Collectivization in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic
Part of a series on the |
Holodomor |
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Collectivization in Ukraine during the period when it was part of the
The policies had a dramatic effect on the Ukrainian ethnic population and its culture, as 86% of the population lived in rural settings. Their forceful implementation was one of the main causes of the Holodomor. In Ukraine, collectivization had specific goals and outcomes.
The formation of
In the early 1920s only 3% of the peasantry of the Soviet Union were collectivised. Within the first five-year plan 20% of peasant households were to be collectivised, although in Ukraine the number was set at 30%.
Policy of collectivization
Approaches to changing from individual farming to a collective type of agricultural production had existed since 1917, but for various reasons (lack of
In 1927, a
Early stages
Despite an intense state campaign, collectivization, which was initially voluntary, was not popular amongst peasants: as of early 1929, only 5.6% of Ukrainian peasant households and 3.8% of arable land was "collectivized". In early 1929, the methods employed by the specially empowered authority "UkrKolhozcenter" changed from a voluntary enrolment to an administrative one. By October 1, 1929, a plan for the creation of kolkhozes was "outperformed" by 239%. As a result, 8.8% of arable land was "collectivized".[2]
"Fast track collectivization"
The next major step toward "all-over collectivization" took place after an article was published by Joseph Stalin in Pravda, in early November 1929.
While "summoned" by the November 10 – November 17, 1929 meeting of VKP(b) Central Committee, the "
The USSR Kolhozcenter issued the December 10, 1929, decree on collectivisation of livestock within a 3-month period (draft animals 100%, cattle 100%, pigs 80%, sheep and goats 60%). This drove many peasants to slaughter their livestock. By January 1, 1930, the percentage of collectivized households almost doubled, to 16.4% of the total number of households.
Year | Total horses |
Working horses |
Total cattle | Oxen | Bulls | Cows | Pigs | Sheep and goats |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1927 | 5056.5 | 3900.1 | 8374.5 | 805.5 | ... | 3852.1 | 4412.4 | 7956.3 |
1928 | 5486.9 | 4090.5 | 8604.8 | 895.3 | 32.8 | 3987.0 | 6962.9 | 8112.2 |
1929 | 5607.5 | 4198.8 | 7611.0 | 593.7 | 26.9 | 3873.0 | 4161.2 | 7030.8 |
1930 | 5308.2 | 3721.6 | 6274.1 | 254.8 | 49.6 | 3471.6 | 3171.8 | 4533.4 |
1931 | 4781.3 | 3593.7 | 6189.5 | 113.8 | 40.0 | 3377.0 | 3373.3 | 3364.8 |
1932 | 3658.9 | ... | 5006.7 | 105.2 | ... | 2739.5 | 2623.7 | 2109.5 |
1933 | 2604.8 | ... | 4446.3 | 116.9 | ... | 2407.2 | 2089.2 | 2004.7 |
1934 | 2546.9 | 2197.3 | 5277.5 | 156.5 | 46.7 | 2518.0 | 4236.7 | 2197.1 |
Despite the infamous January 5, 1930,
"Dizzy with success"
The fast-track to collectivization incited numerous peasant revolts in Ukraine and in other parts of the USSR. In response to the situation, the Soviet regime stepped back: the March 2, 1930, issue of Pravda published the Stalin's article "Dizzy with success". Soon, numerous orders and decrees were issued banning the use of force and administrative methods. Some of "mistakenly dekulakized" received their property back, and even some mistakenly deported returned home but in insignificant numbers—most remained where they had been deported. The collectivization process was rolled back: by 1 May 1933 38.2% of Ukrainian peasant households and 41.1% of arable land had been collectivized. By the end of August, these numbers declined to 29.2% and 35.6% respectively. no
Second "voluntary" collectivization
A second forced "voluntary" collectivization campaign was initiated in the winter–summer of 1931 with significant assistance of the so-called "tug-brigades" composed from kolkhoz udarniks. Many kulaks along with families were deported from Ukraine.
