Flapping

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For other uses, see Flap (disambiguation).
History and description of
English pronunciation
Historical stages
General development
Development of vowels
Development of consonants
Variable features
Related topics
This article contains phonetic transcriptions in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA. For the distinction between [ ], / / and ⟨ ⟩, see IPA § Brackets and transcription delimiters.

Flapping or tapping, also known as alveolar flapping, intervocalic flapping, or t-voicing, is a

ɾ̃
], making winter sound similar or identical to winner.

Flapping of /t/ is sometimes perceived as the replacement of /t/ with /d/; for example, the word butter pronounced with flapping may be heard as "budder".[2]

In other dialects of English, such as

Northern England English (like Scouse), and older varieties of Received Pronunciation, the flap is a variant of /r/ (see Pronunciation of English /r/).[3]

Terminology and articulation

The terms

flap and tap are often used synonymously, although some authors make a distinction between them. When the distinction is made, a flap involves a rapid backward and forward movement of the tongue tip, while a tap involves an upward and downward movement.[4] Linguists disagree on whether the sound produced in the present process is a flap or a tap, and by extension on whether the process is better called flapping or tapping,[5] while flapping has traditionally been more widely used.[6][7] Derrick & Gick (2011) identify four types of sounds produced in the process: alveolar tap, down-flap, up-flap, and postalveolar tap (found in autumn, Berta, otter, and murder, respectively).[8]

In

d], which occurs especially in the words little [ˈlɪdʊ], hospital [ˈɒspɪdʊ] and whatever [wɒˈdɛvə]. That too results in a (variable) merger with /d/, whereas the tap does not.[9]

In

d].[10]

Distribution

Examples of flapping in American English
"Betty Botter" tongue twister
A recitation of the tongue twister "Betty Botter" with flapping
Pronunciation of latter and ladder with and without flapping
[ˈlætɚ ˈlædɚ ˈlæɾɚ]
Pronunciation of winter and winner with and without flapping
[ˈwɪntɚ ˈwɪnɚ ˈwɪɾ̃ɚ]
Pronunciation of seventy with and without t-voicing, and with flapping
[ˈsɛvn̩ti ˈsɛvn̩di ˈsɛvɨɾ̃i]
Problems playing these files? See media help.

Flapping of /t/ and /d/ is a prominent feature of North American English. Some linguists consider it obligatory for most American dialects to flap /t/ between a stressed and an unstressed vowel.[7][11] Flapping of /t/ also occurs in Australian, New Zealand and (especially Northern) Irish English, and more infrequently or variably in South African English, Cockney, and Received Pronunciation.[12][13][14]

The exact conditions for flapping in North American English are unknown, although it is widely understood that it occurs in an alveolar stop, /t/ or /d/, when placed between two vowels, provided the second vowel is unstressed (as in butter, writing, wedding, loader).[6][15] Across word boundaries, however, it can occur between any two vowels, provided the second vowel begins a word (as in get over [ɡɛɾˈoʊvɚ]).[6][15] This extends to morphological boundaries within compound words (as in whatever [ˌwʌɾˈɛvɚ]).[16] In addition to vowels, segments that may precede the flap include /r/ (as in party)[11][17] and occasionally /l/ (as in faulty).[18][19] Flapping after /l/ is more common in Canadian English than in American English.[20] Syllabic /l/ may also follow the flap (as in bottle).[21] Flapping of /t/ before syllabic /n/ (as in button) is observed in Australian English,[22] while [t] (with nasal release) and [ʔ] (t-glottalization) are the only possibilities in North American English.[23]

reduced one (namely /ə/, morpheme-final or prevocalic /i, oʊ/, or /ɪ/ preceding /ŋ/, /k/, etc.[a]),[25][26] so words like botox, retail, and latex are not flapped in spite of the primary stress on the first syllables,[11] while pity, motto, and Keating can be.[25] The second syllables in the former set of words can thus be considered as having secondary stress.[6]

Word-medial flapping is also prohibited in

foot-initial positions. This prevents words such as militaristic, spirantization, and Mediterranean from flapping, despite capitalistic and alphabetization, for example, being flapped. This is known as the Withgott effect.[27][28]

In North American English, the cluster /nt/ (but not /nd/) in the same environment as flapped /t/ may be realized as a

nasal flap [ɾ̃]. Intervocalic /n/ is also often realized as a nasal flap, so words like winter and winner can become homophonous.[29] According to Wells (1982), in the United States, Southerners tend to pronounce winter and winner identically, while Northerners, especially those from the east coast, tend to retain the distinction, pronouncing winter with [ɾ̃] or [nt] and winner with [n].[30]

