Leonte Răutu
Leonte Răutu Lev Nikolayevich Oigenstein | |
---|---|
Great National Assembly | |
In office March 1948 – November 1952 | |
Constituency | Buzău |
In office November 1952 – March 1961 | |
Constituency | Turda |
In office March 1961 – March 1975 | |
Constituency | Bacău (south) |
In office March 1975 – March 1980 | |
Constituency | Bacău (north) |
In office March 1980 – March 1985 | |
Constituency | Aiud |
Personal details | |
Born | Bessarabian Communist Party People's Democratic Front | February 28, 1910
Spouse(s) | Tatiana Leapis (div.) Natalia Redel |
Children | Anca Oroveanu Lena Coler |
Leonte Răutu (until 1945 Lev Nikolayevich (Nicolaievici) Oigenstein; February 28, 1910 – September 1993) was a
Răutu made his way back to Romania during the
While maintaining influence during the late stages of Gheorghiu-Dej's rule, Răutu backed the party's "
Biography
Early activities
Rătu's birthplace was
Lev witnessed the birth of Greater Romania from Bălți, where he remained until his high-school graduation. He later relocated to the Bukovina region, and, in 1928, was in Bucharest, the national capital.[4] The future ideologist entered the University of Bucharest to study mathematics, but never graduated.[5][6] (He may also have spent a while at the Bucharest Medical School.)[7] From 1925 to 1934, young Oigenstein made his living as a private tutor, active in Bălți, Cernăuți, and finally Bucharest.[8] He entered the Communist Youth in December 1929 and the party itself in 1931;[9] his brother Dan headed the Communist Students Organization from 1932, and was accepted into the party in 1933.[10] In the years when the Romanian Communist Party (PCR, later "Workers' Party", or PMR) was banned, Lev was editor of the party organ Scînteia and worked with Ștefan Foriș, Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, Valter Roman, Sorin Toma, Mircea Bălănescu and Tatiana Leapis (later Bulan). Leapis was Răutu's first wife, but left him for Foriș.[5][11]
Characterized as intelligent, ironic and well-informed, Răutu preferred to read
Răutu was first tried for sedition while still in the Communist Youth: on August 20, 1930, a Bessarabian tribunal validated arrest warrants for "the Oighenștein [sic] brothers", during a round-up of communists and alleged Soviet spies.[20] Lev was consequently sentenced to a one-year prison term. He was for a while held in Chișinău jail, then moved to Doftana prison, in the company of other PCR militants, becoming acquainted with many of Romania's future political bosses.[21] Shortly after being released, in 1932, he was again on trial: until 1934, he was again in prison, first at the penitentiary facility of Cernăuți and then at Jilava Prison.[22] This episode ended with him becoming an activist for the communist committee in Bucharest,[23] and head of its Agitprop section.[10] After his breakup with Tatiana Leapis, the young activist met his future wife Natalia "Niunia" Redel, herself Jewish and Russian-educated.[24] Implicated in the communist underground and working for the International Red Aid,[25] she found employment with a clinic ran by physician Leon Ghelerter, himself politically active with the United Socialists.[26]
As recounted by Sorin Toma, in 1936 or 1937 Răutu personally witnessed, and excused, Foriș's mental breakdown.[27] During early 1937, the two men oversaw the expulsion from the party of a young novelist, Alexandru Sahia, whom they depicted as an infiltrator.[28] Following the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, Răutu was among those tasked with recruiting Romanian leftists for the International Brigades.[29] This was one of his final activities in Greater Romania. Answering a call for repatriation,[30] Răutu and Natalia emigrated to the Soviet Union following the 1940 occupation of Bessarabia. Before leaving, he entrusted his documents to Foriș's lover and secretary, Victoria Sârbu.[31]
Although Jewish, Răutu was not dissuaded by the interval of
Communist rise
At some point (perhaps in 1943), Răutu became head of the
The Romanian-sounding surname of Răutu, picked out after a Romanianization policy was imposed by the PCR doctrinaires, may have been borrowed from the novels of Lev's one favorite Romanian author, Constantin Stere.[43] Under this signature, he published in mid-1946 a brochure called Problemele democrației în lumina marxismului ("Problems of Democracy as Highlighted by Marxism"). Communist writer Miron Radu Paraschivescu welcomed the work as a keynote on the people's democracy, as "informed by the Soviet nationalities policy".[44] Răutu was among the most vocal critics of multiparty, pluralist democracy, together with Brucan, Paraschivescu, Sorin Toma, Ștefan Voicu, Nestor Ignat, Nicolae Moraru, and Traian Șelmaru. Răutu later recruited the core of the PMR's ideologists from his group.[5][45] Răutu's Scînteia articles were noted for their bitter irony and for the vehemence of the insults they addressed to political enemies, in particular the National Peasants' Party and its organ Dreptatea.[5] His Contemporanul articles included an attack on Grigore Gafencu, a figure of the anti-communist Romanian diaspora—the text was celebrated by Paraschivescu as of a "polemical tone, in which his combative nervousness does not alter his logical succession".[46]
The Oigenstein family was becoming integrated into the nomenklatura and lived in villas located near the political epicenter that was the Primăverii compound: Londra Street, then Turgheniev Street.[47] Lev and Natalia had two daughters: Anca, born 1947, and Elena ("Lena"), born 1951.[37] The other Oigensteins and the Redels also moved to Romania.[48] According to Câmpeanu, Răutu now illustrated the "abundance of Jews within the structures of Romania's emergent Stalinism"—though the overall Jewish community had few communists, the propaganda apparatus was subject to an "overwhelming Jewification".[49] Câmpeanu proposes that the most likely explanation for this fact is that the two men "preferred to work with people of their own ethnicity, a preference that may have been strengthened by the existence of some older personal relations." He finds that this was an anomaly, since, in other branches of the party, apostate Jews would resort an antisemitism which was "more cynical, aggressive and capricious than the native variant".[50]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/bb/Leonte_R%C4%83utu%2C_portrait_in_Contemporanul%2C_May_1948.png/250px-Leonte_R%C4%83utu%2C_portrait_in_Contemporanul%2C_May_1948.png)
In his other main capacity, Răutu helped set up and guide the PCR's Agitprop, or "Political Education", Section. It came into existence in November 1945, with Răutu still serving as its deputy chief—Colonel Mihail Florescu was its inaugural chairman.