According to declassified data, around 300,000 peasants in Ukraine out of a population of about 30 million were subject to these policies in 1930–31. Ukrainians composed 15% of the total 1.8 million kulaks relocated Soviet-wide.[5] On July 20, 1931 – as a response to the numerous regional requests for additional numbers of kulak deportations Politburo of VKP(b) concluded that the "strategic task of the Party was almost accomplished. All further deportations were recommended to be administered only to individuals."[6]
This second forced "voluntary" collectivization campaign also invoked a delay in sowing. As a result,
According to the first five-year plan, Ukrainian agriculture was to switch from an exclusive orientation of grain to a more diverse output. This included not only a rise in sugar beet crops, but also other types of agricultural production were expected to be utilised by industry (with even cotton plants being established in 1931). This plan anticipated a decrease in the area of grain cultivated, in contrast to an increase of yield and area for other crops. By July 1, 1931, 65.7% of Ukrainian peasant households and 67.2% of arable land were reported as "collectivized". The main grain and sugar beet production areas, however, were collectivized to a greater extent — 80-90%.[7]
Clarified "All-over collectivization"
The decree of Central Committee of VKP(b) from August 2, 1931, clarified the "all-over collectivization" term - in order to be considered complete the "all-over collectivization" does not have to reach 100%, but not less than 68–70% of peasants households and not less than 75-80% of arable lands. According to the same decree "all-over collectivization" accomplished at Northern Caucasus (Kuban) - 88% of households and 92% of arable lands "collectivized", Ukraine (South) – 85 and 94 percents respectively, Ukraine (Right Bank) – 69 and 80 percents respectively, and Moldavian ASSR (part of Ukrainian SSR) – 68 and 75 percent.[8]
As of the beginning of October 1931, the collectivization of 68.0% of peasant households, and 72.0% of arable land was complete.[9]
1931 plan
The plan for the state grain collection in Ukraine adopted for 1931 was over-optimistic — 510 million
Speculative prices on food in the cooperative network (5–10 times more as compared with neighbouring Soviet republics) invoked a significant movement of peasants in search for bread. Attempts were made to manage the problem with bread speculation by imposing a quota on all carried foods met with very limited success. On the request of
1932 situation
The Government of the Ukrainian SSR tried to remedy the situation from March with recourse to internal resources, but had little success - withdrawal of food from other Ukrainian regions depleted their own limited supplies. Starting in February 1932, administrative and territorial reform (oblast creation) also added mismanagement cast, - even Moscow had more details about the seed situation than the Ukrainian authorities. In May, in a desperate effort to change the situation, the central Soviet Government provided 7.1 million poods of grain for food for Ukraine and reverted no less than 700 agricultural tractors intended for other regions of USSR. By July, the total amount of aid provided from Central Soviet Authorities for food, sowing and forage for "agricultural sector" was numbered more than 17 million poods.
Taking into account the situation in Ukraine, the central grain collection plan was lowered by 18.1%, in comparison to the 1931 plan. Kolkhozes were expected to harvest 4,751.2 thousand tons, with the peasants responsible for 1,080.1 thousand tons. Sovkhozes were to submit 475,034 tons. In addition Ukrainian kolkhozes and sovkhozes were to return 132,750 tons of grain which had been provided in spring 1932 as aid. The grain collection plan for July 1932 was adopted to collect 19.5 million poods.
The actual state of collection was disastrous however, and by 31 July only 3 million poods (compared to 21 million in 1931) were collected. As of July 20 the harvested area was half of that in 1931. The sovkhozes had only sowed 16% of the defined area.
