History of Sinn Féin
Early years
The ideas that led to Sinn Féin were first propounded by the
Griffith elaborated his policy in a series of articles in the United Irishman in 1904, which outlined how the policy of withdrawing from the imperial parliament and passive resistance had been successfully followed in Hungary, leading to the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and the creation of a dual monarchy, and proposed that Irish MPs should follow the same course. These were published later that year in a booklet entitled The Resurrection of Hungary.[4] Also in 1904, a friend of Griffith, Mary Ellen Butler (a cousin of Unionist leader Edward Carson), remarked in a conversation that his ideas were "the policy of Sinn Féin, in fact" and Griffith enthusiastically adopted the term.[5] The phrase Sinn Féin ('ourselves' or 'we ourselves') had been in use since the 1880s as an expression of separatist thinking, and was used as a slogan by the Gaelic League in the 1890s.[6]
The first annual convention of the National Council on 28 November 1905 was notable for two things: the decision, by a majority vote (with Griffith dissenting), to open branches and organise on a national basis; and the presentation by Griffith of his 'Hungarian' policy, which was now called the Sinn Féin policy.
By 1907, there was pressure on the three organisations to unite—especially from the US, where
In the 1908 North Leitrim by-election, Sinn Féin secured 27% of the vote.[13] Thereafter, both support and membership fell. Attendance was poor at the 1910 Ard Fheis (party conference), and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive.[14] While some local councillors were elected running under the party banner in the 1911 local elections,[15] by 1915 the party was, in the words of one of Griffith's colleagues, "on the rocks", and so insolvent financially that it could not pay the rent on its headquarters in Harcourt Street in Dublin.[16]
1917–1922
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
Sinn Féin was not involved in the
In January 1917, Count Plunkett, father of the executed 1916 leader Joseph Plunkett, stood for election as an independent in the North Roscommon by-election, in a campaign led by Fr. Michael O'Flanagan, a Sinn Féin organiser,[17] on a policy of appealing for Irish independence at the post-war peace conference. Polling took place in heavy snow on 3 February 1917. Plunkett took the seat by a large majority, and surprised his audience by announcing he intended to abstain from Westminster.[18]
Plunkett summoned a convention in the
The Mansion House Committee organised an
Sinn Féin aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish republic.
Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.[21]
This kept the party's options open on the question of the constitutional form of an independent Ireland, although in practice it became increasingly republican in nature.[22]
The Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) under John Redmond—and later under John Dillon—won three by-elections in early 1918. Sinn Féin came back with victories for Patrick McCartan in Tullamore in April, and Arthur Griffith in East Cavan in June (when Fr. O'Flanagan was suspended by the Church for making his "Suppressed Speech").[23][24]
When the British prime minister David Lloyd George called the
1918 electoral victory
Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland parliament at the general election in December 1918, twenty-five of them uncontested. The IPP, despite having been the largest party in Ireland for forty years, had not fought a general election since 1910; in many parts of Ireland its organisation had decayed and was no longer capable of mounting an electoral challenge. Many other seats were uncontested owing to Sinn Féin's evident mass support, with other parties deciding that there was no point in challenging Sinn Féin given that it was certain to win.
Contemporary documents also suggest a degree of intimidation of opponents.
In Ulster, unionists won 23 seats, Sinn Féin 10 and the Irish Parliamentary Party won five (where they were not opposed by Sinn Féin). In the thirty-two counties of Ireland, twenty-four (24) returned only Sinn Féin candidates. In the nine counties of Ulster, unionists polled a majority in four.[27]
Because twenty-five seats were uncontested under dubious circumstances, it has been difficult to determine what the actual support for the party was in the country. Various accounts range from 45% to 80%. Academic analysts at the Northern Ireland demographic institute (ARK)[28] estimate a figure of 53%.[29] Another estimate suggests Sinn Féin had the support of approximately 65% of the electorate (unionists accounting for approximately 20–25% and other nationalists for the remainder). Lastly, emigration was difficult during the war, which meant that tens of thousands of young people were in Ireland who would not have been there under normal circumstances.
On 21 January 1919, twenty-seven Sinn Féin MPs assembled in Dublin's Mansion House and proclaimed themselves the parliament of Ireland, the
In the 1920 city council elections, Sinn Féin gained control of ten of the twelve
Treaty and Civil War
Following the conclusion of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations between representatives of the British Government and the republican government in December 1921 and the narrow approval of the Treaty by Dáil Éireann, a state called the Irish Free State was established. Northern Ireland (a six-county region set up under the British Government of Ireland Act 1920) opted out, as the Treaty allowed.