From June 1948, Răutu also joined the editorial staff of a newly reestablished literary magazine,
Establishing cultural dominance
Răutu was delegated by the communist workers of Bucharest to represent them at a congress preparing the ground for the Social Democrats' absorption into the Workers' Party; this inaugural meeting was held at
Formally acknowledged as Chișinevschi's closest collaborator, Răutu is widely regarded as the dictator of Romanian cultural life until the death of party leader Gheorghiu-Dej.
Răutu's text is regarded by Tismăneanu as an "embarrassing" contribution to the field,[66] and described by historian Leonard Ciocan as the origin of "manichean" methodology and "typically Stalinist" discourse in Romanian social science.[67] The direct inspiration for such contributions was Soviet culture boss Andrei Zhdanov, whose anti-formalist and anti-individualist campaigns he would try to replicate in Sovietized Romania.[68] Since 1948, he had been preoccupied with eradicating "decadent" literature and art, including urban-themed modernism, but also informed his subordinates not to allow a resurgence of ruralizing traditionalism.[69] He declared Zhdanov's "bitter criticism" of composer Dmitri Shostakovich to be a "profound" positive example: "Take the gloves off, let's start criticizing [as well]. Here too we can learn from the Soviets."[70] Also then, he ordered a selection of publishing houses and literary magazines that followed a "just line", and set aside funds for financing writers who had internalized the Workers' Party principles and "stepped down from the ivory tower".[71] On November 2, 1948, Răutu himself took a position on the steering committee of the Romanian Society for Friendship with the Soviet Union.[53] His brother Mihail Oișteanu was similarly employed as a lecturer by the House of Romanian–Soviet Friendship.[72]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/46/%C3%8En_loc_de_un_plan_cincinal%2C_cinci_planuri_anuale.jpg/340px-%C3%8En_loc_de_un_plan_cincinal%2C_cinci_planuri_anuale.jpg)
As part of their propaganda campaigns, Răutu and Chișinevschi created a heroic image of
In April 1949, Răutu was one of the Romanian delegates to the Congress of Advocates of Peace, seconding Mihail Sadoveanu (who reputedly eclipsed him),[79] afterwards helping to organize the Congress' Romanian chapter.[53] In January 1950, Răutu and Sadoveanu also organized Mihai Eminescu's centennial, followed in January 1952 by the Ion Luca Caragiale centennial.[80] From March 1950, Răutu and Miron Constantinescu were called upon by Pauker to organize the ideological retraining of various writers who had been excluded from the party—Eusebiu Camilar, Vladimir Cavarnali, Lucia Demetrius, Mihu Dragomir, Coca Farago, Alexandru Kirițescu, Sanda Movilă, Ioana Postelnicu, Zaharia Stancu, Cicerone Theodorescu, and Victor Tulbure.[81] Navigating his course between the warring PMR groups of Pauker and Gheorghiu-Dej, Răutu established his reputation during the fall of a third faction, Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu's "Secretariat" group. Already in Împotriva cosmopolitismului..., Răutu called his rival an "enemy of the working class", and a defamer of Marxist values.[82] As noted by Tismăneanu, he applied "his proverbial zeal" to condemning Pătrășcanu's entire political activity.[83]
Also in 1949, Romania began the collectivization of agriculture, with Răutu called in for ideological support. His articles in Scînteia produced definitions of chiaburi (the Romanian version of kulaks, or wealthy peasants), which prioritized their status as employers of farmhands and owners of business, rather than the surface of land they owned.[84] Some two years later, he suggested that Romania still had to deal with the existence of chiaburi as the "largest capitalist class".[85] With the Tito–Stalin split, Răutu became involved in exposing supposed "Titoist" infiltration in Romania, ordering a tight monitoring of Tanjug propaganda, and then a Romanian Agitprop project focused on vilifying Yugoslavia.[86] As part of this effort, he commissioned Titus Popovici to write a play specifically against Titoism.[87] In parallel, he took over supervision of the nominally independent left-wing daily Adevărul, overseeing its liquidation in 1951,[88] and was involved in establishing the network of "people's councils", which cemented the communist grip on city and village administration during late 1950.[89] On October 5, 1950, he was assigned to the central committee of the communist-led People's Democratic Front.[53] In February 1951, he and Mihail Roller were guests of honor at the party marking the 76th birthday of poet Alexandru Toma.[90]
Pauker's fall and "processing" campaign
Răutu first impressed critics of the regime by being able to survive Pauker's downfall (1952), and was one of the very few of the wartime exiles not to be designated a "Right deviationist".[91] A theory first advanced by political scientist Ghiță Ionescu is that Gheorghiu-Dej relied on the party's "Bessarabian wing" to conspire against Pauker. This faction included Răutu, Borilă, and Emil Bodnăraș, all of whom enjoyed support from the emerging Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev.[92] Together with Constantinescu as the other PMR intellectual, Răutu initiated the campaign to purge all other supposed inner-party oppositionists, drafting the PMR resolution on prelucrări ("processing", a euphemism for "interrogations").[93] In his speeches to the PMR sections, Răutu described the cadre verification policy as inspired by the 19th CPSU Congress and its talk of "ideological work" being paramount in the consolidation of socialism.[94] He declared Pauker a saboteur of collectivization, and her associate Vasile Luca guilty of "criminal activity".[95]
In large part, "processing" meant a clampdown on writers with supposed (and supposedly concealed) "fascist" sympathies. A communist-turned-dissident poet, Nina Cassian, recalls: "Leonte Răutu—[...] dominated these scatty, vulnerable, terrified and confused beings—the artists and the writers, producing tragedies and comedies, stagings glories and stigmatization, paralyzing one's morality, activating another's immorality".[96] Cassian was targeted as a critic of the regime, and kept under surveillance for her "negative influence" on other literary figures, including her lover of the time, Marin Preda.[97] One author to escape from Răutu's campaigns was modernist left-winger Geo Dumitrescu, whom poet Eugen Jebeleanu defended, at the last moment, against claims that he had been working for far-right newspapers during the war years.[98] Senior writers George Călinescu and Victor Eftimiu were accused of concealing Social Democratic sympathies;[99] in 1951, Călinescu tried to ingratiate himself with Răutu by proposing him for admittance into the Romanian Academy, commending his essay on Joseph Stalin's contribution as a linguist.[100] Meanwhile, historian Constantin Daicoviciu, a former member of the Iron Guard fascist movement, was found to be an embarrassment for the communist-run peace committees and banned from politics.[101] Paradoxically, other areas under Răutu's control escaped such purges, and former far-right affiliates such as Octav Onicescu and Ion Barbu pursued their scientific careers with little standing in their way.[102]
Răutu built himself a new power base comprising noted Agitprop figures, some of whom were also writers and journalists. The prominent ones were Moraru, Șelmaru,
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/2f/Funeralii_Stalin_Dej.jpg/400px-Funeralii_Stalin_Dej.jpg)
Răutu's monopoly on the humanities is also credited with having incapacitated the development of independent ideas in Romanian philosophy and sociology, as well as with the near-complete elimination of psychology as a credible academic subject.