Oblast (in late 1932 administrative borders) |
Number of kolhozes |
% of peasantry households collectivization |
---|---|---|
Kyiv Oblast | 4,053 | 67.3 |
Chernihiv Oblast | 2,332 | 47.3 |
Vinnytsia Oblast | 3,347 | 58.9 |
Kharkiv Oblast | 4,347 | 72.0 |
Dnipropetrovsk Oblast | 3,399 | 85.1 |
Odessa Oblast | 3,594 | 84.4 |
Donetsk Oblast | 1,578 | 84.4 |
Moldavian ASSR | 620 | 68.3 |
Ukraine | 23,270 | 69.0 (77.1% of arable land) |
This disparity between agricultural goals, and actual production grew later in the year. An expected 190 thousand tons of grain were to be exported, but by August 27, 1932, only 20 thousand tons were ready. Ukraine met with difficulty in supplying the planned amount of food and as a result a rationing system was implemented to supply urban areas with food. This system became the major source of food delivery to cities while the alternatives, cooperative trade and black market trading, became too expensive, and under-supplied, to provide long-range assistance. By October 25, the plan for grain collection was lowered once again, from the quantity called for in the plan of August 22, 1932. Nevertheless, collection reached only 39% of the annually planned total.[11] A second lowering of goals deducted 70 million poods but still demanded plan completion, and 100% efficiency. Attempts to reach the new goals of production proved futile in late 1932. On November 29, in order to complete the plan, Ukraine was to collect 94 million poods, 4.8 of them from sovkhozes. As of January 2, targets were again lowered, to 62.5 million poods. Later that month, on January 14, the targets were lowered even further– by 29.4 million poods, to 33.1 million. Vinnytsia, Kyiv oblasts and Moldavian ASSR had accomplished the lowered 1932 plan for grain procurement, but not for sowing reserves. The total remains for Ukraine was 22.1 million poods. At same time, GPU of Ukraine reported hunger and starvation in the Kyiv and Vinnytsia oblasts, and began implementing measures to remedy the situation. By January 29 Kharkiv Oblast had also fulfilled the grain collection plan, and reached its production target. Despite these apparent successes in production, the total amount of grain collected by February 5 was only 255 million poods (compared to 440 million poods in 1931) while the numbers of "hunger and malnutrition cases" as registered by the GPU of Ukraine, increased every day, particularly in rural areas and small towns. [12]
By early 1932, 69% of households were collectivized.[13] Even though several other regions in the USSR were collectivized to a greater extent,[14] the effect of the collectivization on the Ukrainian agriculture was very substantial.
Year | Production | Collections | Remainder | Collections as % of production |
---|---|---|---|---|
1930 | 73-77 | 22.1 | 51-55 | 30.2-28.7 |
1931 | 57-65 | 22.8 | 34-43 | 40–35.1 |
1932 | 55-60 | 18.5 | 36.5-41.5 | 33.6-30.8 |
1933 | 70-77 | 22.7 | 47.3-54.3 | 32.4-29.5 |
Whilst the long-lasting effect of overall collectivization had an adverse effect on agricultural output everywhere, Ukraine had long been the most agriculturally productive area, providing over 50% of exported grain and 25% of total production of grain in the Russian Empire in 1913. Over 228,936 square kilometres (56.571 million acres), 207,203 km2 (51.201 million acres) were used for grain production, or 90.5% of total arable land. This degree of dependency on agriculture meant that the effects of a bad harvest could be almost unlimited. This had been long recognised, and while projections for agricultural production were adjusted, the shock of limited production could not be easily managed. While collections by the state were in turn, limited, there were already clear stresses. The 1932 total Soviet harvest, was to be 29.5 million tons in state collections of grain out of 90.7 million tons in production. But the actual result was a disastrous 55-60 million tons in production. The state ended up collecting only 18.5 million tons in grain.[15] The total Soviet collections by the state were virtually the same in 1930 and 1931 at about 22.8 million tons. For 1932, they had significantly been reduced to 18.5 million tons; with even lower figure in Ukraine. These were the total estimated outcomes of the grain harvests:[15]
Procurement practice
In 1928, a "by contract" policy of procurement (contracts for the delivery of agricultural products) was implemented for kolkhozes and ordinary peasants alike ("kulaks" had a "firm" plan for procurement) . Accordingly, from 1928 through January 1933, "grain production areas" were required to submit 1/3–1/4 of their estimated yield, while areas designated as "grain" were required to submit no more than 1/8 of their estimated yield. However, between the Autumn of 1930 and the Spring of 1932, local authorities tended to collect products from kolkhozes in amounts greater than the minimum required in order to exceed the contracted target (in some cases by more than 200%). Especially harmful methods utilized in the "by contract" policy were "counterplan" actions, which were additional collection plans implemented in already fulfilled contracts. Such "counterplan" measures were strictly forbidden after the Spring of 1933 as "extremely harmful for kolkhoz development."[16]