Given these intricacies, it is difficult to formulate a phonological rule that accurately predicts flapping.[7] Nevertheless, Vaux (2000) postulates that it applies to alveolar stops:

  • after a sonorant other than l, m, or ŋ, but with restrictions on n;
  • before an unstressed vowel within words, or before any vowel across a word boundary;
  • when not in foot-initial position.[31]

Exceptions include the preposition/particle to and words derived from it, such as today, tonight, tomorrow, and together, wherein /t/ may be flapped when intervocalic (as in go to sleep [ˌɡoʊɾəˈslip]).

voicing /t/, although it may still become [ɾ̃] in rapid speech.[35][36]

Homophony

Flapping is a specific type of

d], yielding a variable merger of little and Lidl.[38]
For speakers with the merger, the following utterances sound the same or almost the same:

Homophonous pairs
/-t-, -nt-/ /-d-, -n-/ IPA Notes
aborting aboarding əˈbɔɹɾɪŋ
alighted elided əˈlaɪɾəd With
weak vowel merger
.
ante Annie ˈæɾ̃i
anti- Annie ˈæɾ̃i
at 'em Adam ˈæɾəm
at 'em add 'em ˈæɾəm
atom Adam ˈæɾəm
atom add 'em ˈæɾəm
auntie Annie ˈæɾ̃i
banter banner ˈbæɾ̃əɹ
batter badder ˈbæɾəɹ
batty baddie ˈbæɾi
beating beading ˈbiːɾɪŋ
Bertie birdie ˈbəɹɾi With
fern-fir-fur merger
.
Bertie Birdy; Birdie ˈbəɹɾi With
fern-fir-fur merger
.
betting bedding ˈbɛɾɪŋ
biting biding ˈbaɪɾɪŋ
bitter bidder ˈbɪɾəɹ
bitting bidding ˈbɪɾɪŋ
bitty biddy ˈbɪɾi
blatter bladder ˈblæɾəɹ
bleating bleeding ˈbliːɾɪŋ
boating boding ˈboʊɾɪŋ
bruter brooder ˈbɹuːɾəɹ With
yod-dropping
after /ɹ/.
butting budding ˈbʌɾɪŋ
butty buddy ˈbʌɾi
canter canner ˈkæɾ̃əɹ
canton cannon ˈkæɾ̃ən
canton canon ˈkæɾ̃ən
carting carding ˈkɑɹɾɪŋ
catty caddy ˈkæɾi
centre; center sinner ˈsɪɾ̃əɹ With
pen–pin merger
.
chanting Channing ˈt͡ʃæɾ̃ɪŋ
cited sided ˈsaɪɾɨd
citer cider ˈsaɪɾəɹ
clotting clodding ˈklɒɾɪŋ
coating coding ˈkoʊɾɪŋ
courting chording ˈkɔɹɾɪŋ
courting cording ˈkɔɹɾɪŋ
cuttle cuddle ˈkʌɾəl
cutty cuddy ˈkʌɾi
daughter dodder ˈdɑɾəɹ With
cot-caught merger
.
daunting dawning ˈdɔɾ̃ɪŋ
daunting donning ˈdɑɾ̃ɪŋ With
cot-caught merger
.
debtor deader ˈdɛɾəɹ
diluted deluded dɪˈluːɾəd
don't it doughnut ˈdoʊɾ̃ət With
toe-tow merger
.
dotter dodder ˈdɑɾəɹ
doughty dowdy ˈdaʊɾi
eluted alluded əˈluːɾəd With
weak vowel merger
.
eluted eluded ɪˈluːɾəd
enter in a ˈɪɾ̃ə In
pen-pin merger
.
enter inner ˈɪɾ̃əɹ With
pen-pin merger
.
eta Ada ˈeɪɾə
fated faded ˈfeɪɾɨd
flutter flooder ˈflʌɾəɹ
fontal faunal ˈfɑɾ̃əl With
cot-caught merger
.
futile feudal ˈfjuːɾəl With
weak vowel merger
.
garter guarder ˈgɑɹɾəɹ
gaunter goner ˈgɑɾ̃əɹ With
cot-caught merger
.
goated goaded ˈgoʊɾəd
grater grader ˈɡɹeɪɾəɹ
greater grader ˈɡɹeɪɾəɹ
gritted gridded ˈgɹɪɾəd
gritty
Griddy
 ˈɡɹɪɾi
hearty hardy ˈhɑːɹɾi
heated heeded ˈhiːɾɨd With
meet-meat merger
.
Hetty; Hettie heady ˈhɛɾi
hurting herding ˈhɜːɹɾɪŋ With
fern-fir-fur merger
.
inter- in a ˈɪɾ̃ə In
non-rhotic
accents.
