Abstentionism

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
This article is about the political strategy in parliament. For Christian theological positions relating to alcoholic beverages, see
Christianity and alcohol. For the US legal doctrine, see Abstention doctrine
.

Abstentionism is the political practice of standing for election to a

Irish republican political movements in the United Kingdom and Ireland since the early 19th century. It was also used by Hungarian and Czech nationalists in the Austrian Imperial Council in the 1860s.[1]

In Hungary

When suppressing the

the Hungarian half was ruled by a revived Diet.[1] In 1904, Arthur Griffith published The Resurrection of Hungary arguing for a British–Irish dual monarchy similar to the 1867 compromise. Griffith's subsequent "Sinn Féin policy" developed this model. Tom Kettle of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) countered that Bohemia had remained in the Austrian half of the post-1867 empire, and its delegates abandoned abstentionism in 1879.[2]

In Ireland

Before partition

After the

House of Commons. Repeal of the Act of Union was a goal of many Irish nationalists
.

In 1845, a motion was carried at the

Thomas Osborne Davis of the Young Ireland movement. However, the committee felt that MPs already sitting could not withdraw without breaking the oath of office they had taken upon election.[3] The Irish Confederation, which withdrew from the Repeal Association in 1847, resolved in favour of immediate abstention; however, its founder William Smith O'Brien continued to speak at Westminster.[4] In 1848, Charles Gavan Duffy proposed that Irish MPs expelled from Westminster should sit in a separate Irish parliament.[5]

Other early abstentionist advocates included George Sigerson in 1862, and John Dillon in 1878, who envisaged abstentionist Irish MPs meeting in a separate Irish parliament.[6]

From the 1860s, Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) leaders Charles Kickham and John O'Leary favoured abstentionism.[7] In 1869, G. H. Moore suggested nominating imprisoned republicans for election, knowing they were precluded as convicted felons from taking seats.[8] On this basis, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa (in 1870) and John Mitchel (twice in 1875) were returned at by-elections in Tipperary; O'Donovan Rossa was in prison at his election, while Mitchel was in exile.

Kickham envisaged a "great national conference" calling on Irish MPs to withdraw from Westminster. A motion to that effect was proposed by

Charles Stuart Parnell
from the late 1870s.

Sinn Féin

See also: History of Sinn Féin

extension of conscription to Ireland.[18] At the 1916 West Cork by-election, Sinn Féin initially endorsed All-for-Ireland League candidate Frank J. Healy, a supporter interned after the 1916 Rising, but withdrew support when Healy declared his intention to take his seat; the confusion contributed to Healy's defeat.[19]

The first abstentionist MP elected was Count

House of Commons of Southern Ireland set up by the Government of Ireland Act 1920.[25] It decided to contest the Northern election for tactical reasons and the Southern one for consistency, with its returned MPs becoming the TDs of the Second Dáil.[25]

legitimacy of both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.[26]
Other parties reached accommodation with the southern state but not Northern Ireland. Some groups have boycotted elections within either jurisdiction; others have been abstentionist; others abstained from some bodies but not others. Abstentionism has often been a divisive issue within Republicanism.

In the Irish Free State/Republic of Ireland

The 1921

Free State Dáil on Partition.[28] Fianna Fáil split from Sinn Féin in 1926 and abandoned abstentionism in the Free State in 1927.[29] From 1955, Sinn Féin contested local elections in the Republic of Ireland and took its seats, arguing this did not amount to recognising the state.[30]

In 1970, at its

Ard Fheis (annual conference), Sinn Féin split again on the issue of whether or not to reverse its long-standing policy of refusing to take seats in Dáil Éireann. The split created two parties calling themselves "Sinn Féin". The anti-abstentionist party was known as "Official" Sinn Féin. It changed its name to "Sinn Féin the Workers Party" (SFWP) and won a seat in the Dáil in the general election of 1981, which it took. The following year it dropped "Sinn Féin" from its name to become "The Workers' Party
". The abstentionist party was initially referred to as "Provisional" Sinn Féin, but after 1982 it was known simply as "Sinn Féin"; it continued to abstain from taking seats won in all institutions.

Sinn Féin split in 1986, as in 1970, over whether to take seats in Dáil Éireann. The larger group led by Gerry Adams abandoned abstentionism, while Republican Sinn Féin (RSF), led by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, retained it. Sinn Féin's first sitting Teachta Dála was Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, elected in Cavan–Monaghan at the 1997 general election.

RSF has retained the policy of abstentionism from both Dáil Éireann and the Northern Ireland Assembly.