The reasons for the split were various, although partition was not one of them[30][31] – the IRA did not split in the new Northern Ireland and pro- and anti-treaty republicans there looked to pro-treaty Michael Collins for leadership (and weapons). The principal reason for the split is usually described as the question of the Oath of Allegiance to the Constitution of the Irish Free State, which members of the new Dáil would be required to take,[30][31] and which included a statement of fidelity to the British King, which many republicans found unacceptable. Supporters of the treaty argued that it gave "freedom to achieve freedom".[32] In the elections of June 1922 in the area which would become the Irish Free State, the pro-treaty Sinn Féin candidates secured 38% of the first preference vote and 58 seats, against 21% and 35 seats for anti-treaty candidates.[33]
Within days of the election, the short and bitter Civil War erupted between the supporters of the Treaty and its opponents. De Valera and his supporters sided with the anti-treaty IRA against the National Army. The pro-treaty parties, including the Labour Party and Farmers' Party, sat as the Third Dáil. On 6 December 1922, when the new state came into being, pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs formed the Executive Council of the Irish Free State. Early in 1923, pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs led by W. T. Cosgrave formed a new party, Cumann na nGaedheal.[34] The Civil War ended in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty IRA stood down and "dumped arms". In the 1923 general election, Cumann na nGaedheal won 41% of the popular vote and 63 seats; the Anti-Treaty faction (standing as "Republican" and led by de Valera) secured 29% of the vote and 44 seats,[35] but applied an abstentionist policy to the new Dáil Éireann.
1923–1932, the Fianna Fáil split
The seeds of another split were sown when leader Éamon de Valera came to believe that abstentionism was not a workable tactic. In March 1926 the party held its Ard Fheis and de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial oath of allegiance was removed. Mary MacSwiney and Michael O'Flanagan led the abstentionist section opposing the motion. The conference instructed a joint committee of representatives from the two sections to arrange a basis for co-operation. That day it issued a statement declaring "the division within our ranks is a division of Republicans." The next day De Valera's motion narrowly failed by a vote of 223 to 218.[36]
De Valera resigned and formed a new party, Fianna Fáil, on a platform of republicanising the Free State from within. He took the great majority of Sinn Féin support with him,[37] along with most of Sinn Féin's financial support from America.[38] The remains of Sinn Féin fielded only 15 candidates[39] and won only six seats in the June 1927 election, support sinking to a level not seen since before 1916.[40][41] In the August 1927 by-election following the death of Constance Markievicz, Sinn Féin's Cathal Ó Murchadha gained just 2.5% of the vote. Shortly afterward, vice-president and de facto leader MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second general election called that year, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties".[41]
John J. O'Kelly was elected president in place of de Valera and remained in this position until 1931 when Brian O'Higgins took over the leadership. The party did not contest the 1932 general election, which saw Fianna Fáil enter government for the first time.
1932–1946, Political isolation
During the 1930s Sinn Féin did not contest any elections. Its relationship with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) soured and during the 1930s the IRA severed its links with the party. The party did not have a leader of the stature of Cosgrave or de Valera. Numbers attending the Ard Fheis had dropped to the mid-40s and debates were mainly dominated with issues such as whether members should accept IRA war pensions from the government. Mary MacSwiney left in 1934 when members decided to accept the pensions.[42] Cathal Ó Murchadha led the party from 1935 to 1937. Margaret Buckley was president from 1937 to 1950.