inter- inner ˈɪɾ̃əɹ
iter eider ˈaɪɾəɹ
jaunty Johnny ˈd͡ʒɑɾ̃i With
cot-caught
merger.
jointing joining ˈd͡ʒɔɪɾ̃ɪŋ
kitted kidded ˈkɪɾɨd
kitty kiddie ˈkɪɾi
knotted nodded ˈnɒɾɨd
latter ladder ˈlæɾəɹ
lauded lotted ˈlɑɾəd With
cot-caught merger
.
linty Lenny ˈlɪɾ̃i With
pen-pin merger
.
liter leader ˈliːɾəɹ With
meet-meat merger
.
little Lidl ˈlɪɾəl
looter lewder ˈluːɾəɹ With
yod-dropping
after /l/.
manta manna ˈmæɾ̃ə
manta manner ˈmæɾ̃ə In
non-rhotic
accents.
manta manor ˈmæɾ̃ə In
non-rhotic
accents.
Marty Mardi ˈmɑːɹɾi In the term Mardi Gras.
matter madder ˈmæɾəɹ
mattocks Maddox ˈmæɾəks
meant it minute ˈmɪɾ̃ɨt With
pen–pin merger
.
metal medal ˈmɛɾəl
metal meddle ˈmɛɾəl
mettle medal ˈmɛɾəl
mettle meddle ˈmɛɾəl
minty many ˈmɪɾ̃i With
pen–pin merger
.
minty mini ˈmɪɾ̃i
minty Minnie ˈmɪɾ̃i
motile modal ˈmoʊɾəl With
weak vowel merger
.
mottle model ˈmɑɾəl
mutter mudder ˈmʌɾəɹ
neater kneader ˈniːɾəɹ
neuter nuder ˈnuːɾəɹ, ˈnjuːɾəɹ, ˈnɪuɾəɹ
nighter nidor ˈnaɪɾəɹ
nitre; niter nidor ˈnaɪɾəɹ
noted noded ˈnoʊɾɨd
oater odour; odor ˈoʊɾəɹ
otter odder ˈɒɾəɹ
painting paining ˈpeɪɾ̃ɪŋ
panting panning ˈpæɾ̃ɪŋ
parity parody ˈpæɹəɾi With
weak vowel merger
patter padder ˈpæɾəɹ
patting padding ˈpæɾɪŋ
patty paddy ˈpæɾi
petal pedal ˈpɛɾəl
petal peddle ˈpɛɾəl
pettle pedal ˈpɛɾəl
pettle peddle ˈpɛɾəl
platted plaided ˈplæɾəd
planting planning ˈplæɾ̃ɪŋ
pleating pleading ˈpliːɾɪŋ
plenty Pliny ˈplɪɾ̃i With
pen–pin merger
.
plotting plodding ˈplɒɾɪŋ
potted podded ˈpɒɾɨd
pouter powder ˈpaʊɾəɹ
punting punning ˈpʌɾ̃ɪŋ
putting pudding ˈpʊɾɪŋ
rated raided ˈɹeɪɾɨd With
pane-pain merger
.
rattle raddle ˈɹæɾəl
righting riding ˈɹaɪɾɪŋ
roti roadie ˈɹoʊɾi
rooter ruder ˈɹuːɾəɹ With
yod-dropping
after /ɹ/.
rotting rodding ˈɹɒɾɪŋ
router ruder ˈɹuːɾəɹ With
yod-dropping
after /ɹ/.
runty runny ˈɹʌɾ̃i
rutty ruddy ˈɹʌɾi
sainting seining ˈseɪɾ̃ɪŋ
Saturday sadder day ˈsæɾəɹdeɪ
satyr Seder ˈseɪɾəɹ
saunter sauna ˈsɔɾ̃ə In
non-rhotic
accents.
scented synod ˈsɪɾ̃əd With
pen-pin merger
.
scenting sinning ˈsɪɾ̃ɪŋ With
pen-pin merger
.
seating seeding ˈsiːɾɪŋ With
meet-meat merger
.
sent it senate ˈsɛɾ̃ɨt
set it said it ˈsɛɾɨt
shunting shunning ˈʃʌɾ̃ɪŋ
shutter shudder ˈʃʌɾəɹ
sighted sided ˈsaɪɾɨd
sighter cider ˈsaɪɾəɹ
sinter sinner ˈsɪɾ̃əɹ
sited sided ˈsaɪɾɨd
skitting skidding ˈskɪɾɪŋ
sorted sordid ˈsɔɹɾɨd
slighting sliding ˈslaɪɾɪŋ
stunting stunning ˈstʌɾ̃ɪŋ
tarty tardy ˈtɑɹɾi
tenter tenner ˈtɛɾ̃əɹ
tenter tenor ˈtɛɾ̃əɹ
tenting tinning ˈtɪɾɪŋ With
pen-pin merger
.
title tidal ˈtaɪɾəl
toting toading ˈtoʊɾɪŋ
traitor trader ˈtɹeɪɾəɹ With
pane-pain merger
.
tutor Tudor ˈtuːɾəɹ, ˈtjuːɾəɹ, ˈtɪuɾəɹ
tweeted tweeded ˈtwiːɾəd
utter udder ˈʌɾəɹ
waiter wader ˈweɪɾəɹ With
pane-pain merger
.
wattle waddle ˈwɑɾəl
weighted waded ˈweɪɾəd With
pane-pain merger
.
wetting wedding ˈwɛɾɪŋ
winter winner ˈwɪɾ̃əɹ
wheated weeded ˈwiːɾəd With
wine-whine merger
.
whiter wider ˈwaɪɾəɹ With
wine–whine merger
.
writing riding ˈɹaɪɾɪŋ

