Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity
Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca | |
---|---|
Castroism[citation needed] | |
Political position | Far-left[8] |
Regional affiliation | São Paulo Forum |
Colors | Red, Green, Yellow (logo) Blue, White (flag) |
Congress | 0 / 160 |
Party flag | |
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Website | |
www | |
The Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (in Spanish: Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca, URNG-MAIZ or most commonly URNG) is a Guatemalan political party that started as a guerrilla movement but laid down its arms in 1996 and became a legal political party in 1998 after the peace process which ended the Guatemalan Civil War.
History
Background
PBSUCCESS and early insurgency
Since the
FAR splinters and government pressure
As a consequence of the repression, a large contingent of the FAR came to the conclusion that they needed to change their strategy.
Guerrilla offensive and pre-unification measures
The repression of the late 1970s failed to quell the rebellion and likely had the unintentional consequence of growing the ranks of the guerrilla factions between 1980 and 1981, who by that time were in charge of 9 departments in Guatemala.
Formation
In the backdrop of these civil war circumstances the URNG formed as a
Later on, the URNG led the leftist opposition in peace negotiations with the conservative Guatemalan government.[53] These negotiations began in 1986 and brought the end of the civil war when negotiations finished in December 1996, by signing the Firm and Lasting Agreement.[54] The conclusion of the peace talks led the URNG to pursue the registration as a legal party inside the Guatemalan political system in June 1997.[31] The group was formally registered as a political party in December 1998.[31]
Civil war era
Military regimes and suppression of the guerrilla
In March 1982, only one month after their formation, the URNG experienced an attack ordered by then president, retired General
The militant PGT splinter groups saw their base wiped-out, following the capture and coerced conversion of Carlos Quinteros, an important commander in their ranks.[62][63] The political wing of the PGT also faced a major crisis, after unsuccessfully trying to reorganize itself in its former northern strongholds of Alta Verapaz, as this plan was thwarted by the military.[63] The social disarticulation and continuous assassinations of its members eventually led to its exhaustion by 1986, which prompted them to mend their relationship with the URNG.[64] These events led the URNG to eventually substitute the PGT-NDN for the PGT in its leadership by 1987.
The URNG employed ambushes and raids on government security forces as their main tactic, and also performed bombings and assassinations. They attacked the military, government officials, as well as foreign diplomats and foreign businesses. The government responded with undercover death-squads, supported by the police and military, who undertook the mission to take down prominent leftists.[53]
Return to civilian rule
After the election of Vinicio Cerezo in 1985, the truncated civil society in Guatemala revitalized to some degree, which convinced a significant part of mid-level cadres to abandon armed struggle, subsequently reducing the organisations leverage during the peace negotiations.[65] Already during his election campaign, Vinicio Cerezo emphasized national unity, which he combined with critique of the armies conduct and expressed willingness to negotioate with the URNG.[66] Still his presidency achieved very little to rein in on political violence and he made only token efforts to prosecute human rights abuses committed by the army.[67] According to the FAR commander Pablo Monsanto, the guerilla entered the first negotiations with the Cerezo administration to reorganize and rearm itself and only later reached a point, where a political solution to the conflict seemed beneficial and unavoidable.[68] By the time a civilian government returned to office in 1986, the URNG recognized that coming to power through armed struggle was out of the question, and they took initiatives to negotiate a political solution.[citation needed]
According to a report in NACLA's Report on the Americas (May/June 1997),
The government and army maintained that since they had "defeated" the URNG, they had no need to negotiate until the guerrillas had laid down their arms. The subsequent settlements ending the wars in Nicaragua and El Salvador stiffened the elites' resolve "never" to permit such an outcome in Guatemala.[69]