The party suffered with the introduction of internment during the Emergency. An attempt in the 1940s to access funds which had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds case in 1948, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the direct successor of the Sinn Féin of 1917.[43]
1947–1962, the era of the "Three Macs", the rightward swing of Sinn Féin, and the border campaign
In 1947 the IRA held its first Army Convention since World War II.[44] The leadership became dominated by three figures, known jokingly as the "three Macs", Tony Magan, Paddy McLogan, and Tomás Óg Mac Curtain. The "three Macs" believed that a political organisation was necessary to help rebuild the IRA. IRA members were instructed to join Sinn Féin en masse, and despite the IRA's small numbers following WW2, they were successfully able to fully take over the organisation. This takeover of Sinn Féin was made possible due to the weak state of Sinn Féin itself; the party had become a shell of its former self in the decades since the Fianna Fáil split. Paddy McLogan was named Sinn Féin president in 1950, with fellow IRA member Tomás Ó Dubhghaill named vice-president, signalling the IRA's complete control of the party's apparatus.[45][46]
The party began to advocate a corporatist social policy inspired by the Papal Encyclicals of Pope Pius XI, with the aim of creating a Catholic state, and opposed parliamentary democracy, advocating its replacement with a form of government akin to Portugal's Estado Novo, but rejected fascism as they considered a fascist state to be too secular and centralized.[47]
The re-organisation yielded fruit during the
1962–1968, Mac Giolla takes control and the return to left-wing politics
The party became involved in the Dublin Housing Action Committee, protests against ground-rent landlordism, and in the co-operative movement. In one case Joe Clarke, a veteran of the Easter Rising, was ejected from a function commemorating the Rising, as he had interrupted (now President of Ireland) de Valera's speech with criticisms over Fianna Fáil's poor provision of housing. Sinn Féin, which ran under the label "Republican Clubs" in the North, became involved with the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, although it never controlled it as some unionists believed.
However abstentionism was also a dominant feature of debate. Although Sinn Féin had taken seats at council level since the 1950s, many people in the party were becoming in favour of abandoning the policy, while a significant number were still opposed to taking seats in "partitionist parliaments". Matters were not helped by a report from the Garland Commission, a committee led by Seán Garland to investigate and caucus opinion about abstentionism, which favoured ending the policy. Many were concerned about the downplaying of the role of the IRA. Opponents of the move would galvanise around Seán Mac Stíofáin, Seamus Twomey and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.
1969–1974, the onset of the Troubles and the Official/Provisional split
There were parallel splits in the republican movement in the period 1969 to 1970; one in December 1969 in the IRA, and the other in Sinn Féin in January 1970.[51]
The stated reason for the split in the IRA was ‘partition parliaments’,
Traditional republicans and opponents of abstentionism formed the "Provisional" Army Council in December 1969, after the split.[58][59][60] Seán Mac Stiofáin, Dáithí Ó Conaill and Seamus Twomey and others established themselves as a "Provisional Army Council".[61]
The split in the republican movement was completed at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis on 10–11 January at the Intercontinental Hotel in
The leadership faction of the party was referred to as Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) – the offices of Sinn Féin for many years – and the other as Sinn Féin (Kevin Street), the location of the opposing offices.[69] Both Goulding's IRA faction and Mac Stíofáin's group called themselves the IRA. At the end of 1970 then, the terms 'Official IRA' and 'Regular IRA' were introduced by the press to differentiate Goulding's 'Officials' from Mac Stíofáin's 'Provisionals'.[69] During 1971, the rival Sinn Féins played out their conflict in the press, with the Officials referring to their rivals as the "Provisional Alliance", while the Provisionals referred to the Officials (IRA and Sinn Féin) as the "NLF" (National Liberation Front). To add to the confusion both groups continued to call their respective political organisations in the North the "Republican Clubs".[70]
With an intensification in the conflict the British government made a number of military decisions that had serious political consequences. The
1975–1983
Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. 'Incident centres' were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities. They were manned by Sinn Féin, which had been legalised the year before by Secretary of State, Merlyn Rees.[76] The party had launched its platform, Éire Nua (a New Ireland) at the 1971 Ard Fheis.[77][78] In the words of Brian Feeney, "Ó Brádaigh would use Sinn Féin ard fheiseanna to announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the 'war' would continue".[79]
After the ending of the truce another issue arose—that of political status for prisoners. Rees released the last of the internees but introduced the
The prisoners' protest climaxed with the 1981 hunger strike, during which striker Bobby Sands was elected Member of Parliament for Fermanagh and South Tyrone with the help of the Sinn Féin publicity machine. After his death on hunger strike, his seat was held, with an increased vote, by his election agent, Owen Carron, and two IRA volunteers were also elected to Dáil Éireann. These successes helped convince republicans that they should contest more elections.[84] Danny Morrison expressed the mood at the 1981 Ard Fheis when he said:
- "Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?".[85] This was the origin of what became known as the Armalite and ballot box strategy. Éire Nua (seeking a federal United Ireland) was dropped in 1982, and the following year Ó Brádaigh stepped down as leader, to be replaced by Adams.[86]
1983–1993
Under Adams's leadership, electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body.[87] Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections that year, with Adams winning the West Belfast seat previously held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).[87] In the 1985 local elections it won fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council.[88]
The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism, so as to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections, although in his address Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation.""
