Partisan Congress riots
The Partisan Congress riots were attacks on
After
Rioting began on 1 August with the robbery of František Hoffmann's apartment. A national congress of former Slovak partisans was held in Bratislava on 2–4 August 1946, and many of the rioters were identified as former partisans. Rioting continued until 6 August. Despite attempts by the
Background
The
Conflict over Aryanization and
The first postwar anti-Jewish riots occurred in 1945, in Košice (2 May), Prešov (July), Bardejov (22 July), Topoľčany (24 September), and Trebišov (14 November). Former partisans were involved in some of these events.[24][25] There were no major anti-Jewish incidents in Bratislava between the end of the war and the summer of 1946.[26] Most of the culprits of the attacks were not prosecuted.[19] Top officials in the Slovak autonomous government, such as Jozef Lettrich and Ján Beharka , did not issue clear condemnations of the attacks and even blamed Jews.[27] The organizations ÚSŽNO (Central Union of Jewish Religious Communities in Slovakia) and
Lead-up
After the September 1945 Topoľčany pogrom, the central Czechoslovak government in Prague pressured the autonomous Slovak government to adopt a law for the restitution of Aryanized property.[30] In May 1946, the Slovak autonomous government passed the Restitution Act 128/1946, which canceled Aryanizations in cases where the victim was judged to be loyal to the Czechoslovak state. Jews could regain their property via the court system, rather than local authorities, which were less favorable to their claims.[31][32] At this time, most of the Aryanized property was in the hands of either the Aryanizers or national administrators.[33] The government faced overwhelming public pressure not to implement the law and many officials refused to implement it.[31][32] The restitution law triggered a resurgence of popular anti-Jewish sentiment which led to the riots at the Partisan Congress.[19][33]
In postwar Slovakia, anti-Jewish leaflets appeared regularly, despite mostly unsuccessful attempts by the state to seek out and prosecute their creators. Multiple leaflets gave Jews an ultimatum to leave the country by the end of July 1946;[33][34] Slovak historian Michal Šmigeľ suggests that the similarities in the leaflets imply that there was a coordinated campaign.[33] In late July and early August, leaflets appeared with the phrases "Beat the Jews!", "Now or never, away with the Jews!", and even "Death to the Jews!".[34][c] During the last week of July, posters were put up around Bratislava with slogans such as "Attention Jew, a partisan is coming to beat Jews", "Czechoslovakia is for Slovaks and Czechs, Palestine is for Jews", "Jews to Palestine!" "Jews out!" and "Hang the Jews!"[37][d] In early July, two former partisans in Bytča repeatedly attacked Jews; an incident involving Jews and several former partisans occurred in Humenné on 27 July. The next day, provocateurs tried to incite anti-Jewish rioting in Trenčianske Teplice.[38] From mid-July 1946, minor anti-Jewish incidents were occurring on an almost daily basis in Bratislava. For example, on 20 July, two men publicly hounded Jews on Kapucínska Street during the day, one of them "publicly calling all Hlinka Guardsmen, Hlinka Party members, and partisans to unite against the Jews".[39][e] That night, Jews were assaulted on various streets, especially Kapucínska and Zámocká Streets. The SRP complained of systematically organized anti-Jewish demonstrations which pointed towards a future pogrom,[f] which according to Šmigeľ was "not far from the truth".[40]
The First National Congress of Slovak Partisans (
Riots
1–2 August
The riots began close to midnight on 1 August, and bled into the early hours of 2 August. Several men identifying themselves as partisans showed up at František Hoffmann's apartment on Kupeckého Street and threatened to shoot him if he refused to open the door. The attackers beat him with canes and stole clothes, shoes, cigarettes, and 400 Czechoslovak koruna (Kčs) in cash, causing 18,000 Kčs in damage.[41][43][g] One left behind his Czechoslovak Medal of Merit . Later that night and the following day, Jewish apartments at 30–32 Židovská Street were robbed.[41] A effigy was hung at Sloboda Square with a sign stating "Hang all Jews",[43][h] while pedestrians on Kapucínska Street were assaulted. SRP reported that these attacks were carried out by men wearing partisan uniforms as well as soldiers, officers, and civilians. The police dispersed the crowd, but did not make any arrests. Later, an apartment on Schreiberova Street was broken into, the residents beaten and the property vandalized. The Jewish community kitchen was also attacked, but the army intervened and dispersed the crowd.[41]