The URNG functioned as an umbrella organization to represent the leftist beliefs amongst the Guatemalan people, particularly the Guatemalan poor. Although they were involved in attacks, their primary function was at the negotiation table with the Guatemalan government.[citation needed]
Peace process
From 1986 to 1996, the army and government were drawn into a peace process moderated and verified by the United Nations and including other international actors as key players. During the negotiations both sides made major concessions. The UN mediated Oslo Agreement provided an arrangement for direct negotiation between the belligerent groups. This open negotiation led to the signing of the "Agreement on Procedures in Search of Peace by Political Means" in Mexico in 1991. The United Nations presided over these changes meant to create a long-lasting peace.[70] Obligations were imposed on the government, including significant constitutional reforms, which were internationally binding and would be verified by the UN. After 9 years of negotiations in 1995, the leadership of the URNG came to a preliminary agreement with the government to sign a peace deal in 1996.[71]
Peace accord and legal opposition party
On 29 December 1996, a peace agreement was signed by the government and the URNG in the presence of UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, officially ending the 36-year civil war.[71] The signing ceremony was held in front of the National Palace of Culture on the Plaza de la Constición in the presence of about 50,000 people.[71] Among a cheerful crowd, a flame of peace was lit by the signatories inmidst the place to symbolize the end of armed conflict.[71] The Secretary-General of the URNG, Comandante Rolando Morán and president Álvaro Arzú jointly received the UNESCO Peace Prize for their efforts to end the civil war and attain the peace agreement.[72]
The UNRG has since apologized for the atrocities that occurred during the Guatemalan Civil War, asking forgiveness from all victims, families and other who experienced any kind of excesses. This apology came two days after President Clinton admitted the role of the United States in a "dark and painful period" during the civil war in Guatemala.[73] After Rolando Moran died in September 1998, Pablo Monsanto (nom de guerre Jorge Soto) was elected to succeed him as Secretary General of the party.[74] In May 1999, as a provision of the peace agreement, a constitutional referendum was held to amend the constitution.[75] The URNG was part of the Front for Yes, advocating for an affirmative vote during the election campaign.[76] All 4 provisions failed to win a majority, albeit amid a low voter turnout of 18.5%.[75][76]
The party made its national electoral debut during the
In August 2001, with the support of
In the
After the elections party leaders cited, among other factors, their lack of knowledge about the political system and electoral campaigning as reasons for their limited electoral success.[85] After Rodrigo Asturias passed away in June 2005, Héctor Nuila was selected to succeed him as Secretary General.[86] In the preparation phase for the next election, Movimiento Amplio de Izquierdas (MAIZ) was founded as a leftist platform, representing various leftist organizations.[87][88]
At the 2007 elections the party captured 2 seats, one in Huehuetenango and one via the national list, with 3.7% of the nationwide vote in the congressional elections.[89] In the presidential election of the same day, its candidate Miguel Ángel Sandoval won 2.1% of the popular vote.
For the elections in 2011 the party entered into a political alliance with Winaq, MNR, the URNG splinter ANN and 60 civil society groups to form the Broad Front of the Left.[90] Broadly seen as a positive development inside the left, the coalition only yielded limited electoral success, returning only two seats, one each for San Marcos and Huehuetenango, to the legislature with approximately 3.3% in the congressional elections and 3.2% for the presidential candidate and Winaq founder Rigoberta Menchú.[89]
At the national party convention in March 2013, a new executive committee was elected, including Ángel Sánchez as the successor of Héctor Nuila as new General Secretary.[91]
The coalition was maintained for the 2015 elections and was able to increase their vote share to almost 4.4%, but the party only maintained their single legislator in Congress via winning a congressional district. In the presidential elections the Broad Front of the Left unified behind the presidential candidacy of Miguel Ángel Sandoval, who received about 2.1% of the vote.