In 1932 a "1/4 of yield" procurement quota for "grain production areas" of Ukraine were planned for implementation. On September 23, 1932, a telegram signed by Molotov and Stalin noted that the harvest of 1932 was "satisfactory", according to estimates provided by the agricultural planning authorities, and therefore requests for seed for winter crops were refused while total winter-tillage area demands were increased.[12] Later, Stalin blamed the statistical and planning authorities for inaccurately estimating potential yields and thus a "Commissions for yield estimation" was created on December 17, 1932, by his order.[17] Some modern historians also agree that the 1932 harvest figures provided at the time were largely overestimated and the actual difference between estimated and actual harvest was significant. Such unrealistic figures resulted in demand that was impossibly to fulfill and resulted in lesser reduction of grain procurement plan and greater grain procurement than were possible in late 1932 through the February 5, 1933[18][19]
Year | Production | Collections |
---|---|---|
1927 | 18.67 | 0.83 centralized collection only |
1928 | 13.88 | 1.44 |
1929 | 18.7 | 4.56 |
1930 | 22.72 | 6.92 |
1931 | 18.34 | 7.39 |
1932 | 14.65 | 4.28 |
1933 | 22.29 (including sorgo ) |
5.98 |
Legislation provisions
On August 7, 1932, the Soviet government passed a law "on the safekeeping of Socialist property"[20] that imposed from a ten-year prison sentence to the death penalty for any theft of socialist property.[20][21][22][23] Stalin personally appended the stipulation: "People who encroach on socialist property should be considered enemies of the people."[citation needed] Within five months after passage of the law, 54,645 individuals were sentenced under its provisions, of which, 2,110 were sentenced to death. The initial wording of the Decree "On fought with speculation" adopted August 22, 1932 lead to common situations where acts by minor such as bartering tobacco for bread were documented as punished by 5 years imprisonment.[20] After 1934, by NKVD demand, the penalty for minor offences was limited to a fine of 500 rubles or 3 months of correctional labor.[24]
The existed practice of administrative punishment known as "black board" (black list) by the November, 18 Decree of Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine was applied to a greater extent and with more harsh methods to selected villages and kolkhozes that were considered to be "underperforming" in the grain collection procurement: "Immediate cessation of delivery of goods, complete suspension of cooperative and state trade in the villages, and removal of all available goods from cooperative and state stores". Full prohibition of collective farm trade for both collective farms and collective farmers, and for private farmers. Cessation of any sort of credit and demand for early repayment of credit and other financial obligations."[25][26] Initially such sanctions were applied to only six villages, but later they were applied to numerous rural settlements and districts. For peasants, who were not kolkhoz members and who were "underperforming" in the grain collection procurement, special "measures" were adopted. To "reach the grain procurement quota" amongst peasants 1,100 brigades were organized which consisted of activists (often from neighbouring villages) which had accomplished their grain procurement quota or were close to accomplishing it. Since most of goods supplied to the rural areas was commercial (fabrics, matches, fuels) and was sometimes obtained by villagers from neighbouring cities or railway stations, sanctioned villages remained for a long period – as an example mentioned in the December 6 Decree the village of Kamyani Potoky was removed from blacklist only October 17, 1933 when they completed their plan for grain collection early. Since January 1933 the black list regime was "softened" when 100% of plan execution was no longer demanded, mentioned in the December 6 Decree villages Liutenky and Havrylivka were removed from the black list after 88 and 70% of plan completion respectively.[27]
Measures were undertaken to persecute those withholding or bargaining grain. This was done frequently by requisition detachments, which raided farms to collect grain, and was done regardless of whether the peasants retained enough grain to feed themselves, or whether they had enough seed left to plant the next harvest.
Restrictions on freedom of movement
Special barricades were set up by GPU units throughout the USSR to prevent an exodus of peasants from the hunger-stricken regions. During a single month in 1933, 219,460 people were intercepted and escorted back or arrested and sentenced.[28] In Ukraine, these measures had the following results, according to the declassified documents[29][30][31][32] during the 11 days (23 January–2 February) after the January 22, 1933 Decree 3861 people were intercepted of which 340 were arrested "for further recognition". During the same period, in trains and at railway stations on the whole Ukrainian territory, there were 16,773 people intercepted (907 of those not living in Ukraine); out of those, 1,610 people were arrested. Such figures also included criminals. In the same document, the OGPU informed about the number of peasants which already had left the Ukrainian territory (94,433 persons) during the period from December 15, 1932, to January 2, 1933 (data for 215 districts out of 484, and Moldavian ASSR).
The government introduced new identity papers and obligatory registration for citizens in December 1932. On February 23, 1933, Politburo of VKP(b) Central Committee adopted a decree "About foreign journalists travel through USSR" which expected what they can be travel and reside in mentioned areas only after approval and obtained a permit from General Directorate of Militia". The Soviet government denied initial reports of the famine (but agreed with information about malnutrition), and prevented foreign journalists from travelling in the region. At the same time there was no credible evidence of information blockade arrangements on a considerable number of foreign specialists (engineers, workers, etc.) which engaged at many construction site at Ukrainian territory.