In the evening on 2 August,
3 August
According to a police report, violence continued until 01:30 on 3 August, when two grenades were thrown into Pavol Weiss' house, where three Jewish families lived, without causing injury.[43][49] During the day, Jews were attacked on the streets, especially Leningradská and Laurinská Streets. In the afternoon, a crowd of up to a thousand people shouting anti-Jewish slogans tried to break onto Židovská Street from Župné Square . Slovak politicians Karol Šmidke, Ladislav Holdoš , and Gustáv Husák addressed the demonstrators, ineffectually attempting to calm the situation. After their departure, the rioters were stopped by the police.[50] At 16:00, a crowd—described as about fifty "radicalized partisans"[j] in a police report—attacked Pavol Rybár's apartment on Laurinská Street after Ružena Dobrická accused Rybár of abducting her husband. The police and a group of former partisans led by Anton Šagát intervened to stop the rioters, but not before Rybár's personal documents had been stolen along with 5,000 Kčs.[49][k]
Throughout the evening, small groups of rioters robbed Jewish residences on Kupeckého, Laurinská, Svoradova, and Židovská Streets. A considerable number of police had been diverted to Modra, due to a false rumor that some partisans had gone there to attack Jews.[50] At 21:00 in October Square a crowd described as mostly partisans in the police report assaulted the Jewish businessman Manuel Landa, who had to be hospitalized after he was hit on the head.[49][50] At 22:00, a crowd reported to be 300 strong in a subsequent police report chased a Jew on Kolárska Street, who took refuge in a police station. The rioters broke into the station, vandalized it, and cut the telephone line. Other Jews were injured at Sloboda Square.[50] At 23:00, more rioters attacked Eugen Gwürt's residence on Svoradova Street and beat him, causing severe injuries, as well as robbing the apartment. Some former partisans were arrested and briefly detained at the city hall, but were released before they could be identified.[45]
4–6 August
On 4 August, former partisans held a parade at which anti-Jewish slogans were shouted,
By the time the riots ended on 6 August, participants at the congress were reported to have robbed at least ten apartments and injured at least nineteen people (four seriously).[37][52][53] The actual number of injuries was probably much higher than this, especially as minor injuries—probably dozens—were not recorded.[52][53] Along with anti-Jewish incidents, the Partisan Congress was accompanied by non-racially motivated fights and disturbances caused by persons under the influence of alcohol.[43] Perpetrators included actual partisan veterans, people pretending to be ex-partisans, disgruntled residents of the city, and some who had come from elsewhere, including Aryanizers, peasants, national administrators, and supporters of the former HSĽS regime. Drunkenness, lax security, crowd effects, and anonymity due to the large number of visitors all played a role in the rioting.[54] Thirty-one arrests were made, but most detainees were released quickly and without being charged.[52] The police were reluctant to arrest partisans. Possible reasons for this include a belief that crimes committed by partisans should be dealt with internally, the difficulty of arresting armed persons, and the sympathy of some policemen with the rioters.[45][52] Winterstein criticized the police response, arguing that law enforcement tended to arrive late and release detained persons quickly, who then went on to make additional attacks.[52][l]
Elsewhere in Slovakia
In addition to the riots in Bratislava, other anti-Jewish incidents occurred in August 1946 in several cities and towns in northern, eastern, and southern Slovakia.