What would become known as the
1994–present
In 1994, the IRA announced a ceasefire, paving the way for Sinn Féin's involvement in the
Sinn Féin has increased electoral success, overtaking the SDLP to become the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland in 2001,[100] and securing the most votes in the 2020 Irish general election.[101] In 2022, they secured the most votes and the most seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly, marking the first time an Irish nationalist party had ever done so.[102][103]
Leaders
- Edward Martyn (1905–1908)
- John Sweetman (1908–1911)
- Arthur Griffith (1911–1917)
- Éamon de Valera (1917–1926)
- In 1923, a substantial portion of the membership became Cumann na nGaedheal
- In 1926, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin and established Fianna Fáil
- John J. O'Kelly (Sceilg) (1926–1931)
- Brian O'Higgins (1931–1933)
- Fr. Michael O'Flanagan (1933–1935)
- Cathal Ó Murchadha (1935–1937)
- Margaret Buckley (1937–1950)
- Paddy McLogan (1950–1952)
- Tomás Ó Dubhghaill (1952–1954)
- Paddy McLogan (1954–1962)
- Tomás Mac Giolla (1962–1970)
- In 1970, there was a split within the party, the resultant parties being referred to as
- Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) also referred to by the media as Official Sinn Féin. Led by Tomás Mac Giolla. The party renamed itself Sinn Féin the Workers Party in 1977 and the Workers' Party in 1982.[104]
- Sinn Féin (Kevin Street), also referred to by the media as Provisional Sinn Féin.[105] By 1983 it was generally known simply as Sinn Féin.[106][107][dubious ] Despite the dropping of the word 'provisional' at a convention of the IRA Army Council in September 1970, and becoming the dominant group, they were still known, "to the mild irritation of senior members", as Provisionals, Provos or Provies.[62][74][75]
- Ruairí Ó Brádaigh (1970–1983)
- In 1986, Ó Brádaigh left and established Republican Sinn Féin.
- Gerry Adams (1983–2018)
- Mary Lou McDonald (2018–present)
- In 2019, several members left to establish Aontú.
Summary of splits and mergers
This is a summary of the splits and mergers from the initial Sinn Féin party and the IRA and their successors.
[1] Summary of splits
Year | Event |
---|---|
1905 | Sinn Féin Convention in November. |
1907 | Merged with Cumann na nGaedheal and the Dungannon Clubs. |
1917 | Reorganised after the Easter Rising. |
1922 | Pro-Treaty members left Sinn Féin to form Cumann na nGaedheal, and left the IRA to found the National Army and Garda Síochána. |
1926 | After a vote confirmed the Sinn Féin policy of abstention from Dáil Éireann, Éamon de Valera and his supporters left to form Fianna Fáil. |
1933 | Cumann na nGaedheal merged with the National Centre Party and the National Guard to form Fine Gael. |
1969 | Defenders of abstentionism left the IRA to form the Provisional Army Council; the group which remained became known as the 'Official' IRA .
|
1970 | The split in the IRA was followed by a split in Sinn Féin: Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) or 'Official' Sinn Féin, and Sinn Féin (Kevin Street) or 'Provisional' Sinn Féin. |
1974 | The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) split from the 'Official' IRA with a corresponding split of the Irish Republican Socialist Party from 'Official' Sinn Féin. |
1977 | 'Official' Sinn Féin is renamed Sinn Féin The Workers' Party. |
1982 | Sinn Féin The Workers' Party is renamed the Workers' Party. |
1986 | 'Provisional' Sinn Féin (now generally known simply as Sinn Féin) ends the policy of abstention from Dáil Éireann; opponents under Ruairí Ó Brádaigh left to form Republican Sinn Féin. |
1992 | Leader of the Workers' Party, Proinsias De Rossa, left with six of their seven TDs. Later that year they formed Democratic Left. |
1996 | The Continuity IRA emerged as the paramilitary wing of Republican Sinn Féin. |
1997 | The 32 County Sovereignty Movement split from Sinn Féin in response to engagement in the Peace Talks, with the Real IRA as their paramilitary wing. |
1999 | Democratic Left merged with the Labour Party. |
2019 | pro-life party, in response to Sinn Féin's approval of the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 .
|
References
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- ^ a b Davis, Richard P. (1974). Arthur Griffith and non-violent Sinn Féin. Dublin: Anvil Books. p. 21.
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- ^ Ward, Margaret (1995). In their own Voice: Women and Irish Nationalism. Dublin: Attic Press. pp. 14–5.