Pursuing his ideological condemnation of philology, which in 1951 had seen him calling for a ban on works by
"Anti-Revisionism"
Răutu was still unchallenged as cultural policymaker even after Stalin's death, although the Romanian regime contemplated structural changes. After 1956, essentially his only superior within the party was Gheorghiu-Dej, who cared little for cultural intrigues.[5] According to Gheorghiu-Dej's disciple, Gheorghe Apostol, Chișinevschi and Răutu sought to endear themselves to the PMR leadership by promoting a "cult of personality", which Gheorghiu-Dej resented and actively discouraged.[120] At the VIIth party congress on December 28, 1955, Răutu became an alternate member of the politburo.[5][121] Shortly after, he began an investigation into the activities of Nicolae Labiș, the disillusioned Marxist poet. Răutu signaled Labiș's fall into disgrace, declaring his piece "Murdered Albatross" to be pessimistic and unworthy of "building-sites that construct socialism."[122]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/14/Timi%C8%99oara_students%27_demands%2C_October_30%2C_1956.png/350px-Timi%C8%99oara_students%27_demands%2C_October_30%2C_1956.png)
The tensions between Gheorghiu-Dej and Khrushchev, who had risen to a paramount position in the Soviet Union, were highlighted during the
Răutu had another close call at the Party Plenary of June 1957: Chișinevschi and Constantinescu were both attacked by Gheorghiu-Dej as "
Răutu's only potential rival was
Răutu reassessed his own political positioning, depicting Chișinevschi as a morbid Stalinist and himself as a balanced figure.[135] He then helped Gheorghiu-Dej deal with the apparent opposition of old-time communists, deciding in May 1958 that the association of former prisoners of fascism was "petty bourgeois" in nature, and needed to be dissolved.[136] During June, he and Gheorghiu-Dej produced a case against the PMR veteran Constantin Doncea, who had been tempted to question Gheorghiu-Dej's claims of revolutionary primacy. Răutu labeled Doncea a Titoist, then introduced claims that Doncea had followers in the cultural sphere—a pretext for the verification of writers who still harbored modernist ideas.[137] This happened even as Răutu drafted a confidential note about improving relations with Yugoslavia and toning down anti-Titoist propaganda.[138] In summer 1958, he went public with his critique of Roller, who had allegedly permitted his subordinates to publish complaints against Gheorghiu-Dej.[139]
In a contrary move, Răutu intervened to sideline several of Roller's emerging critics, including Andrei Oțetea. Though not involved directly in the controversy, he sent one of his associates to act as Oțetea's ideological supervisor; according to historian Șerban Papacostea, this unnamed figure had little competence in the scholarly field, noted among his peers for being unable to properly date events such as the Treaty of Passarowitz.[140] The PMR cultural activists, Răutu included, also masterminded the show trial of philosopher Constantin Noica, writer Dinu Pillat and other literary dissidents, all of them brutalized by the Securitate secret police.[141] He preserved much of his great influence, from directing the censorship apparatus (officially placed under Iosif Ardeleanu) to putting out Scînteia (approving each issue before it went into printing).[142]
Transition to national communism
Between June 13, 1958 and June 25, 1960, Răutu was only a junior member of the central committee.
While overseeing the cultural purges, Răutu networked between Gheorghiu-Dej and Soviet Ambassador Alexei Yepishev. The latter congratulated the PMR for its "extremely valuable initiative" in exposing Petrașcu, noting that the Soviets could learn from the example.[147] Historian Stefano Bottoni argues that, in Jar's case, Răutu may have set a trap for Jar personally, by inviting his former friend to state openly his contempt for the PMR line.[148] Răutu also refused to reinstate the modernist poet-translator Ion Vinea, calling him artistically irrelevant and an agent of British Intelligence.[149] In 1960, he returned to the George Călinescu issue, accusing him of deviating from the PMR program.[150][151] Răutu's men suggested that, as a novelist, Călinescu had portrayed the Iron Guard in too light tones; Călinescu made a personal appeal to Gheorghiu-Dej, who treated him with noted sympathy.[151] They registered defeat when Gheorghiu-Dej allowed Călinescu to publish his novel Scrinul negru.[152] Later in 1960, Călinescu was allowed to lecture at the university, but still not reinstated as professor.[151] The same year, Răutu also revised his stance on Blaga. According to the latter's daughter Dorli, he and his subordinate George Ivașcu were quick to assist her father in obtaining palliative care for his terminal illness.[153]
Tasked by the politburo with controlling the
Brucan recounts that Gheorghiu-Dej exhibited "lucidity" in noting that Răutu was downplaying both his Jewishness and his Russian mannerism. Brucan himself notes that Răutu had "systematically removed all Jews" from the Agitprop department, and "went as far as to pretend that he could not speak Russian" when receiving Soviet visitors.