In Northern Ireland

After Partition, most non-abstentionist parties in the southern state did not organise at all in Northern Ireland. In early 1922, the

Provisional Government of the Irish Free State was seen as representing the interests of nationalists in Northern Ireland and had a policy of not recognising the Northern Irish government. Catholic bishop Joseph MacRory (who later became Archbishop of Armagh and a Cardinal) indicated to the Provisional Government that Joe Devlin and his party members wanted to enter the new Parliament of Northern Ireland, and was worried that the policy of non-recognition would result in Northern Irish nationalists having to "fight alone", but his advice was ignored.[31]

Abstentionism

at local elections was effectively prohibited by a 1934 law requiring candidates to take an oath to attend council sessions.[32]

The

Opposition for a further forty years. They did so on 2 February 1965 but withdrew from opposition again in October 1968, two weeks after police batoned demonstrators at a civil rights march in Derry on 5 October 1968.[33]

Irish Union Association, which supported his policy of intermittent tactical abstentionism, whereas the otherwise-similar Northern Council for Unity regarded abstentionism as a principle.[36]

From 1953, Stormont candidates were required to take the British oath of allegiance before standing, precluding Sinn Féin from doing so.[37] This did not apply at Westminster elections, where Sinn Féin often gave non-Sinn Féin abstentionist nationalists a free run to avoid splitting the nationalist vote, but conversely fielded a spoiler candidate against non-abstentionist nationalists.[37]

The

1982 Assembly, but adopted abstentionism to avoid giving a free run to Sinn Féin.[38] Brian Feeney suggests that Sinn Féin's "active abstention", where those elected acted as local spokespeople in the media, was more effective than the SDLP's policy of sending its representatives instead to the New Ireland Forum in Dublin.[39] The SDLP's participation in the 1996–98 Northern Ireland Forum
was intermittent.

Sinn Féin adopted the "Armalite and ballot box strategy" in 1981, and first contested modern elections in Northern Ireland with the 1982 Assembly elections, from which they abstained. The 1983 ardfheis resolved to take seats in the European Parliament, as the 1985 ardfheis did for that year's local elections.[40] Sinn Féin abstained from the Northern Ireland Forum.

Since the establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, both the SDLP and Sinn Féin have taken their seats in that body. SDLP MPs have consistently taken their seats in Westminster, in contrast to Sinn Féin MPs, who refuse to take their seats there. Sinn Féin MPs believe that as British political institutions should play no part in governing the people of Ireland, they as MPs should not make decisions on behalf of British people.[41]

Fianna Fáil's sole Stormont election came

Mícheál Martin announced it would contest elections from 2019.[44]
It has not made clear whether it will contest elections to Westminster.

independents. When Saoradh, a dissident republican party, was established in 2016, it had not decided whether to contest elections, but said it would in any case abstain from taking up any seats won in Stormont, Westminster or Leinster House.[45]

After the

allegiance to the monarch nor take their seats in Westminster.[46]

In the United Kingdom

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Some British political activists were themselves inspired by Sinn Féin's policy of abstentionism, one of which was the Glaswegian anarcho-communist Guy Aldred, who advised the Scottish socialist politician John Maclean to adopt the "Sinn Féin tactic" during the 1918 United Kingdom general election, citing a passage from The Civil War in France in which Karl Marx charged that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes". Aldred proposed the fielding of communist candidates on an abstentionist platform, outlining that:[47]

Successful candidates would not go to parliament, but would remain in their constituencies till they had a

dual authority is established[,] which could possibly spread like wild-fire, as these innovations do, and eventually challenge the state.[48]

Aldred additionally proposed the organisation of an

Third International,[50] and E. T. Whitehead's Labour Abstentionist Party,[51] which would both become founding organisations of the Communist Party.[52] To contrast, the Bolsheviks criticised abstentionism and advocated for the creation of "a new, unusual, non-opportunist, non-careerist parliamentarism", a tactic which they described as "revolutionary parliamentarism".[53] Disillusioned with Bolshevism, Pankhurst's group later joined the Communist Workers' International and reaffirmed their commitment to abstentionism,[54] while Aldred himself established the Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation[55] and ran in the 1922 election for the seat of Glasgow Shettleston on an abstentionist platform (winning only 1.9% of the vote).[56] Aldred's election run was criticised by Pankhurst herself who, despite by this point having moved to a policy of electoral boycott, supported the candidacy of John MacLean's Scottish Workers' Republican Party.[57] After World War II, Aldred once again ran for election on an abstentionist platform, this time for the seat of Glasgow Central as a member of the United Socialist Movement, netting only 300 votes.[58]

In Canada

Following the

Parti Quebecois were denied their seats in the National Assembly of Quebec by speaker Nathalie Roy after they refused to swear the oath of office to King Charles III.[59]