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- ^ Davis (1974), pp. 23–4
- ^ Maye, Brian (1997). Arthur Griffith. Dublin: Griffith College Publications. p. 101.
- ISBN 9780521650731.
- ^ a b c Maye (1997). p. 103.
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- ^ Feeney (2002). pp. 49–50.
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- ^ Joe O Muircheartaigh, A family of Clare councilors, irishidentity.com
- ISBN 978-0-7043-3096-2.
- ^ O'Flanagan, Fr. Michael (22 February 1914). "Letter from Fr. Michael O'Flanagan to George Noble Plunkett, Count Plunkett, about a plan of organisation for Sinn Féin and about the spread of Sinn Féin". National Library of Ireland. Retrieved 5 February 2019.
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- ^ ISBN 978-1782183006.
- ISBN 978-1317801474. Retrieved 12 August 2015.
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- ^ The IRA, Tim Pat Coogan, Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, page 24
- ISBN 978-1317801474. Retrieved 6 February 2019.
- ISBN 978-1433105005. Retrieved 12 August 2015.
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- ^ MacDonagh, Michael: The Life of William O'Brien, the Irish Nationalist, p.234, Ernst Benn London (1928)
- ^ MacDonncha (2005), p.63
- ^ "Home | ARK - Access Research Knowledge". www.ark.ac.uk.
- ^ "The Irish General Election of 1918". www.ark.ac.uk.
- ^ a b Delap, Sean. "Case Study: The Anglo Irish Treaty" (PDF). History Notes. Institute of Education. Retrieved 3 September 2018.
De Valera denounced the Oath of Allegiance for making the King head, not just of the Commonwealth, but also of Ireland...Partition was not a major focus of the anti-treaty debate.
- ^ a b "The Treaty at 80". Irish Times. 8 December 2001. Retrieved 3 September 2018.
Partition scarcely intruded into the treaty debate, so obsessed were deputies with the oath of allegiance.
- ISBN 978-0-7486-3530-6.
- ^ "Dáil elections since 1918". ARK Northern Ireland. Retrieved 13 August 2015.
- ISBN 071904037X. Retrieved 13 August 2015.
- ^ The Fourth Dail ElectionsIreland.org
- ^ The Times, Irish Republican Split. Search For Basis of Cooperation 13 March 1926
- ^ Tim Pat Coogan, The IRA, pp. 77–8
- ^ The Times, Southern Irish Elections, 6 June 1927
- ^ The Times, 350 Candidates For 152 Seats, 2 June 1927
- ^ Michael Laffan (1999), p. 443
- ^ a b The Times, Mr. Cosgrave and the Oath, 30 August 1927
- ^ Maria Luddy, 'MacSwiney, Mary Margaret (1872–1942)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004
- ^ Laffan (1999), p. 450
- ISBN 1-84488-120-2, pp. 3
- ISBN 978-1788490788.
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- ^ "ElectionsIreland.org: Party Candidates". electionsireland.org.
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- ISBN 0-00-653155-5pg.337-8
- ISBN 978-1-86197-443-3pg.624
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- ISBN 0-86278-674-6, pg.186
- ISBN 978-0415923637), page 7
- ISBN 978-0719017421), page 95
- ^ The Lost Revolution – the story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar pg 145
- ISBN 0-86278-674-6, pg.184
- ^ ISBN 0-86278-674-6, pg.186
- ^ J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: The IRA, p. 367
- ^ ISBN 0-86278-674-6, pg.186
- ^ The Lost Revolution – the story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar pg 146
- ISBN 0-86278-674-6, pg.186
- ISBN 0-00-653155-5pg.337-8
- ^ J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: The IRA, pp. 366–8
- ^ ISBN 1-84488-120-2p.149
- ISBN 1-84488-120-2p.202
- ^ Feeney, p. 270-71
- ISBN 0-471-26633-7pg.281
- ISBN 978-1-86197-443-3pg.624
- ^ ISBN 0-7171-2081-3pg.24-5 cite.’ Two leading commentators on the Provisionals noted: ‘The nomenclature, with its echoes of the 1916 rebels’ provisional government of the Irish Republic, reflected the delegates’ belief that the irregularities surrounding the extraordinary convention rendered it null and void. Any decisions it took were revokable. They proposed to call another convention within twelve months to ‘resolve the leadership of the movement. Until this happened they regarded themselves as a provisional organisation. Ten months later, after the September 1970 Army Council meeting, a statement was issued declaring that the "provisional" period was now officially over, but by then the, name had stuck fast.’ (Bishop and Mallie, p.137)
- ^ a b Feeney, p. 444
- ^ Taylor pp. 184, 165
- ^ Taylor, p. 104
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- ^ Feeney, p. 272
- ^ Feeney pp. 277–9
- ^ Feeney p. 275
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- ^ "Ruairi O Bradaigh: IRA leader who believed fervently in armed struggle". The Independent. 6 June 2013.