Răutu was reintegrated as a full member of the central committee on June 25, 1960,
Between Gheorghiu-Dej and Ceaușescu
In 1961, Răutu and Ceaușescu helped publicize the claim that Romania's issue with the "personality cult" was associated with Pauker, whereas Gheorghiu-Dej and the other leaders of the party had received, and were deserving of, the people's genuine love.[168] Soon after, Răutu and Paul Cornea were also tasked with convincing the writing team behind the film Tudor that the lead female part should go to Lica Gheorghiu, who was Gheorghiu-Dej's daughter.[169] Having sidelined Sorin Toma, Răutu revised his stance on the "decadent" poets, welcoming back into the spotlight modernists like Arghezi and Ion Barbu, and even describing himself as a protector of artistic autonomy.[170] In 1962, he tacitly approved of the PMR's policy of politically (re)integrating some of Romania's more popular traditionalist intellectuals. However, Răutu and other PMR leaders also singled out the Writers' Union chief, novelist Zaharia Stancu, as a political suspect. According to literary historian Cornel Ungureanu, Răutu stated the point discreetly, "without aggravating the Great Chief" (that is, Gheorghiu-Dej, who believed Stancu to be an earnest fellow communist).[171] By then, Răutu was receiving letters from politically suspect writers such as Păstorel Teodoreanu[172] and George Mărgărit,[173] who asked to be reinstated, as reeducated but starving men. Răutu still silenced critiques of Stalinism, but only by proxy. In 1963, on Răutu's orders, Romania became, with Albania, the only Eastern Bloc country not to publish a vernacular translation of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's Ivan Denisovich.[174]
In mid-1963, Gheorghiu-Dej confronted Khrushchev at a secretive meeting at
Despite his concessions to localism, the Bessarabian communist still looked to the Soviet hardliners for inspiration, and was considered by his peers a Stalinist survivor, à la Mikhail Suslov;[182] he was also compared with Hungary's György Aczél.[183] Răutu is said to have been thankful that Chișinevschi was out of politics altogether, but was embarrassed by Miron Constantinescu's re-admittance into the nomenklatura; in front of other party figures, the two men acted like good friends.[184] The party even selected Răutu to inform his nominal enemy that he had been widowed, Sulamita Constantinescu having been stabbed by her own daughter.[185] Oțetea, who had finally been successful in toppling Roller from his position of Marxist historiographer, is said to have described Răutu as "the most intelligent of the communist leaders, but a bastard".[186]
In 1964, while carrying on with his other functions, Răutu was serving as general secretary of the Foreign Trade Ministry.[53] Gheorghiu-Dej's terminal illness transformed him into an unconditional supporter of Ceaușescu, who was emerging as the new party leader; Niculescu-Mizil recalls being informed by Răutu that "you and I must obey Ceaușescu from now on".[187] Conflicted by his own social and ethnic origins,[5] Răutu sought good relations with Ceaușescu, a relationship strengthened due to the friendship between Răutu's wife Natalia and Elena Ceaușescu. His cordial rapport with the Ceaușescu couple, developed during the Gheorghiu-Dej era, together with (historians suggest) his chameleon-like persona,[5][188] helps account for his longevity in public life. Holding approximately equal party ranks, the two men and their families were also recipients of a luxury trip to France, arranged by Gheorghiu-Dej and with television presenter Tudor Vornicu as their guide.[189] Răutu managed to impress Ceaușescu, even though the latter was not just fearful of the PMR prison elite, but also a nationalist with antisemitic reactions.[190]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/67/Regiunea_Autonoma_Mures%2C_delegatia_PCR_si_Ceausescu.jpg/400px-Regiunea_Autonoma_Mures%2C_delegatia_PCR_si_Ceausescu.jpg)
Răutu authored Gheorghiu-Dej's official obituary, as published by Scînteia, and oversaw the funeral ceremony.
In 1966, Ceaușescu presented Răutu with the Tudor Vladimirescu Order, 1st Class; Răutu was additionally a "Hero of Socialist Labor" from 1964.[53] Despite the protection he enjoyed, he now found that his advancement within the party was curbed, with Ceaușescu informing him that theirs was not an equal partnership.[198] While reconfirmed in his executive functions at the party congress in 1965, Răutu was no longer a rapporteur, his position filled by the younger Dumitru Popescu-Dumnezeu.[199] His promotion to the secretariat also required him to relinquish his long-held position at Agitprop, on April 1, 1965. His immediate successor was his own protegé Ion Iliescu, the former student organizer (and future Ceaușescu opponent).[200]
Ștefan Gheorghiu Academy
The year 1966 marked a low point in Răutu's career, as he was only tasked with supervising the interior commerce department and the Communist Youth's Pioneer branch. According to Tismăneanu, Răutu spent much of the interval reading up on political literature, including Neo-Marxist authors frowned upon by the regime (Herbert Marcuse).[201] In January 1967, he gave approval to publish the popular history review, Magazin Istoric. As noted by its editor, Titu Georgescu, Răutu had to be persuaded by more sympathetic party figures, including Niculescu-Mizil and Ștefan Voitec.[202] Also according to Georgescu, Răutu signed off on an order to double Magazin Istoric's circulation, but did so without realizing that the review was already published in 60,000 copies.[203] That year, he was similarly defeated in his attempt to prevent the regime from publishing a posthumous edition of Călinescu's main literary tract, Istoria literaturii.[204] Răutu's standing was again recognized in November, when he accompanied Ceaușescu to Moscow for the October Revolution's fiftieth anniversary, and on December 8, when he and Niculescu-Mizil were made supervisors of the Agitprop section.[205] At the central committee plenary of April 1968, Ceaușescu acknowledged Răutu and Valter Roman as rapporteurs on the social and economic education of Romanian youth, which they had deemed unsatisfactory.[206]