For example, Gareth Jones, one of Lloyd George's private secretaries spent several days in mid-March in travel "all twenty villages, not only in the Ukraine, but also in the black earth district, and in the Moscow region, and that I slept in peasants' cottages, and did not immediately leave for the next village". He easily reached neighbouring rural areas of capital of Soviet Ukraine – Kharkov, spent some days there and despite what he has not "saw in the villages no dead human beings nor animals" this journalist who never before saw a famine evidence, reported "that there was famine in the Soviet Union" (actually increasing of death rate from starvation wider affected Kharkov Oblasts in mid April-begin of June 1933).
On August 23, 1933, foreign correspondents were warned individually by the press section of the Foreign Office of USSR not to attempt to travel to the provinces or elsewhere in the Soviet Union without first obtaining formal permission. Foreign Office of USSR without explanation refused permission to William H. Chamberlain, Christian Science Monitor correspondent, to visit and observe the harvest in the principal agricultural regions of the North Caucasus and Ukraine. Several months (May–July 1933) ago two other American correspondents were forbidden to make a trip to Ukraine.[34] Such restriction was softened since September 1933.
Scholars who have conducted research in declassified archives have reported[35] "the Politburo and regional Party committees insisted that immediate and decisive action be taken in response to the famine such that 'conscientious farmers' not suffer, while district Party committees were instructed to supply every child with milk and decreed that those who failed to mobilize resources to feed the hungry or denied hospitalization to famine victims be prosecuted."
Based on data collected by undercover investigation and photos, the Information blockade
Insufficient assistance
First reports about difficulties with food (malnutrition, hunger) in rural areas and same situation in towns (which undersupplied through rationing system) from Ukrainian GPU and Oblasts Authorities referred to beginning, mid-January 1933. "Measures to localize the cases" predominantly based on locally available resources. While the numbers of such reports and areas mentioned in them increased (as also a quantity of food requested ) Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine issued a February 8, 1933 Decree which urged what every "hunger case" should be treated without delay and with maximum mobilization of own resources of kolkhozes, rayons, towns, and oblasts". Also that decree demanded "within 7 days term" an information about food aid which should be provided from "central sources". As of February 20, 1933 Dnipropetrovska oblast - reported as most affected – received 1.2 million of poods of food aid, Odeska – 0.8 million, Kharkovska – 0.3 million accordingly to the Order of Central Committee of VKP(b). For Kyiv oblast by March, 18, decree of VKP(b) was allocated 6 million of poods. Ukrainian Authorities also provide the aid but it was limited to resources available. In order to preserve orphaned and affected by hunger children Ukrainian GPU and Peoples Commissariat of Heals created special commission; was established a kindergartens network were children should get an additional food (sugar, oils, products from grain), specially directed for him from Central Ukrainian and Soviet authorities. Urban areas also significantly affected by shortage food supplied predominantly through of rationing system. March 20, 1933 Stalin sign a decree which lowered the monthly milling levy for Ukraine by 14 thousand tons, which amount should be redistributed as additional bread supply "for students, small towns and small enterprises in big cities and specially in Kyiv".
However food aid distribution was not relevantly managed and redistributed by regional and local authorities, even not spoken about differences in amount required and amount provided.
Overturning the first wave of hunger in February – March Ukrainian authorities met with second even worst wave of hunger in starvation in April- May – especially in Kyiv and Kharkiv oblasts (delayed winter also add additional casts to that regions situation).
Between February and June 1933, at least thirty-five Politburo decisions and Sovnarkom decrees selectively authorized issue of a total of 35.19 million poods (576,400
Documents from the Soviet archives indicate that the aid distribution was made selectively to the most affected areas and from the spring months such assistance has the goal of the relief effort at sowing time was targeted to recovering patients. A special resolution of the Central Committee of the
Export of grain
After recognition of the famine situation in Ukraine during the drought and poor harvests, the Soviet government in Moscow continued to export grain rather than retain its crop to feed the people,[40] even though on a significantly lower level than in previous years. In 1930–31 there had been 5,832,000 tons[vague] of grains exported In 1931–32, grain exports declined to 4,786,000 tons. In 1932–33, grain exports were just 1,607,000 tons and in 1933–34, this further declined to 1,441,000 tons.[41] Officially published data[42] slightly differ
Cereals : 1930 - 4,846,024;
1931 - 5,182,835; 1932 - 1,819,114 (first half of 1932 - approx 750 000, from late April grain also imported - approx. 157,000 tonnes ); 1933 - 1,771,364 tonnes (first half of 1933 - 220 000,[43] late March grain also imported).[44]
From that wheat: 1930 - 2,530,953; 1931 - 2,498,958 ; 1932 - 550,917; 1933 - 748,248 tons. Via Ukrainian commercial ports in 1932 were exported (thousand tons): 988.3 -grains, 16,5 other types of cereals; in 1933 - 809.6,-grains 2.6 -cereals; 3.5 meat, 0.4- butter, 2.5 - fish.
