15
  73. ^ Morgan, p. 226
  74. ^ a b c Morgan, pp. 240–41
  75. ^ a b Sears, p. 4
  76. ^ Morgan, p. 243
  77. .
  78. ^ a b Chittenden, Hiram M. (1901). American Fur Trade of the West. A History of the Pioneer Trading Posts and Early Fur Companies of the Missouri Valley and the Rocky Mountains and of the Overland Commerce with Santa Fe. New York: Francis P. Harper. p. 286.
  79. ^ Barbour, pp. 203–04
  80. ^ Barbour, pp. 183, 185–86
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  82. ^ Barbour, p. 127
  83. ^ Barbour, p. 233
  84. ^ a b c Carey, Charles Henry; McLoughlin, John (1922). "American Fur Traders and Mountain Men; footnote 11, excerpt of John McLoughlin's Memoirs". History of Oregon. Portland: Pioneer Historical Publishing Co. pp. 289–90. McLoughlin died in 1857 and his memoirs can be found in their entirety in McLoughlin, John. "Copy of a Document found among the Private Papers of the Late Dr. John McLoughlin". In Oregon Pioneer Association Reunion (ed.). Transactions of the ... Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer ..., Volumes 3-14. Vol. Transactions of the 8th Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, for 1880. Salem: E. M. Waite, Steam Printer and Bookbinder. pp. 46–55. {{cite book}}: External link in |volume= (help)
  85. ^ a b Lang, Herbert O. (1885). History of the Willamette Valley, Being a Description of the Valley and Its Resources, with an Account of Its Discovery and Settlement by White Men, and Its Subsequent History Together with Personal Reminiscences of Its Early Pioneers. G.H. Himes, Book and Job Printer. pp. 194–5.
  86. ^
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  87. ^ Nesmith, James. W. "Annual Address". In Oregon Pioneer Association Reunion (ed.). Transactions of the ... Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer ..., Volumes 3-14. Vol. Transactions of the 8th Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, for 1880. Salem: E. M. Waite, Steam Printer and Bookbinder. p. 24. {{cite book}}: External link in |volume= (help)
  88. ^ Neihardt, op.cit. p. 276
  89. ^ Dale, op. cit. pages 237-38
  90. ^ Smith, Travels pp. 48–9
  91. ^ Smith, Travels, p. 108
  92. ^ Morgan, p. 269
  93. ^ Whereat, Don. "Jedidiah Strong Smith - 1798- 1831". Our Culture and History (PDF). Retrieved December 1, 2015. {{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help)
  94. ^ McLeod, Travels pp. 128-29
  95. ^ Morgan p. 278
  96. ^ a b Hussey, John A. "Old Fort Vancouver, 1824-1829". National Park Service. Retrieved November 11, 2015.
  97. .
  98. .
  99. ^ a b Morgan, p.289
  100. ^ Barbour, pp. 247-48
  101. ^ a b Richard B. Latner, "The Eaton Affair Reconsidered." Tennessee Historical Quarterly (1977) pp: 330-351 in JSTOR
  102. ^ Morgan, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West, p.323
  103. ^ "Seven Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a U.S. Dollar Amount - 1774 to Present". Retrieved 2011-02-24. Consumer Price Index
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  107. ^ a b Barton H. Barbour (2012), Jedediah Smith: No Ordinary Mountain Man, pp 254-255
  108. ^ Morgan, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West, pp. 325-327
  109. ^ Utley and Dana (2004), "After Lewis and Clark: Mountain Men and the Paths to the Pacific, p. 99
  110. ^ a b Morgan, p. 330
  111. ^ Barbour p. 269
  112. .
  113. ^ a b c J. M. Guinn, Captain Jedediah Smith. The Pathfinder of the Sierras Annual Publication of the Historical Society of Southern California, Los Angeles Vol. 3, No. 4 (1896), pp. 45-53, 78
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  115. ^ Lewis, Ed. "The Death of Jed Smith". Santa Fe Trail Research.
  116. ^ Smith, James (2009). Joe J. Molter (ed.). "2009 Fall Rendezvous" (PDF). Castor Canadensis. The Jedediah Smith Society.
  117. ^ Barbour p. 268
  118. ^ "More Images of Jedediah Strong Smith". Jedediah Smith Society.
  119. ^ Barbour p. 262
  120. ^ Auld, James C. (2012). "Jedediah Smith's Journeys of "Secondary Consideration": New York to St. Louis". The Rocky Mountain Fur Trade Journal. 6. Pinedale, Wyoming: Museum of the Mountain Man: 53.
  121. ^ Barbour pp, 260-61
  122. ^ a b c Auld, James C. (2008). "The Legend of Jedediah Smith: Fact, Fantasy and Opinion". The Rocky Mountain Fur Trade Journal. 2. Pinedale, Wyoming: Museum of the Mountain Man: 53.
  123. ^ Smith, Expedition pp. 102, 174-75
  124. ^ .
  125. ^ Barbour p. 250
  126. ^ Barbour, p. 265
  127. ^ Barbour, pp. 144–45
  128. ^ Barbour, p. 141
  129. ^ Barbour p. 261
  130. ^ "Digger Indians | Learn". FamilySearch.org. 2015-08-07. Retrieved 2015-12-24.
  131. ^ "THE WEST - Diggers". PBS. Retrieved 2015-12-24.
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  133. ^ Barbour pp. 205–06
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  135. ^ a b Morgan (1953), Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West, p. 7
  136. ^ Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography (1891), Vol. 5
  137. ^ Chittenden, op. cit.
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  139. ^ Dellenbaugh, Frederick Samuel (1905). Breaking the Wilderness:The Story of the Conquest of the Far West, from the Wanderings of Cabeza De Vaca, to the First Descent of the Colorado by Powell, and the Completion of the Union Pacific Railway, with Particular Account of the Exploits of Trappers. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.
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  141. ^ http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1047&context=journalismfacpub
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  143. ^ http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf7k4008k7/entire_text/
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  145. ^ Dictionary of American Biography (1935) Smith, Jedediah Strong.
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  147. ^ C. Gregory Crampton: The San Buenaventura – Mythical River of the West. In: Pacific Historical Review. Berkeley Cal 25.1956,2 (May), pp. 163–171
  148. .originally published in Leroy R. Hafen, ed. (1972). Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West vol. IX. Glendale: The Arthur H Clark Company.
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  151. .
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Major references

External links

Further reading