In August 1968, Ceaușescu increased his popularity by refusing to sanction the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia—effectively a standoff with the Soviet Union. As reported by Securitate sources, he came to be well-liked by anti-communist Romanians living in the West, though they feared that the deadlock would end in a Soviet coup, with Răutu at its helm.[207] In mid-1969, Răutu was quietly removed from his position within the secretariat, though not from the executive committee.[208] On March 13, 1969, Ceaușescu appointed Răutu as his deputy prime minister, in charge of supervising education. He served as such until April 24, 1972, when he became rector of Ștefan Gheorghiu Academy.[209] In February 1970, he was officially recommended for membership of the new Academy of Social and Political Sciences, formed by Constantinescu—one of the old Stalinists to be inducted, he served there alongside non-communists such as Daicoviciu, Mihai Berza, and Henri H. Stahl; both he and Constantinescu attempted "a sort of modernization of party propaganda", aimed at getting youth interested in Marxism-Leninism.[210]
Răutu had by then shown personal initiative in interpreting the party line and even anticipated Ceaușescu's ideological permutations. After the July Theses of 1971 put a stop to liberalization and introduced the more repressive phase of national communism, he welcomed Ceaușescu's commands as "a model in Marxist-Leninist analysis" and the subjugation of culture to political economy as "an active, revolutionary, attitude"; he also informed the party that the time had come for himself to reexamine his past and determine his own "mistakes".[211] In late 1972, he supported and obtained a ban on Liviu Ciulei's production of The Government Inspector, which he and other party men regarded as too forward, following a negative report from Baranga. Ciulei himself argued that his work was only targeted because of a "showdown" between Răutu and Popescu-Dumnezeu—since the latter had actively promoted the play.[212] Niculescu-Mizil was Răutu and Iliescu's successor at the Agitprop section, which now ran a more covert form of censorship.[213]
Răutu moved on to the lavishly furnished and overbudgeted Gheorghiu Academy,[214] where Mihail Oișteanu was already serving as a teaching cadre.[215] Here, Răutu set up a "Laboratory for Research into Contemporary Historical Progress", dedicated to defending communist dogma against "the illusion of technocracy". Tismăneanu argues that this think tank was merely "bizarre"; he describes Răutu's theories as "clichés" or "platitudes".[216] In April 1973, Răutu went to East Germany, speaking at an international conference which marked 125 years since The Communist Manifesto.[217] In early September of that year, he attended a meeting of communist-party schools convened by Jan Fojtík and Ladislav Hrzal in Prague;[218] in November, he was in Paris, a guest of the Institut Maurice Thorez.[219] Literary scholar Nicolae Manolescu recalls catching a glimpse of him in the seaside resort of Neptun, at some point in the mid 1970s. He "was sitting in a deckchair, reading French and American magazines. Even back when he was head of agitprop, Leonte Răutu, the intelligent and cultured man that he was, had access to all sources of cultural information that so many Romanian intellectuals could only long for."[213] As rector, Răutu presented the communist leader with a Ph.D. in Politics on Ceaușescu's 60th birthday in January 1978.[220] At that stage Răutu was assigned to the Party and State Committee which organized the 15th International Congress of Historical Sciences (Bucharest, 1980), which Ceaușescu intended to use for broadcasting Dacianist theories.[221]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/7b/Leonte_R%C4%83utu_receiving_the_Star_of_the_Romanian_Socialist_Republic_from_Nicolae_Ceau%C8%99escu%2C_1980-03-01.png/330px-Leonte_R%C4%83utu_receiving_the_Star_of_the_Romanian_Socialist_Republic_from_Nicolae_Ceau%C8%99escu%2C_1980-03-01.png)
In tandem, Răutu continued to serve in the MAN—after
From the early 1970s, Răutu was practically a widower. Natalia Răutu, plagued by episodic migraines since the 1940s, was diagnosed with viral encephalitis after slipping into a coma; she was kept under specialized care at Elias Hospital but never recovered,[227] dying on January 21, 1975.[25] The former head of Agitprop began noticing that the relatives of various communist potentates were using their relative freedom of travel and defecting to the West. Knowing that his own family had little appreciation for Ceaușescu, he expressed fears that, should the same happen to him, the central committee would never pardon it.[228]
Downfall and final years
Soviet archives suggest that, from as early as the 1940s, Răutu was one of the Romanian communists who had secretly broken with party discipline by asking Moscow to intervene in Romania's internal problems.[229] In the late 1970s, Brucan spoke at the University of Architecture, where he was openly asked by one student if Romania would ever press at the UN for the return of Bessarabia. According to his own recollections, Brucan entertained the question; this alarmed both the Securitate and Răutu as "irredentist propaganda", but Ceaușescu overruled them, explaining that Brucan had done nothing wrong.[230] A Securitate operative reported in August 1979 that Răutu and Ghizela Vass were perceived by at least one source as nomenklatura contacts for the KGB and the StB. According to such rumors, the two had "friendly meetings" with KGB sources and with each other, discussing "changes to the external agenda of our party and state."[231] In her 2010s recollections, historian Cornelia Bodea accused Răutu and Roman of making repeated attempts to prevent her from publishing evidence that some 40,000 Romanians had been massacred during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848; this incident formed part of renewed tensions between Hungary and Romania, which were carried into the field of history-writing.[232]
In 1981, Răutu allowed Romanian-born scholar Lilly Marcou to do research at Ștefan Gheorghiu. As Marcou reports: "[Răutu] allowed me to do my work, and helped me with it. [...] I had a meeting with the heads of departments, with the researchers at [this] institution, and I told them what I believed on what was happening in Romania: that it was a shame and a great bane for the country that all around I saw portraits of the Ceaușescus, that they were all one could see on TV etc. I spoke about that at the very core of the party. No one answered, but neither did they threaten me or contradict me."[233] Ceaușescu's austerity policy had already caused a rift between Romania and the West, prompting the regime to fall back on a stricter application of Marxist-Leninism. In March 1981, communist potentate Gogu Rădulescu informed his friends that, as a result of this transition, Răutu "jumped up" in political importance.[234]
Around that time, Răutu's son-in-law Andrei Coler and his daughter Lena applied for emigration to the United States.
This ouster left the former ideologist entirely isolated, a recluse on the Romanian political scene. In his report for the exile station
Răutu moved out into a regular house of protocol, and worked for the party's own History Institute.