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- ^ Taylor (1997), pp.281–2
- ^ Feeney p. 321
- ^ ISBN 0-86278-918-4.
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- ^ Feeney (2002), p. 326.
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- ^ a b Murray and Tonge (2005), p. 166.
- ^ Murray and Tonge (2005), p. 170.
- ^ Murray and Tonge (2005), pp. 182–3.
- ^ Carroll, Rory (11 February 2020). "Sinn Féin pair tell of police warning over dissident attack plan". The Guardian. Retrieved 18 April 2020.
- ^ Cowan, Rosie (13 June 2001). "Sinn Fein builds on success while SDLP licks wounds". The Guardian. Retrieved 9 May 2022.
- ^ Robertson, Nic (10 February 2020). "Sinn Fein surged in Ireland's election. Here's why that's so controversial". CNN. Retrieved 9 May 2022.
- ^ McClements, Freya; Graham, Seanín; Hutton, Brian; Moriarty, Gerry (7 May 2022). "Assembly election: Sinn Féin wins most seats as parties urged to form Executive". The Irish Times. Retrieved 7 May 2022.
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- ^ Coakley, John; Gallagher, Michael (1999). Politics in the Republic of Ireland (3rd ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 340–341.
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- ^ Michael Gallagher (1985), Political parties in the Republic of Ireland. Manchester University Press
Further reading
- Brendan Anderson, Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA, O'Brien Press, Dublin 2002, ISBN 0-86278-674-6
- J Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: The IRA, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), ISBN 1-85371-813-0
- Paul Bew & Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1993, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin 1993, ISBN 0-7171-2081-3
- J. Coakley and M. Gallagher, Politics in the Republic of Ireland, Third Edition, Routledge, London (1999).
- Tim Pat Coogan, The I.R.A., HarperCollins Publishers London 2000 (Fully Revised & Updated), ISBN 0-00-653155-5
- Peter Berresford Ellis, Eyewitness to Irish History, John Wiley & Sons, Inc, Canada 2004, ISBN 0-471-26633-7
- Brian Feeney, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, O'Brien Press, Dublin 2002, ISBN 0-86278-695-9
- Diarmaid Ferriter. A Nation and not a Rabble: The Irish Revolutions 1913-1923 (2015)
- Diarmaid Ferriter. The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000, Profile Books, London 2005, ISBN 978-1-86197-443-3
- R.F. Foster. Vivid Faces: The Revolutionary Generation in Ireland, 1890–1923 (2015)
- Michael Gallagher, Political parties in the Republic of Ireland, Manchester University Press ND, 1985, ISBN 978-0-7190-1742-1
- Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party, Penguin Ireland (2009) ISBN 1-84488-120-2
- Robert Kee, Ireland: A History, Abacus, London (Revised Edition 2005), ISBN 0-349-11676-8
- Jim Kelly. "Sinn Féin: the Anti-Corruption Party?." History Ireland (2013): 13-13.
- Jason Knirck. Afterimage of the revolution: cumann na nGaedheal and Irish politics, 1922–1932 (U of Wisconsin Press. 2014).
- Mícheál MacDonncha, ed (2005). Sinn Féin: A Century of Struggle, Parnell Publications (Dublin) ISBN 0-9542946-2-9
- Niall Murphy. "'Social Sinn Féin and Hard Labour': the journalism of WP Ryan and Jim Larkin 1907–14." Irish Studies Review 22.1 (2014): 43–52.
- Gerard Noonan. The IRA in Britain, 1919-1923: 'in the Heart of Enemy Lines' (Liverpool University Press, 2014)
- Senia Pašeta. Irish Nationalist women, 1900–1918 (Cambridge University Press. 2013)
- Timothy Shanahan, The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Morality of Terrorism, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press (2009) ISBN 0-7486-3530-0.
Contemporary sources
- Aodh de Blácam, What Sinn Féin Stands For, Dublin, Mellifont Press, 1921.
External links
- Sinn Féin online Umbrella website for Sinn Féin information.