Via Ukrainian commercial ports in 1932 were imported (thousand tons): 1932 - no more than 67.2 of grains and cereals 1933 - 8.6 of grains.
Received from other Soviet ports - 1932 (thousand tons): 164 - grains, 7.3 - other types of cereals, fish -31.5 and no more than 177 thousand tons of meat and butter 1933- 230 - grains, 15.3 other types of cereals 0.1 - meat, 0.9- butter, fish - 34.3.
Sovkhozes and general problems of 1932
After grain collection difficulties in 1927 and 1928, Stalin ordered the creation of state grain and meat enterprises – sovkhozes - which, accordingly to his initial vision, should deliver more than 100 million of poods of grain in 1932. However, in 1932 their production results were disastrous because of poor general and agricultural management and planning, despite the significant (as compared to kolkhozes) amount of modern agricultural mechanisms (agricultural tractors, harvesters, etc.) employed.[45] But the biggest reason was that they continually seed wheat from 1929 on the same areas and even without fertilizers. Sovkhozes also suffered from a lack of manpower and infrastructure (roads, elevators etc.). Losses during harvesting were extremely high.[17] Thus despite an expected 290 million poods (more than 5 million tons) in 1932, sovkhozes produced 5 time less, while the situation with livestock was even worse.[16] As of July 20, 1932 sovhozes of the Ukrainian SSR had only logged a mere 16% of the defined sawing area.
Primitive agriculture
Another factor in the decline of the harvests were the shortage of drought power for ploughing and reaping was even more acute in 1932 than in the previous year. The number of working horses declined from 19.5 million on July 1, 1931, to 16.2 million on July 1, 1932. The desperate efforts to replace horses by tractors failed to compensate for this loss. In 1931, the total supply of tractors to agriculture amounted to 964,000 hp (719,000 kW), 393,000 produced at home and 578,000 imported. But in 1932, because of the foreign trade crisis and home producing establishing, no tractors at all were imported.[46]
Year | Tractors | H.P. |
---|---|---|
1929–30 | 15,112 | 160,500 |
1931 | 26,051 | 321,097 |
1932 | 39,089 | 514,259 |
1933 | 51,320 | 720,094 |
1934 | 64,516 | 933,300 |
In the whole of 1932, only 679,000 tractor horsepower was supplied to agriculture, considerably less than in 1931. Only about half became available in time for the harvest, and even less in time for the spring sowing. Animal drought power deteriorated in quality. Horses were fed and maintained even more inadequately than in the previous year.[46] The acute shortage of horses led to the notorious decision to employ cows as working animals. According to the speech of one Soviet official at one of the most affected by famine region, the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast "in 1932 we employ only 9000 cows, but in 1933 we involve at least 3⁄4 of their total number; 57,000 employed at sowing."[47] February 23, the Lower Volga party bureau decided to use 200,000 cows for special field work.
This article has an unclear citation style. (September 2009) |
Books and articles
- Yar Slavutyth, survivor - actual accounts- Alberta Report feature[48]
- Marco Carynnyk, Lubomyr Luciuk and Bohdan S Kordan, eds, The Foreign Office and the Famine: British Documents on Ukraine and the Great Famine of 1932–1933, foreword by Michael Marrus (Kingston: Limestone Press, 1988)
- Robert Conquest[49]
- Robert W. Davies; Wheatcroft, Stephen G., The Years of Hunger. Soviet Agriculture 1931–1933, Houndmills 2004 ISBN 0-333-31107-8
- Robert W. Davies; Wheatcroft, Stephen G., Stalin and the Soviet Famine of 1932-33 - A Reply to Ellman, in: Europe-Asia Studies Vol. 58 (2006), 4, pp. 625–633.