Legacy
According to Vladimir Tismăneanu and Cristian Vasile, who cite various other authors, Răutu was not just responsible for cultural repression, but also for the characteristically "ill-adapted", "dull", and "
Perfectul acrobat este acela |
A perfect acrobat is that man |
Marxist dissident Alexandru Ivasiuc portrayed Răutu (as "Valeriu Trotușeanu") in the novel Cunoaștere de noapte ("Nightly Knowledge"): the fictional cat-like Răutu spins a web of arguments, admitting his minor errors to divert focus from his crimes.[259] Critic Nicolae Dragoș, who was in the process of moving from Stalinism to nationalism, made a point of saluting Ivasiuc's book: his own editorial for the review România Literară carried the unsettling title Te recunosc, domnule Trotușeanu ("I Recognize You, Mr. Trotușeanu").[260] A more nationalistic indictment of 1950s policies is found in Dinu Săraru's novel Dragostea și revoluția ("Love and Revolution"), where the antagonist, a politico by the name of "Anghel Tocsobie", is probably based on Răutu.[261] Presumably, the national communists allowed such works to see print because they helped remind Răutu that he was always under their scrutiny.[262]
Although Ceaușescu countersigned Răutu's downfall and allowed a condemnation of Răutu's erstwhile proteges, little was published on the ideologist's own career, and almost no negative reinvestigation saw print before 1989. Researchers such as Ileana Vrancea and Ion Cristoiu, who tackled the more delicate subjects of Stalinist culture and were condemned by the communist press as borderline dissidents, refrained from even mentioning Răutu by name.[263] Benefiting from his seniority in the communist movement, academician Iorgu Iordan made at least one reference to Răutu's problematic decision-making, even before Răutu had been sidelined: Iordan's version of events is preserved in his 1979 memoirs.[264]
Răutu's contribution as a propagandist was entirely absent from official reference works such as the 1978 biographical dictionary of Romanian historiography.
Răutu's daughter Anca Oroveanu and her husband Mihai Oroveanu stayed behind in Romania after the Colers left for America, and continued to visit Răutu.[246] Mihai Oroveanu, a noted art photographer, is a co-founder of the National Museum of Contemporary Art.[268] Anca Oroveanu is an art historian, known for her studies in postmodern art;[269] reportedly, in the early 1990s she was publicly scorned for her origins. Writing at the time, essayist and former dissident Dorin Tudoran noted that the attack was antisemitic, whereas pointing out that Leonte Răutu happened to be Jewish was not antisemitic.[270] Răutu's nephews are anthropologist Andrei Oișteanu and poet Valery Oisteanu; the latter directly challenged his uncle by promoting the literary avant-garde in the 1960s.[271]
Notes
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 61–62
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 61. See also Dobre et al., p. 508
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 62–63, 123–124
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 22, 23
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q (in Romanian) Biografiile nomenklaturii, at the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile site; accessed 12 May 2012
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 23, 63
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 63
- ^ a b c d Dobre et al., p. 508
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 508–509; Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 18, 39, 444. See also Betea et al., p. 46
- ^ a b Burcea, p. 61
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 63–64
- ^ Dobre et al., p. 51
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 18–20, 22, 23, 33, 57–58, 82–86
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 15, 21, 73, 131–132
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 58
- ^ Boia, p. 295
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 18, 51, 68–69, 76, 82–86
- ^ Nastasă, pp. 18–19
- ^ Brucan, p. 90
- ^ "Spioni sovietici arestați in Nordul Basarabiei", in Cuvântul, August 20, 1930, p. 3
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 24, 39, 65, 71, 97. See also Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ a b Dobre et al., p. 509; Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 39
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 39
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 62, 63–64
- ^ a b Comitetul Foștilor Luptători Antifasciști din Republica Socialistă România, "Natalia Răutu", in Scînteia, January 22, 1975, p. 5
- ^ (in Romanian) Iulia Popovici, "Viața și moartea unui comunist basarabean. Iuri Korotkov, tatăl Kirei Muratova", in Observator Cultural, Issue 880, July 2017
- ^ Burcea, p. 60; Robert Levy, "O abordare psihologică a nomenclaturii comuniste. Banda care a condus România", in Dosarele Istoriei, Vol I, Issue 4, 1996, p. 15
- ^ Tănase, p. 20
- OCLC 476356021
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 24, 65
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 65
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 24, 39, 65. See also Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ Betea et al., p. 46
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 64
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 66
- ^ Dobre et al., p. 509. See also Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 66
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 69
- ^ Câmpeanu, pp. 152, 170; Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 25, 29–30, 32, 39, 65–72, 445. See also Betea et al., p. 46; Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ Câmpeanu, p. 170
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 25, 66–67
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 32, 39, 40. See also Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ Boia, p. 292
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 71, 76. See also Burcea, p. 17
- ^ Miron Radu Paraschivescu, "Viața culturală. Note. Temeiurile democrației", in Scînteia, September 20, 1946, p. 2
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 30, 72–76, 86–88, 92–93, 96–97, 111, 143–144
- ^ Miron Radu Paraschivescu, "Viața culturală. Revista revistelor", in Scînteia, September 27, 1946, p. 2
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 70, 92–93
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 62–63, 70, 123–124
- ^ Câmpeanu, pp. 181–183
- ^ Câmpeanu, p. 183
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 267, 509
- ^ "Caleidoscop. Realismul socialist în arta și literatura sovietică. Conferința d-lui L. Răutu", in Adevărul, March 30, 1947, p. 2
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 43–45
- ^ Ioan Lăcustă, "În Bucureşti, acum 50 ani", in Magazin Istoric, June 1998, p. 89
- ^ "Comemorarea marelui filosof revoluționar rus V. G. Belinski. Conferința tov. L. Răutu, membru al C. C. al P. M. R., la Casa Prieteniei Sovieto–Române", in Zori Noi, June 11, 1948, pp. 1, 4
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 166–167, 170–173, 177
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 167, 171, 173–177
- ^ (in Romanian) Florin Mihai, "PCR și evreii din România", in Jurnalul Național, March 25, 2008
- ^ "Alegerea delegaților la Congresul P.U.M. Sub președinția tov. Chișinevschi a avut loc Adunarea generală a delegaților P.U.M. din Capitală", in Scînteia, January 28, 1948, p. 3
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 27–34, 38–39, 44–45, 109–111, 115, 445
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 216–224, 230
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 236–245
- ^ Ciocan, p. 304