In January 2019, the possibility of a united list with the successor party of the ANN, Convergence was explored.[92] In May 2019, in the run-up to the next elections, the party was one of 5 left leaning parties that declined to participate in a conference hosted by the Asociación la Familia Importa for a conservative pact concerning the "defense of family and life".[93][94]
The coaltition split up ahead of the
The party by and large opposed the government of Alejandro Giammattei after the election and particularly opposed the dismissal of Juan Francisco Sandoval as head prosecutor of the Special Prosecutor's Office against Impunity in July 2021.[97] In January 2022, Miguel Ángel Sandoval, the former presidential candidate for the party or alliance in 2007 and 2015, wrote an open letter to party leadership of his own party, the
Support base
During the civil war the group received support from Guatemala's rural poor as well as from urban intellectuals.[53] The URNG enjoyed high support among indigenous communities, which was reflected in the fact that 82% of its demobilized armed combatants and 50% of its political activists came from an indigenous background.[102] After the conclusion of peace negotiations, the URNG was only partially able to maintain this constituency, as other sections organized inside the Democratic Front New Guatemala.[80]
The party is closely affiliated with the farmers' association Committee for Peasant Unity (CUC) since the civil war era. The union was officially founded on 15 April 1978 to organize peasant farmers and improve their economic conditions.[103] Some of its members later rose to prominent roles inside the URNG, like Secretary General Gregorio Chay and Pablo Ceto, the presidential candidate for the party in 2019.[104]
In contrast to many other parties in Guatemala, the party has a widespread and permanent organizational structure in place.[105]
Party platform and ideology
A study from FLASCO Guatemala, released in 2006, analysing the coherence of the party ideology between secretaries general, rank-and-file members and party statutes in Guatemala, uncovered that only the URNG showed internal congruence.[106]
Foreign policy
The URNG maintains an amicable relationship with the Cuban government and has condemned the economic, financial and political blockade of Cuba, exerted by the United States.[107]
Environmental policy
The party is generally opposed to large mining projects, citing the adverse effects these have on rural communities and the local environment, while profits are usually siphoned off to multinational companies.[108]
Domestic policy
CICIG
The party supported the implementation of a UN sponsored Commission for the Investigation of Illegal Groups and Clandestine Security Organizations in Guatemala (CICIACS) reached in an agreement between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Human Rights Ombudsman in March 2003, but heavily criticized the Berger administration for its approach towards its translation into law, which it viewed as weak and inadequate and inhibited by delay tactics.[109][110][111]
In December 2006, a new agreement between the UN and the government led to the creation of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), which finally began to operate in September 2007, after being greenlit by the Constitutional Court and Congress in May and August 2007, respectively.[112]
Judicial appointment process
In May 2009, the party supported a bill presented by Nineth Montenegro and the civil society group Pro Justicia, that would regulate the selection process of magistrates. According to proponents of the law, the appointment process should be held in public to prohibit nepotism and ensure transparency.[113]
Non-governmental organizations
In February 2019, the party voiced its opposition to initiative 5257, a bill concerning the regulation of non-governmental organizations, that would grant the president the power to prohibit NGO's from operating in the country.[114]
Peace treaty implementation
Party members have on multiple occasions complained that key aspects of the Firm and Lasting Accord have not been enacted in the aftermath of its signing.[115][4] A study by the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame found that 10 years after the peace treaty coming into force, still less than 70 % of the peace treaty provisions had been implemented.[116]
The party strongly objected to restitution payments to Ex-PAC fighters that were recruited to fight them during the civil war and dissolved during the peace negotiations in 1996.[117][118][119]
Press freedom