In accents characterized by

pre-fortis clipping.[40]

Withgott effect

In a dissertation in 1982, M.M. Withgott demonstrated that, among speakers of American English, words seem to be chunked into pronunciation units she referred to as a foot, similar to a metrical unit in poetry. Such chunking was said to block flapping in the word ‘Mediterranean’ ([[Medi[terranean] ], cf. [ [sub[terranean]]). How a word is chunked relates to its morphological derivation, as seen by contrasting morphologically similar pairs such as the following (where the vertical bar shows where Withgott argued there is boundary between neighboring feet):

Initial-type t vs. flapped-t
military [ˈmɪlɨ | tʰɛɹi] vs. capital [ˈkʰæpɨɾl̩]
militaristic [ˌmɪlɨ | tʰəˈɹɪstɪk] vs. capitalistic [ˌkʰæpɨɾə | ˈlɪstɪk]

The medial t in càpitalístic can be flapped as easily as in post-stress cátty [ˈkʰæɾi], in contrast to the medial t in mìlitarístic, which comes at the beginning of a foot, and so must be pronounced as [tʰ], like a t at the beginning of a word.

Long, seemingly monomorphemic words also are chunked in English for purposes of pronunciation. In such words [t]’s — as well as the other unvoiced stops — are pronounced like initial segments whenever they receive secondary stress or are at the beginning of a foot:

Navra tilóva

Abra cadábra

Ala kazám

Rázz matàzz

But:

Fliberti gibety

Humu humu nuku nuku apu a‘a

T-to-R rule

The origins of the T-to-R rule lie in the flapping of /t/ and the subsequent reinterpretation of the flap as /r/, which was then followed by the use of the prevailing variant of /r/, namely the approximant [

Northern England English and it is always stigmatized. The application of that rule means that shut in the phrasal verb to shut up /ʃʊrˈʊp/ has a different phonemic form than the citation form of the verb to shut /ʃʊt/. The rule is typically not applied in the word-internal position.[41]

The T-to-R rule has also been reported to occur in the

Cardiff dialect (where the merged consonant can surface as either an approximant or a flap) and South African English (where only a flap is possible). In the Cardiff dialect, the rule is typically applied between any vowel (including long vowels) and /ə/ or the reduced /ɪ/ (also across word boundaries), so that starting /ˈstaːtɪŋ/ and starring /ˈstaːrɪŋ/ can be homophonous as [ˈstaːɹɪn ~ ˈstaːɾɪn]. In South African English, the merger is possible only for those speakers who use the flapped allophone of /r/ (making the starting–starring minimal pair homophonous as [ˈstɑːɾɪŋ]), otherwise the sounds are distinguished as a flap (or a voiceless stop) for /t/ ([ˈstɑːɾɪŋ ~ stɑːtɪŋ]) vs. approximant for /r/ ([ˈstɑːɹɪŋ]). There, the merger occurs word-internally between vowels in those environments where flapping is possible in North American English.[42][43]