- ^ Ciocan, p. 304; Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 241
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 26, 30–31
- ^ Ciocan, pp. 303–304
- ^ Pleșa, p. 168; Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 20–21, 30–31, 33, 38–39, 41, 69, 113, 126–127, 179, 226–232, 444
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 178–179
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 179
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 180–182
- ^ "O conferință în legătură cu aniversarea a 30 ani dela înființarea Comsomolului", in Universul, October 19, 1948, p. 3
- ^ Tănase, pp. 20, 21
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 26, 41–42, 101–102
- ^ Boia, p. 305; Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 42
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 30, 117, 243, 319
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 45, 252–253
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 45, 123. See also Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ (in Romanian) Ilie Rad, Mircea Malița, "Roller și Răutu nu ieșeau din vorba lui Sadoveanu", România Literară, Issue 14/2013
- ^ Martinescu, pp. 108–109, 246–247
- ^ Ioan Scurtu, "1950: Cine merge la Institutul francez să fie arestat, iar Zaharia Stancu să fie exclus din partid...", in Magazin Istoric, January 1998, pp. 44–45
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 239–240
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 26
- ^ Bentoiu, pp. 188–189
- ^ Bentoiu, pp. 317–318
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 261–265
- ^ Gheorghe Grigurcu, "Cronica literară. Duplicitatea lui Titus Popovici", in România Literară, Issue 47/2000, p. 5
- ^ (in Romanian) G. Brătescu, "Uniunea Ziariștilor Profesioniști, 1919–2009. Compendiu aniversar", in Mesagerul de Bistrița-Năsăud, December 11, 2009
- ^ Andrei Florin Sora, "Comunizarea administrației românești: sfaturile populare (1949–1950)", in Revista de Istorie, Vol. XXXIII, Issues 3–4, 2012, pp. 404–405
- ^ Martinescu, p. 214
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 16, 32–33, 70
- ^ Bogdan Ivașcu, "'Devierea de dreapta' în PMR Arad: epurări în aparatul de partid", in Arad Museum Complex (ed.), Istoricul Liviu Mărghitan la a 70-a aniversare, pp. 342–343. Arad: Editura Ramira, 2007
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 32
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 267–270
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 275–276, 281
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 49
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 316–318
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 116
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 318–319
- ^ Nicolae Manolescu, Petre Popescu Gogan, "Dosar George Călinescu", in România Literară, Issues 51–52/1999, pp. 21, 24
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 281
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 117
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 20, 25–26, 111, 142–146
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 45, 76–81, 92–95, 103–108, 323–327
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 19, 110–112, 150–151, 248–250
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 16–17
- ^ Martinescu, p. 262
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 17, 19, 28, 30–31
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 19-20, 26, 112
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 111–113, 237
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 17, 30, 35
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 30, 35, 42, 95–96
- ^ Al. Săndulescu, "Istorie literară. Instituția Tudor Vianu", România Literară, Issue 3/1999, p. 11
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 137
- ^ Bentoiu, p. 323
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 47–48
- ^ Velimirovici, pp. 51–75
- ^ (in Romanian) Octavian Cojocaru, "Ceaușescu: 'E adevărat că am făcut o prostie când am distrus Flacăra Ploiești' ", in Evenimentul Zilei, July 18, 2008
- ISBN 978-606-8377-57-5. See also Dobre et al., p. 8
- ISBN 978-606-8006-60-4
- ^ Dobre et al., p. 508; Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 44, 109, 445
- ^ (in Romanian) Mircea Coloșenco, "Poetul comunist – stigmatizat de comuniști", in Observator Cultural, Issues 556–557, December 2010
- ^ Verona, p. 108
- ISBN 0-520-01762-5
- ^ Pleșa, p. 174
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 16, 28, 71–72, 111, 121
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 18, 32
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 16, 97–98, 111, 121
- ^ Radu Bogdan, "Corneliu Baba, o conștiință în evul mediu întunecat", in România Literară, Issue 4/1997, pp. 12–14
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 35
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 35, 44, 96, 104–105, 147
- ^ Betea et al., p. 21
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 137–140
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 349–380
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 27
- ^ Betea et al., p. 29
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 49–51, 106–107
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 344–346
- ^ Velimirovici, p. 53
- ^ Șerban Papacostea, "Andrei Oțetea, Director al Institutului de istorie 'Nicolae Iorga'", in Revista Istorică, Vol. 5, Issues 7–8, July–August 1994, pp. 634–635
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 17, 102–103, 110
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 115
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 33–34, 133–134
- ^ Niculescu-Mizil, pp. 155–157
- ^ Niculescu-Mizil, pp. 201–202
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 17, 35, 50–51, 103–104
- ^ Bentoiu, pp. 586–587
- ^ Bottoni, p. 207
- ^ (in Romanian) Sanda Cordoș, "Ion Vinea în timpul totalitarismelor (II)", in Transilvania, Issue 3/2012, pp. 18, 20
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 91–92, 110
- ^ a b c (in Romanian) Ștefan Cazimir, "Întîlnire G. Călinescu – Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej", in România Literară, Issue 41/2000
- ^ Piru, p. 1
- ^ M. Raf., "Primim la redacție. Cărți, reviste și scînteieri de geniu", in Minimum, Vol. IV, Issue 45, December 1990, p. 49
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 23, 103
- ^ Bottoni, p. 273
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 51
- ISBN 973-85738-4-X
- ISBN 978-973-125-265-0
- ^ Brucan, pp. 90–91
- ^ Bottoni, pp. 284, 286
- ^ Nastasă, pp. 22–23, 65
- ^ Vasile, p. 145
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 41–44
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 18
- ^ Grigore A. Aldea, "Un anticomunist fervent: Brutus Coste", in Vitralii – Lumini și Umbre, Vol. IV, Issue 13, December 2012–February 2013, p. 27
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 381, 383, 393
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 27, 113–115
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 71–72
- ^ Aurelia Vasile, "Tudor", in Magazin Istoric, May 2010, pp. 84–85
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 33, 42, 99, 101–102, 116–117
- ^ (in Romanian) Cornel Ungureanu, "Zaharia Stancu, în luptele cu 'înalta societate' ", in România Literară, Issue 15/2007
- ^ (in Romanian) Florina Pîrjol, "Destinul unui formator de gusturi. De la savoarea 'pastilei' gastronomice la gustul fad al compromisului", in Transilvania, Issue 12/2011, pp. 21–22
- ^ (in Romanian) Iulian Marcel Ciubotaru, "Un document de arhivă inedit: autobiografia poetului George Mărgărit", in Convorbiri Literare, September 2011
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 122–123