In Žilina, partisans returning from Bratislava shouted anti-Jewish slogans, assaulted Jews on the streets, and made a "partisan raid" on the Hotel Metropol. About fifteen people were injured as a result of the disturbances. In Rajecké Teplice on 4 August, partisans checked the identity cards of hotel guests and insulted two of them. In Zbehy and Leopoldov, partisans returning by train attacked Jewish residences near the station. In Nitra, a uniformed partisan threatened to shoot any Jews he saw in the street on 29 August.[m] The windows of Jewish residences were broken in Šurany and Levice, while in Čadca a bomb was thrown into the garden of a nationalized enterprise managed by a Jew. Minor anti-Jewish demonstrations took place over the following days in Topoľčany, Banská Bystrica, Trnava, Komárno and Želiezovce. Anti-Jewish leaflets reappeared in Revúca, Michalovce and in several places in eastern Slovakia. One suggested that the last of the "Ten Commandmants of the brave Slovak Catholic" was "To guard against the Jews and Czechs".[n] Police detained only a few people as a result of these attacks.[57] Slovak historian Ján Mlynárik suggests that the occurrence of similar events in multiple locations in Slovakia may indicate that they were planned in advance.[53]
Media coverage
On 6 August 1946, the state-controlled Slovak News Agency denied the riots had occurred, claiming that foreign newspapers had printed incorrect information.[58] The next day, the news agency released another report, accusing illegal organizations linked to foreign interests of conspiring to distribute anti-Jewish propaganda to partisans arriving in Bratislava by train.[59] The Czech News Agency reported the riots, but claimed that those responsible were supporters of the Hlinka party and not partisans.[32] The more accurate coverage by the Czech News Agency was, according to Czech historian Jan Láníček, "achieved by political negotiations and carefully crafted behind-the-scenes threats" by Frischer and the Council of Jewish Religious Communities in Bohemia and Moravia to publicize the story in foreign media. Frischer considered the release of the story and the government's promise to protect Jews to be a victory.[60] Hungarian newspapers also covered the riots.[61]
On 20 August, the government newspaper Národná obroda claimed that Hungarians had colluded with former Hlinka Guardsmen and HSĽS members to cause the riots. The article also claimed that the grenades used on the Komárno attack were of Hungarian make and that the anti-Jewish leaflets were written in poor Slovak, indicating that their authors were Hungarians.[62] In fact, most of the anti-Jewish rioters were Slovak, not Hungarian.[54] Mlynárik points out that riots also took place in August 1946 in the northern and eastern parts of Slovakia, where Hungarians did not live, belying the official narrative.[53]
Čas, the newsletter of the non-Communist Democratic Party,[63] referred to isolated incidents in its 6 August article on the rioting: "During the first congress of Slovak partisans, a few minor, insignificant incidents occurred in which the partisans showed their dissatisfaction with the resolution of pressing social issues."[o] Čas downplayed antisemitism among the partisans, instead blaming former members of the Hlinka Guard.[64] On 11 August, Pravda, the official daily of the Communist Party of Slovakia,[63] published an article on the events, blaming "various influential groups" for conspiring with "anti-state elements" and fomenting unrest.[64] Both the Democratic Party and the Communist Party officially condemned antisemitism, blaming the other party for it.[65]