In March 2023, the party condemned the intention of the government and judiciary to prosecute independent media outlets, particularly El Periódico and its journalists, which the party views as efforts to punish them for its investigations into the government.[120]
Security and military policy
The party is opposed to the deployment of military police units to support the civil police in combating crime.[121] In early 2000, the alliance heavily criticized a bill passed by Congress, extending the operational area of the military police force, calling it a direct violation of the peace treaty that explicitly reserves matters of internal security to the civil police force.[121]
In April 2004, the party received the proposed cuts to the military budget by the Berger administration as a positive signal for the demilitarisation of the public sphere.[122]
Nuevos Horizontes
In late 2006, the URNG opposed the approval of the US-military mission Nuevos Horizontes by Congress, entailing the stationing of US troops in San Marcos from January to August 2007.[123] The party later in January 2010, also voiced their opposition to the reopening of military barracks in San Marcos, which would cost the state at least Q100m.[124] Miguel Ángel Sandoval argued that this would just be another step to increase the militarisation of the department, arguing instead for an increased presence of civil police forces and an end to the impunity experienced by criminals.[124]
Economic policy
CAFTA
Stating that they are not principally opposed to open markets, the party nonetheless opposed the ratification of CAFTA in early 2005, because it favoured genetically modified agricultural products, that are cheaper than home-grown cereals, thereby depriving small farmers of their livelihood.[125]
Mesoamerica Project
In connection to the
Electoral history
Presidential elections
Election | Candidates | First round | Second round | Status | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
President | Vice President | Votes | % | Votes | % | ||
1999[a] | Álvaro Colom | Vitalino Similox Salazar | 270,891 | 12.36 (#3) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2003 | Rodrigo Asturias | Pablo Ceto | 69,297 | 2.58 (#6) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2007 | Miguel Ángel Sandoval | Walda Barrios Ruiz | 70,208 | 2.14 (#10) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2011[b] | Rigoberta Menchú | Aníbal García | 145,080 | 3.26 (#6) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2015[c] | Miguel Ángel Sandoval | Mario Ellintong | 101,347 | 2.11 (#11) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2019 | Pablo Ceto | Blanca Estela Colop | 94,531 | 2.16 (#12) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
2023[c] | Amílcar Pop | Mónica Enríquez | 87,676 | 2.09 (#10) | — | — | Lost ![]() |
- New Nation Alliance.
- ^ Joint ticket of the Broad Front of the Left.
- ^ a b Joint ticket with Winaq.
Legislative elections
Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Status |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1999 [a] | 233,870 | 11.04 (#3) | 9 / 113
|
New | Opposition |
2003 | 107,276 | 4.20 (#7) | 2 / 158
|
![]() |
Opposition |
2007 | 112,249 | 2.78 (#10) | 2 / 158
|
![]() |
Opposition |
2011[b] | 143,238 | 3.27 (#7) | 2 / 158
|
![]() |
Opposition |
2015[c] | 198,715 | 4.36 (#9) | 1 / 158
|
![]() |
Opposition |
2019 | 112,037 | 2.78 (#16) | 3 / 160
|
![]() |
Opposition |
2023[c] | 133,694 | 3.21 (#9) | 0 / 160
|
![]() |
Extra-parliamentary |
See also
References
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Osmundo Ponce es un viejo militante del Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP) que se convirtió en pastor posteriormente a la firma de la paz, de una denominación evangélica no relacionada con las iglesias neopentencostales.
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- ^ "Kürzungspläne für´s Militär" (PDF). Fijáte (in German). Verein ¡Fijáte!. 21 April 2004. Retrieved 25 April 2023.
- ^ "Kongress bewilligt US-Militärpräsenz in San Marcos" (PDF). Fijáte (in German). Verein ¡Fijáte!. 27 December 2006. Retrieved 23 March 2023.
- ^ a b "Plan zur Militarisierung von San Marcos" (PDF). Fijáte (in German). Verein ¡Fijáte!. 3 February 2010. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
- ^ "Freihandelsabkommen mit den USA: ,,Weder Himmel noch Hölle"". Fijáte (in German). Verein ¡Fijáte!. 2 March 2005. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
- ^ a b "Strom - um jeden Preis?". Fijáte (in German). Verein ¡Fijáte!. 21 June 2006. Retrieved 19 May 2023.
External links
- Official URNG website
- The Guatemalan peace process (Accord magazine, 1997)