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 90–93
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 97–98
- ^ Niculescu-Mizil, pp. 83, 228–229, 233
- December 1 University of Alba Iulia's Series Historica, Issue 9/I, 2005, pp. 231–240. See also Niculescu-Mizil, pp. 83–84
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 28, 114
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 439-442
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 112–113, 114, 117, 118–119
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 33, 39, 99–100
- ^ "Meridiane. Cei Trei T", in România Literară, Issue 12/1997, p. 23
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 28, 33, 121
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 121
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 43
- ^ Niculescu-Mizil, pp. 63, 386–387. See also Betea et al., p. 133; Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 28
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 16–17, 28–30, 32–33, 97–101
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 98
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 81–82. See also Verona, p. 189
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 135, 137; Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 115
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 134–136, 156–157, 194–195; Dobre et al., p. 508; Niculescu-Mizil, p. 363
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 143–145
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 16, 508
- ^ (in Romanian) Lavinia Betea, "Cum a obținut Ceaușescu diplomele de Bacalaureat și licență în științe economice", in Adevărul, April 25, 2012
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 145–146; Vasile, pp. 145–146
- ^ Vasile, pp. 145–146
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 98–99, 121–122
- ^ Betea et al., p. 150
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 194–195
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 121–123
- ^ Georgescu, pp. 96–97
- ^ Georgescu, p. 97
- ^ Piru, p. 7
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 273, 285–287
- ^ "Lucrările plenarei Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist Român. Cuvîntarea tovarășului Nicolae Ceaușescu la încheierea dezbaterilor privind dezvoltarea învățămîntului de cultură generală, profesional, tehnic și superior în Republica Socialistă România", in Cuvîntul Nou. Organ al Comitetului Județean Covasna al P.C.R. și al Consiliului Popular Județean Provizoriu, April 27, 1968, p. 2
- ^ Elis-Neagoe-Pleșa, "Starea de spirit a populației din România în timpul evenimentelor din Cehoslovacia (1968)", in Caietele CNSAs, Vol. I, Issue 2, 2008, p. 306
- ^ Betea et al., pp. 365–366
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 44–45, 509. See also Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 28–29, 34, 53, 101, 445
- ^ Cosmin Popa, "Intelectualii în capcana ceaușismului sau înființarea Academiei de Științe Sociale și Politice", in Revista Română de Sociologie, Vol. XXVIII, Issues 1–2, 2017, pp. 18, 30
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 99–101
- ^ Morariu, p. 37
- ^ a b c Nicolae Manolescu, "Editorial. Un pilon al culturii comuniste", in România Literară, Issue 37/1993, p. 1
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 54
- ^ "Viața științifică. Masă rotundă. Dezbateri privind regimul social-politic din România în perioada anilor 1864–1918", in Anale de Istorie, Vol. XV, Issue 4, 1969, pp. 176–177; "Consfătuirile cadrelor didactice", in Făclia, September 11, 1973, p. 1
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 34
- România Liberă, March 17, 1973, p. 6
- Rudé Právo, Issue 211/1973, p. 1
- România Liberă, November 7, 1973, p. 5
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 29, 161
- ^ Velimirovici, pp. 197–198, 228
- România Liberă, February 1, 1979, p. 1
- ^ (in Romanian) Mircea Mihăieș, "Să ne prefacem că nici n-am auzit", in România Literară, Issue 43/2006; Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 29, 48–49, 53–54, 127–128
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 55
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 53
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 53, 54–55, 128, 162. See also Dobre et al., p. 509
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 69–70
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 56
- ^ Betea et al., p. 367
- ^ Brucan, pp. 152–154
- ^ Ștefan Popa, "Microarhiva Magazin Istoric", in Magazin Istoric, November 2007, p. 23
- ISBN 978-606-693-123-6
- ^ Gabriela David, "'Ideea comunistă nu știu dacă va reveni curînd'. Interviu, în exclusivitate, cu d-na Lilly Marcou", in Dosarele Istoriei, Vol. III, Issue 7, 1998, p. 63
- ^ Mircea Zaciu, "Exerciții de despărțire (XXXII)", in Vatra, Vol. XXIII, Issue 264, March 1993, p. 14
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 56, 128–129. See also Betea et al., p. 46; Niculescu-Mizil, p. 387
- ^ K. Károly, "Romániai levél", in Hídfő–Hungarian Week, Vol. XXXV, Issue 853, May 1982, p. 3
- ^ Morariu, p. 42. See also Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 56–57, 128–129, 446–447
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 45–46, 508, 509
- ^ Niculescu-Mizil, p. 387
- ^ Dobre et al., pp. 508, 509
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 15, 444
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 57, 447–448
- ^ Dan Culcer, "Seismograme. Fragmente din Jurnalul unui vulcanolog (I)", in Vatra, Vol. XXVII, Issue 339, June 1999, p. 73
- ^ Morariu, pp. 41–42
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 29
- ^ a b Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 129
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 36, 129
- ^ (in Romanian) Mihaela Grancea, "A comemora sau a celebra? Ambiguitățile istoriei recente și ale autopercepțiilor legate de Revoluția din Decembrie 1989 (II)", in Cultura, Issue 306, January 2011
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 36, 52, 106, 129–130
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 36
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 160
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 37, 42–43, 129
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 37
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 57–59
- Dilema Veche, Issue 320, January 2010
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 18, 22, 71, 146–147
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 98–99
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, p. 120
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 34–35, 48, 49, 57, 115–116
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 34, 48, 116
- ISBN 973-681-794-6
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 48–49
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 31–32
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 17, 31, 45–46, 48
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 20–21, 117–119, 130
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 102, 118–119
- ^ Tismăneanu & Vasile, pp. 36–37, 51–52, 130
- ^ (in Romanian) Rodica Palade, Mihai Oroveanu, "Arta de a selecționa și de a compune", in Revista 22, Issue 664, December 2002
- ^ (in Romanian) Adelina Morcov, "Istoria artei. Anca Oroveanu, Rememorare și uitare", in Observator Cultural, Issue 272, June 2005
- ^ Dorin Tudoran, "Contur. Rasismul invers (IV). Sîntem ceea ce sînt opiniile noastre", in România Literară, Issue 39/1990, p. 18
- ^ (in Romanian) Dan C. Mihăilescu, "Arta descoaserii (II)", in Ziarul Financiar, January 13, 2006; Peter Sragher, "Cum dispare Valery Oișteanu în sunetele vocii sale", in Ziarul Financiar, July 1, 2010
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