On 5 September, the newsletter of the ÚSŽNO published an article on the riots, "What happened in Slovakia", which claimed that "every child in Slovakia" had known that there would be riots at the Partisan Congress. The article also stated that on 7 February 1946, a circular had been sent by the Union of Slovak Partisans in Dunajská Streda to other branches, calling for anti-Jewish actions and that the central leadership of the Union of Slovak Partisans knew of this circular but took no action.[19][43][53][p] The Council of Jewish Religious Communities in Bohemia and Moravia forwarded the article to Prime Minister Klement Gottwald, asking him to investigate the allegations; Gottwald forwarded the request to his office. The resulting undated report, by Ján Čaplovič, quoted the Interior Ministry Commissioner of Czechoslovakia, Michal Ferjencik, who blamed Jews for not speaking Slavic languages, failing to reconstruct the country, and trading on the black market.[66][q] Čaplovič said that the partisan villages destroyed during the Slovak National Uprising ought to be higher priority than restitution to Jewish survivors.[67]
Reaction
The
Due to the government's concern about disturbances during the second anniversary celebrations of the Slovak National Uprising later in August, hundreds of policemen were transferred from Czechia to Slovakia. Ultimately, these disturbances did not materialize with the only antisemitic actions consisting of the distribution of leaflets.[71] In a note dated 10 August, Main Headquarters of National Security (HVNB) claimed that the riots were "orchestrated with the intention of sullying the reputation of the [Czechoslovak] Republic at the [Paris] Peace Conference".[69][t] On 19 August, the agency distributed an order to local police authorities emphasizing that anti-Jewish speeches and demonstrations were to be suppressed. Partisan organizations were also ordered to seek out and eliminate antisemites among their membership.[70] A 1947 report, the last known official document relating to the riots, downplayed the events, asserted that the police had intervened in all of the anti-Jewish attacks, and claimed that all perpetrators of the attacks had been prosecuted—despite the fact that no known prosecutions resulted.[72]
To prevent a reoccurrence of the rioting, the commissioner of internal affairs of the autonomous Slovak government recommended dismissing or arresting members of the security forces who had participated in anti-Jewish actions, and a crackdown on public gatherings.[42] The riots also caused a turning point in the restitution process. Justifying its actions in terms of the public interest, the government forbade informal agreements between former Jewish owners and national managers. It also suspended restitution on the grounds that it required an executive order, although the suspension was soon called off.[73][74][75] Nevertheless, most Jewish property was not returned to the owners or heirs, a result which angered many Jews.[73] In Frischer's words, "everything points to the conclusion that [preventing restitution] was the goal of the rioters, and the street won".[u] In September 1946, the Ministry of the Interior announced that Jews who had declared German or Hungarian nationality on prewar censuses would be allowed to retain Czechoslovak citizenship, rather than face deportation. The government was seeking to counteract the negative coverage that it had received in the Western press, in part due to the riots in Bratislava.[76]
Aftermath
Despite the government's security precautions,
Notes
- ^ a b National administrators (Slovak: národní správcovia) were the state-appointed managers of nationalized property Aryanized by the Slovak State regime, left behind by deported Jews, or confiscated from "traitors and politically unreliable people" (Germans and Hungarians) by the postwar Czechoslovak government. The administrators were required to be "nationally and politically reliable, with appropriate professional and practical knowledge", and benefitted economically from their appointment.[1]
- ^ Many Jewish survivors from the countryside moved to the cities in search of greater protection, more anonymity, and access to Jewish organizations.[16]
- ^ "Bite Židov!" (29 July in Bratislava), "Teraz alebo nikdy preč so Židmi!" (1 August in Zlaté Moravce) and "Smrť Židom!" (1/2 August in Žilina).[35][36]
- ^ "Pozor žide, partisan ide židov biť" "ČSR pre Slovákov a Čechov, Palestína pre židákov" "Židia do Palestíny!" "Židia von!" "Židov obesiť!"[37]