See also

Citations

  1. ^
    ISBN 978-0-8179-4492-6
    .
  2. JSTOR 25106060
    .
  3. ISBN 0-7171-1543-7
    .
  4. ^ Davis, p. 122
  5. ^ Davis, p. 256
  6. ^ a b Lydon 1998, p. 325
  7. ^ McGee 2005, p. 39
  8. ^ McGee, pg. 43
  9. ^ McGee, pg.48
  10. ^ McGee, pg. 42–43
  11. ^ McGee, pp. 49–50
  12. ISBN 978-1-84588-698-1
    .
  13. ^ McGee, p. 53
  14. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 33–34
  15. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 49–50
  16. ISBN 9780191556838.; Hughes, Paul. "The MP for Ireland: Laurence Ginnell and 1916". Century Ireland. Raidió Telefís Éireann. Archived
    from the original on 15 November 2019. Retrieved 13 September 2019.
  17. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 53
  18. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 97
  19. ISBN 9781139426299. Archived
    from the original on 23 September 2021. Retrieved 1 October 2020.
  20. ^ Lydon, p. 343.
  21. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 63
  22. S2CID 191810580
    .
  23. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 112
  24. ^ "Irish Labour Party won't take seats if elected". Century Ireland. RTÉ. 28 September 2018. Archived from the original on 29 September 2018. Retrieved 28 September 2018.
  25. ^ a b Feeney 2002, pp. 130–131
  26. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 168–170, 174
  27. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 135
  28. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 156–7, 168–9
  29. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 158–160
  30. ISBN 978-0-7165-2943-9
    .
  31. ^ "Extract from the minutes of a meeting of the provisional government from Provisional Government Minutes". Documents on IRISH FOREIGN POLICY. 30 January 1922. Archived from the original on 25 April 2012. Retrieved 22 November 2011.
  32. ISBN 978-0-906221-00-6
    . In 1934 Stormont banned Sinn Fein from taking part in local elections, since it refused to take an oath to attend sessions.
  33. ISBN 1-85521-980-8. (CAIN Web Service Archived 11 March 2010 at the Wayback Machine
    )
  34. ^ "Contributions by Mr Cahir Healy". Parliamentary Debates (Hansard). Archived from the original on 20 December 2013. Retrieved 19 December 2013.
  35. ^ Kelly, Conal (1 June 2007). "Fermanagh and South Tyrone 1950–1970". Northern Ireland Social and Political Archive. Archived from the original on 14 October 2014. Retrieved 19 December 2013. Healy, who had previously been elected on an abstentionist ticket, would ultimately take up his seat at Westminster in 1952.
  36. ISSN 0955-2359
    .
  37. ^ a b Feeney 2002, p. 199
  38. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 308–10
  39. ^ Feeney 2002, pp. 316–7
  40. ^ Feeney 2002, p. 328
  41. ^ Maskey, Paul (6 March 2018). "I'm a Sinn Féin MP. This is why I won't go to Westminster, even over Brexit". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 8 February 2021. Retrieved 28 January 2021.
  42. ^ "When Dev stood for Stormont". Clare Champion. December 2003. Archived from the original on 3 November 2011. Retrieved 22 February 2014.
  43. ISBN 978-0-7165-3186-9
    .
  44. ^ O'Halloran, Marie (22 March 2014). "Fianna Fáil leader confirms party will run candidates in the North in 2019". The Irish Times. Archived from the original on 22 March 2014. Retrieved 22 March 2014.
  45. ^ Breen, Suzanne (26 September 2016). "Hardline republicanism shows public face with Saoradh launch at swish hotel". Belfast Telegraph. Archived from the original on 27 September 2016. Retrieved 26 September 2016.
  46. ^ Lonergan, Aidan (9 June 2017). "Gerry Adams confirms Sinn Féin will not swear allegiance to the Queen to take Westminster seats". Irish Post. Archived from the original on 9 June 2017. Retrieved 9 June 2017.
  47. ^ Shipway 1988, pp. 6–7.
  48. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 7.
  49. ^ Shipway 1988, pp. 9–10.
  50. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 9.
  51. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 12.
  52. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 11.
  53. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 19.
  54. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 94.
  55. ^ Shipway 1988, p. 15.
  56. ^ Shipway 1988, pp. 16–17.
  57. ^ Shipway 1988, pp. 17–18.
  58. ^ Shipway 1988, pp. 198–199.
  59. ^ "PQ MNAs denied access to the legislature amid oath dispute". Montreal Gazette. 2 December 2022. Retrieved 2 December 2022.

General and cited sources

Further reading

External links
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