- Miron Dolot, EXECUTION BY HUNGER: THE HIDDEN HOLOCAUST, New York: W.W Norton & Company, 1985, xvi + 231 pp. ISBN 0-393-01886-5.
- Barbara Falk, Sowjetische Städte in der Hungersnot 1932/33. Staatliche Ernährungspolitik und städtisches Alltagsleben (= Beiträge zur Geschichte Osteuropas 38), Köln: Böhlau Verlag 2005 ISBN 3-412-10105-2
- Wasyl Hryshko, The Ukrainian Holocaust of 1933, (Toronto: 1983, Bahriany Foundation)
- Stanislav Kulchytsky, Hennadiy Yefimenko. Демографічні наслідки голодомору 1933 р. в Україні. Всесоюзний перепис 1937 р. в Україні: документи та матеріали (Demographic consequence of Holodomor of 1933 in Ukraine. The all-Union census of 1937 in Ukraine), Kyiv, Institute of History, 2003.
- R. Kusnierz, Ukraina w latach kolektywizacji i Wielkiego Glodu (1929-1933), Torun Archived 2022-03-14 at the Wayback Machine, 2005
- Leonard Leshuk, ed, Days of Famine, Nights of Terror: Firsthand Accounts of Soviet Collectivization, 1928-1934 (Kingston: Kashtan Press, 1995)
- Lubomyr Luciuk, ed, Not Worthy: Walter Duranty's Pulitzer Prize and The New York Times (Kingston: Kashtan Press, 2004)
- Rajca, Czesław (2005). Głód na Ukrainie. Lublin/Toronto: Werset. ISBN 978-83-60133-04-0.
- Stephen G. Wheatcroft: Towards Explaining the Soviet Famine of 1931-1933: Political and Natural Factors in Perspective, in: Food and Foodways Vol. 12 (2004), No. 2-3, pp. 104–136.
References
- ISBN 978-0-393-30869-3.
- ^ "Колективізація і голод на Україні: 1929-1933. Збірник матеріалів і документів". Archives.gov.ua. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ "Колективізація і голод на Україні: 1929-1933. Збірник матеріалів і документів". Archives.gov.ua. 1930-01-30. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ Wheatcroft and Davies
- ^ Davies and Wheatcroft, p.490
- ^ Ivnitskyy "Tragedy of Soviet Village"
- ^ "Колективізація і голод на Україні: 1929-1933. Збірник матеріалів і документів". Archives.gov.ua. 1932-01-28. Archived from the original on 2013-11-03. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ Compendium of Soviet Law for 1931. Moscow, 1932
- Ukrainian Historical Journal, 2004, № 2, 31-50.
- ^ "Голод 1932-1933 років на Україні: очима істориків, мовою документів". Archives.gov.ua. Archived from the original on 2012-08-15. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ С. Кульчицький, Голодомор-33: сталінський задум та його виконання (pdf Archived 2008-05-27 at the Wayback Machine), Проблеми Історіїї України факти, судження, пошуки, №15, 2006, сс. 190-264
- ^ a b "Колективізація і голод на Україні: 1929-1933. Збірник матеріалів і документів". Archives.gov.ua. 1932-04-29. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ISBN 0-333-31107-8. p.487
- ^ e.g. 83% in Lower Volga, Davies and Wheatcroft, ibid
- ^ a b Davies and Wheatcroft, p. 448
- ^ a b Soviet Agricultural Encyclopedia, 1st ed. (1932-35), Moscow
- ^ a b Soviet Agricultural Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (1939), Moscow
- ^ S. Kulchytskyy. "For assessment of the situation in the agriculture sector of the Ukraine". Ukrainian Historical Magazine. No. 3, 1988.
- ^ S. Kulchytskyy letter to the International Commission of Inquiry into the 1932–33 famine in Ukraine.
- ^ a b c Konchalovsky and Lipkov, The Inner Circle, Newmarket Press, New York: 1991, p.54
- ^ Potocki, p. 320.
- ^ Serczyk, p. 311.
- ^ Andrew Gregorovich, "Genocide in Ukraine 1933", part 4: "How Did Stalin Organize the Genocide?" Archived 2017-02-02 at the Wayback Machine, Ukrainian Canadian Research & Documentation Centre, Toronto 1998.