- ^ "... verejne volal všetkých gardistov, hlinkovcov ako aj partizánov, aby sa spojili proti Židom."[39]
- ^ Full quote from the SRP: "... výtržnosti, ktoré v Bratislave už zistiteľné sústavne organizované a môžu byť čoskoro koreňom ďalších a pozdejších protižidovských verejných demonštrácií, ba pogromov."[40]
- ^ "Všetkých Židov obesiť"[43]
- ^ Equivalent to $300 in 1946 dollars,[47] or $4700 in current dollars.[48]
- ^ "sfanatizovaných partizánov"[49]
- ^ Equivalent to $100 in 1946 dollars,[47] or $1600 in current dollars.[48]
- ^ "Polícia prichádza dosť neskoro, zatýka Tudí, ale prepúšťa ich za krátky čas a tieto osoby sa potom opäť vracajú k útoku. Nejde o pogrom, nie je hluk, nie sú veľké masy. Prepadávanie sa deje v malých skupinách."[52]
- ^ "Ktorého Žida dňa 29. augusta 1946 uvidím na ulici, ho odstrelím."[57]
- ^ "Desatoro prikázaní statočného Slováka katolíka"... "Na stráž proti Židom a čechom."[57]
- ^ "Z príležitosti prvého zjazdu slovenských partizánov stalo sa niekoľko menší ch, bezvýznamných incidentov, v ktorých partizáni dávali najavo svoju nespokojnosť s riešením ich pálčivých sociálnych otázok."[58]
- ^ Original title: "Co se stalo na Slovensku". Full quote: "Že v souvislosti s chystaným sjezdem partyzánů dojde k protižidovským demonstracím a výtržnostem, vědělo na Slovensku každé malé dítě. Ve vlacích, na nádražích a v hospodách se otevřeně agitovalo. Zdá se však, že to bylo zatajováno příslušným ústředním orgánům v Praze. Slovenské bezpečnostní orgány a organizátoři sjezdu byli na nebezpečí upozorňováni a sami na ně též varovně poukazovali. Isteže vedenie partizánov nielenže s týmito nekalými akciami nemalo nič spoločné, ale práve naopak, pracovalo proti nim. Ale všechno, co se tu podnikalo, bylo polovičaté, uskutečňované bez plného přesvědčení a zodpovědnosti."[43][53]
- ^ Quote from Ferjencik: "Príčiny vzplanutia antisemitizmu na Slovensku, ktoré boli ojedinelé, sú tieto: V prvom rade dedičstvo 6 rokov rozširovanej protižidovskej propagandy, silné protižidovské hnutie v Maďarsku a v Poľsku, nevyriešená otázka vlastníckeho práva arizáciou dotknutých poľnohospo-dárskych majetkov. Ďalej repatriovalo mnoho takých Židov, ktorí unás nikdy nebývali, neovládajú ani jeden zo slovanských jazykov, ako aj to, že sa všeobecne nezapojovali do všeužitočných prác pri rekonštrukcii vojnou zničených častí Slovenska. K tomu pristupuje i značne vysoká ich úč asť na čiernom obchode."[67]
- ^ "...že roz šíř ení zprávy v době mírové konference by mohlo ČSR škoditi."[32]
- ^ "Prehlasujem Vám, že ministerstvo vnútra podniklo a podnikne so všetkou rozhodnosťou všetky potrebné kroky, aby k takým a podobným výtržnostiam nikdy nedošlo."[58]
- ^ "...celá táto akcia je riadená s úmyslom poškodiť čistý štít Republiky na mierovej konferencii..."[69]
- ^ "... ž e vše poukazuje k tomu, že to byl účel demonstrací a že tudiž ulice vyhrála..."[32]
References
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- ^ Láníček 2013, p. 35.
- ^ Lorman 2019, pp. 47–48.
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- ^ Cichopek 2014, pp. 90–92.
- ^ Rajcan, Vadkerty & Hlavinka 2018, p. 845.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, pp. 14–16.
- ^ Rajcan, Vadkerty & Hlavinka 2018, p. 847.
- ^ a b Cichopek 2014, p. 21.
- ^ Rajcan, Vadkerty & Hlavinka 2018, p. 849.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 19.
- ^ Bumová 2007, p. 14.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 3.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 213.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 53.
- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 90.
- ^ a b Šmigeľ 2011, p. 272.
- ^ a b c d Bumová 2007, p. 27.
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- ^ Cichopek 2014, p. 96.
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- ^ a b c d e Bumová 2007, p. 21.
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- ^ a b Bumová 2007, p. 17.
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- ^ a b c Šmigeľ 2011, p. 260.