Homophonous pairs
/t/ /r/ IPA Notes
battle barrel ˈbæɾəl
batty Barrie ˈbæɾi
batty Barry ˈbæɾi
betty berry ˈbɛɾi
but a borough ˈbəɾə In Cardiff English. But has an alternative form /bə/, with an elided /t/.[44]
butter borough ˈbʌɾə
catty carry ˈkæɾi
catty kar(r)ee ˈkæɾi
daughter Dora ˈdɔːɾə
Fetty ferry ˈfɛɾi
hotter horror ˈhɒɾə
jetty jerry ˈd͡ʒɛɾi
Lottie lorry ˈlɒɾi
matty marry ˈmæɾi
otter horror ˈɒɾə With h-dropping.
petty Perry ˈpɛɾi
starting starring ˈstɑːɾɪŋ
tarty tarry ˈtɑːɾi Tarry in the sense "resembling tar".

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Since North American English normally lacks the distinction between /ɪ/ and /ə/ in unstressed positions, there is variability among linguists and dictionaries in the treatment of unstressed vowels pronounced as /ɪ/ in other varieties of English that have the distinction. They are usually identified as /ɪ/ before palato-alveolar and velar consonants (/ʃ, tʃ, dʒ, k, ɡ, ŋ/) and in prefixes such as re-, e-, de-, and as /ə/ elsewhere.[24]

References

  1. ^ Wells (1982), p. 325.
  2. ^ E.g. in Fox (2011:158).
  3. ^ Ogden (2009), p. 92.
  4. ^ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 175–6.
  5. ^ a b Wells (1982), p. 249.
  6. ^ a b c d de Jong (1998), p. 284.
  7. ^ a b c Shockey (2003), p. 29.
  8. ^ Derrick & Gick (2011), pp. 309–12.
  9. ^ Wells (1982), p. 326.
  10. ^ Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 91–2.
  11. ^ a b c Goldsmith (2011), p. 191.
  12. ^ Shockey (2003), p. 30.
  13. ^ Trudgill & Hannah (2008), pp. 24, 30, 35, 104.
  14. ^ Hickey (2007), p. 115.
  15. ^ a b Goldsmith (2011), pp. 191–2.
  16. ^ Hualde (2011), p. 2230.
  17. ^ Hayes (2009), p. 143.
  18. ^ Boberg (2015), p. 236.
  19. ^ Jones (2011), p. xi.
  20. ^ Brinton & Fee (2001), p. 428.
  21. ^ Wells (1982), p. 248.
  22. ^ Tollfree (2001), pp. 57–8.
  23. ^ Wells (1982), p. 251.
  24. ^ Wells (2000), p. xv.
  25. ^ a b Hayes (1995), pp. 14–5.
  26. ^ Wells (2011).
  27. ^ Vaux (2000), p. 5.
  28. ^ Bérces (2011), pp. 84–9.
  29. ^ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 74–5.
  30. ^ Wells (1982), p. 252.
  31. ^ Vaux (2000), pp. 4–5.
  32. ^ Goldsmith (2011), p. 192.
  33. ^ Horvath (2004), p. 635.
  34. ^ Vaux (2000), p. 7.
  35. ^ Vaux (2000), pp. 6–7.
  36. ^ Iverson & Ahn (2007), pp. 262–3.
  37. ^ Hayes (2009), p. 144.
  38. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 250, 326.
  39. ^ Hayes (2009), pp. 144–6.
  40. ^ Gussenhoven & Jacobs (2017), p. 217.
  41. ^ Wells (1982), p. 370.
  42. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 616–618.
  43. ^ Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 91–92.
  44. ^ Collins & Mees (1990), p. 99.

Bibliography

Further reading

  • Withgott, M. Margaret. 1982. Segmental Evidence for Phonological Constituents. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Texas at Austin.
  • Iverson, Gregory K. and Sang-Cheol Ahn. 2004. English Voicing in Dimensional Theory. Language Sciences (Phonology of English).
  • Kahn, Daniel. 1976. Syllable-Based Generalizations in English Phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Massachusetts reproduced by I.U. Linguistics Club.
  • Steriade, Donca. 1999. Paradigm uniformity and the phonetics-phonology boundary. In M. Broe and J. Pierrehumbert (eds.), Papers in Laboratory Phonology V: Acquisition and the lexicon, 313-334. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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