- ^ "RELP. Г. И. Вольфман. Борьба со спекуляцией по советскому законодательству. Изд. Саратовского ун-та, 1963, 133 стр". Law.edu.ru. Archived from the original on 2014-03-04. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ Rajca, p. 321.
- ^ Memorandum on Grain Problem, Addendum to the minutes of Politburo [meeting] No. 93. Resolution on blacklisting villages. December 1932
- ^ a b "Голод 1932-1933 років на Україні: очима істориків, мовою документів". Archives.gov.ua. Archived from the original on 2017-11-09. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ ISBN 0-674-07608-7
- ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2008-05-28.
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2008-05-28.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2008-05-28.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2008-05-28.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939., Ithaca. N.I., 2001, p. 306
- ^ Ruslan V. Olkhovskiy (1933-08-21). "The Great Famine-Genocide in Soviet Ukraine (Holodomor)". Artukraine.com. Archived from the original on 2013-05-14. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ Davies and Wheatcroft, p. 424
- ^ "Starvation & Surplus", Time, January 22, 1934.
- ^ a b On April 6, 1933, Sholokhov, who lived in the Vesenskii district (Kuban, Russian Federation), wrote at length to Stalin, describing the famine conditions and urging him to provide grain. Stalin received the letter on April 15, and on April 16 the Politburo granted 700 tons of grain to the district. Stalin sent a telegram to Sholokhov: "We will do everything required. Inform size of necessary help. State a figure." Sholokhov replied on the same day, and on April 22, the day on which Stalin received the second letter, Stalin scolded him, "You should have sent answer not by letter but by telegram. Time was wasted". Davies and Wheatcroft, p. 217
- ^ Davies and Wheatcroft, p. 218
- Den', 29 November 2005 at same time original document mentioned by Kulchytsky does not have any "distrophy" wording, and was issued for only one region, not all of Ukraine—doc # 204 Archived 2017-11-09 at the Wayback Machine
- ISBN 0-02-865848-5
- ^ Davies and Wheatcroft, p.471
- ^ СССР в цифрах ЦУНХУ Госплана СССР. Москва 1935, page 574, 575
- ^ Mark B.Tauger Natural Disaster and Human Actions in the Soviet Famine of 1931-33 2001. p.4
- ^ СССР в цифрах ЦУНХУ Госплана СССР. Москва 1935, page 585
- ^ Development of the Ukrainian SSR Economy. Kyiv-1949 Ukrainian Academy of Science publishing
- ^ a b Davies and Wheatcroft, p.111
- ^ "З доповіді І. Гаврилова на сесії ВУЦВК". Archives.gov.ua. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ^ "ukrainianholocaust.org". ukrainianholocaust.org. Archived from the original on 2013-07-20. Retrieved 2013-08-28.
- ISBN 978-0-19-505180-3.
External links
- Famine Exposure: Newspaper Articles relating to Gareth Jones' trips to the Soviet Union (1930-35) from garethjones.org
- Yaroslav Bilinsky, Was the Ukrainian Famine of 1932-1933 Genocide?, Journal of Genocide Research , 1(2), pages= 147–156 (June 1999)
- Stanislav Kulchytsky, Italian Research on the Holodomor, October 2005.
- (in English) Stanislav Kulchytsky, "Why did Stalin exterminate the Ukrainians? Comprehending the Holodomor. The position of Soviet historians" - Six part series from
- (in Russian and Ukrainian) Soldatenko, Valeriy (June 28 – July 4, 2003). "A starved 1933: subjectove thoughts on objective processes" (in Russian). Zerkalo Nedeli. Archived from the original on 2004-11-11. in Ukrainian on zn.kiev.ua.
- (in Russian and Ukrainian) Stanislav Kulchytsky's articles in Zerkalo Nedeli, Kyiv, Ukraine"
- "How many of us perish in Holodomor on 1933", November 23-November 29, 2002. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian.
- "Reasons of the 1933 famine in Ukraine. Through the pages of one almost forgotten book" August 16–22, 2003. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian.
- "Reasons of the 1933 famine in Ukraine-2", October 4-October 10, 2003. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian.
- "Demographic losses in Ukraine in the twentieth century", October 2-October 8, 2004. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian.
- "Holodomor-33: Why and how?" November 25 - December 1. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian[permanent dead link].
- Ukrainian Famine Revelations from the Russian Archives at the Library of Congress