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- ^ a b c Bumová 2007, pp. 19–20.
- ISSN 2585-7762. Retrieved 7 July 2020.
- ^ a b c Majerský 2004, p. 24.
- ^ a b c 1634–1699: McCusker, J. J. (1997). How Much Is That in Real Money? A Historical Price Index for Use as a Deflator of Money Values in the Economy of the United States: Addenda et Corrigenda (PDF). American Antiquarian Society. 1700–1799: McCusker, J. J. (1992). How Much Is That in Real Money? A Historical Price Index for Use as a Deflator of Money Values in the Economy of the United States (PDF). American Antiquarian Society. 1800–present: Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. "Consumer Price Index (estimate) 1800–". Retrieved 29 February 2024.
- ^ a b c d e f Bumová 2007, p. 19.
- ^ a b c d e f Šmigeľ 2011, p. 262.
- ^ a b c Bumová 2007, p. 20.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Šmigeľ 2011, p. 263.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Mlynárik 2005.
- ^ a b c Bumová 2007, p. 25.
- ^ Bumová 2007, pp. 18, 20.
- ^ Bumová 2007, pp. 20–21.
- ^ a b c Šmigeľ 2011, p. 264.
- ^ a b c d Bumová 2007, p. 22.
- ^ a b Šmigeľ 2011, p. 265.
- ^ Láníček 2017, p. 160.
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- ^ a b Cichopek 2014, p. 135.
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Sources
- Bumová, Ivica (2007). "Protižidovské výtržnosti v Bratislave v historickom kontexte (august 1946)" [Anti-Jewish riots in Bratislava (August 1946) in the historical context] (PDF). ISSN 1336-6297.
- Bumová, Ivica (2017). "Obraz židov v dobovej tlači v rokoch 1945–1948. Denníky Čas a Pravda." [The image of Jews in the contemporary press from 1945 to 1948: Newspapers Čas and Pravda]. In Vrzgulová, Monika; Kubátová, Hana (eds.). Podoby antisemitismu v Čechách a na Slovensku v 20. a 21. století [Forms of anti-Semitism in Czechia and Slovakia in the 20th and 21st centuries] (in Slovak). Prague: ISBN 978-80-246-3461-6.
- Cichopek, Anna (2014). ISBN 978-1-107-03666-6.
- ISBN 978-1-137-31747-6.
- Láníček, Jan (2017). Arnošt Frischer and the Jewish Politics of Early 20th-Century Europe. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-4725-8590-5.
- Lônčíková, Michala (2019). "Atrocities in the borderland: anti-Semitic violence in eastern Slovakia (1945–1946)". European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire. 26 (6): 928–946. S2CID 198704493.
- Lorman, Thomas (2019). The Making of the Slovak People's Party: Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. London: ISBN 978-1-350-10938-4.
- Majerský, Radovan (2004). "Development of the Exchange Rate of the Czechoslovak Koruna" (PDF). Biatec. XII (1). ISSN 1335-0900.
- ISBN 978-80-200-1301-9.
- Rajcan, Vanda; Vadkerty, Madeline; Hlavinka, Ján (2018). "Slovakia". In ISBN 978-0-253-02373-5.
- Šmigeľ, Michal (2011). "Protižidovské výtržnosti v Bratislave v rokoch 1946 a 1948 (v kontexte povojnových prejavov antisemitizmu na Slovensku)" [Anti-Jewish riots in Bratislava in 1946 and 1948 (in the context of postwar manifestations of antisemitism in Slovakia)]. In Medvecký, Matej (ed.). Fenomén Bratislava. Bratislava: ISBN 978-80-893-3539-8.
Further reading
- Šmigeľ, Michal (2017). "Anti-Semitism in Slovakia in Post-War Years 1945–1948: A Period of 'Common People's Anti-Semitism'" (PDF). Population Processes. 2 (1). .
External links
- "Footage of the Partisan Congress". ČT24 archives.