Petre Borilă
Petre Borilă (born Iordan Dragan Rusev;
Initially close to the faction formed around Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca, Borilă rallied with their adversary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, thus ensuring his own political survival. He subsequently endorsed the official policies, and played a part in ousting Gheorghiu-Dej's newly found rival, Iosif Chișinevschi, but was progressively marginalized after Nicolae Ceaușescu emerged as Romania's ruler in 1965. Objecting to Ceaușescu's nationalism, he also had a notorious personal conflict with the new leader, after the latter's son Valentin married Borilă's daughter.
Biography
Borilă was born to
During
Borilă returned to Romania with the
Reputedly, his relations with Pauker and Luca grew tense as early as 1950, when the former two began a campaign aimed at removing Spanish Civil War volunteers from the PMR leadership, in view of subjecting them to a show trial.[3] At the time, Gheorghe Vasilichi and Valter Roman were singled out as "spies", and Borilă himself seems to have been considered as a victim of the purge.[3] His renewed contacts with Gheorghiu-Dej were taken as a sign that the International Brigades veterans were ready to play a role in ousting the Pauker–Luca faction, and as such granted protection by the other main group.[3]
In 1952, Borilă aligned with other PMR leaders and facilitated the fall of the Pauker-Luca faction (initiated by Vasile Luca's arrest).
In 1956, he was, alongside Gheorghiu-Dej,
Despite the ideological conflict between the PCR and Khrushchev, Romania supported Soviet intervention against the 1956 Revolution in Hungary, and Gheorghiu-Dej agreed to have dissident Hungarian leader Imre Nagy kept under arrest in Snagov. Alongside Valter Roman, Nicolae Goldberger, and others, Borilă came to Snagov and played a personal part in pressuring Nagy and other members of his fallen cabinet to confess (1957).[10] During the following years, he backed Gheorghiu-Dej in his conflict with Chișinevschi and Miron Constantinescu, both of whom were ousted from the PMR leadership after being publicly exposed to criticism.[11] This was especially the case during a 1961 plenum meeting of the Workers' Party, when he voiced harsh criticism of Chișinevschi, but also Pauker and Luca, whom he depicted as enforcers of Soviet directives.[12]
Between 1965 and 1969, under Romania's new leader, Nicolae Ceaușescu, he was a member of the executive committee (the reformed Politburo of the PCR, as the latter discarded its PMR name).[2] Nevertheless, he came to clash with Ceaușescu over various issues, the most important of which being the open encouragement of nationalism and claims of independence inside the Eastern Bloc (policies to which the pro-Soviet Borilă was strongly opposed).[2]
A particular point of contention between Ceaușescu and Borilă was the personal life of their children. Borilă, who was married to Ecaterina Abraham, a Romanian communist of Jewish origin,[2] was father to Iordana (or Dana), who fell in love with and married Ceaușescu's oldest son, Valentin. Both families objected to their wedding, and their relations grew notably tense.[2][13][14]
Legacy
According to Vladimir Tismăneanu, Petre Borilă had gained an ill notoriety for being involved in "the most secretive of political affairs", and was considered "a distant and suspicious figure".[2] Tismăneanu also referred to Borilă as a "Soviet agent",[2] who, alongside Iosif Chișinevschi, was used by Gheorghiu-Dej to supervise lower-ranking PCR members and enforce a local variant of Stalinism (while ensuring close links with Soviet officials).[15] His reelection in the 1954 Politburo after Ana Pauker's fall was seen as a sign of his importance and close relation to Gheorghiu-Dej.[16] Both he and Valter Roman enforced their commitment to the new leader in 1961, when they publicly claimed that their survival was entirely owed to his victory in the inner-party clash.[3]
Shortly before his death, Borilă reportedly authored a letter condemning Ceaușescu, who was by then President, for "nationalism".[2] According to dissident Mircea Răceanu, whose father Grigore Răceanu was a prominent PCR member, the document was known to party officials, but was deliberately not made public.[2]
The negative reaction to the Valentin Ceaușescu – Iordana Borilă marriage was believed by commentators to be a reflection of xenophobia on the part of Nicolae Ceaușescu's wife, Elena Ceaușescu (an ethnic Romanian, she allegedly resented the non-Romanian origins of her in-laws).[2][13] Such views were rejected by Andrei Lupu, a person close to the Ceaușescus, whose parents were important members of the PCR — Lupu argued that the two families did not get along on account of Petre Borilă's aloofness.[13] On the other hand, Petre Borilă himself is known to have opposed their wedding, probably due to Nicolae Ceaușescu's ideology.[2] In a 2007 interview, Constantin Roguschi, who was employed as an architect by the dictator, claimed that Iordana Borilă was not allowed to set foot in any house owned by Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu.[14]
The couple eventually divorced in 1988, one year before the
Notes
- ^ Tismăneanu, p.293
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.293
- ^ ISBN 0-275-92783-0
- ^ Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.160, 293
- ^ Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.168, 293
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.4
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.14-15
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.15-18, 25-26
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.3
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.22
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.25-26, 37
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.25-26, 37, 39, 40
- ^ Jurnalul Naţional, March 21, 2007
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Lucia Ivănescu, "Ce cadouri primea Ceaușescu de ziua lui" (interview with Constantin Roguschi) Archived 2011-07-19 at the Wayback Machine, in Cronica Română, January 26, 2007
- ^ Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.13, 14; Stalinism..., p.293
- Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990, p.437; Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.12, 14; Stalinism..., p.168
References
- Vladimir Tismăneanu,
- Gheorghiu-Dej and the Romanian Workers' Party: From De-Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism (Working Paper No.37), Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2002
- Stalinism pentru eternitate, ISBN 0-520-23747-1)