History of Over-the-Rhine
The history of Over-the-Rhine is almost as deep as the history of Cincinnati. Over-the-Rhine's built environment has undergone many cultural and demographic changes. The toponym "Over-the-Rhine" is a reference to the Miami and Erie Canal as the Rhine of Ohio. An early reference to the canal as "the Rhine" appears in the 1853 book White, Red, Black, in which traveler Ferenc Pulszky wrote, "The Germans live all together across the Miami Canal, which is, therefore, here jocosely called the 'Rhine'."[1] In 1875 writer Daniel J. Kenny referred to the area exclusively as "Over the Rhine". He noted, "Germans and Americans alike love to call the district 'Over the Rhine'."[2]
German neighborhood
The
In 1850 approximately 63% of Over-the-Rhine's population consisted of immigrants from German states, including Prussia, Bavaria, and Saxony.[6][7] The neighborhood soon took on a "German" character influenced by its majority of residents.[7] The new immigrants brought a variety of customs, habits, attitudes, and dialects of the German language.[7] Their range of religions, occupations, and classes characterized the Over-the-Rhine German community for the rest of the century.[7] The community was served by several German newspapers, including the Volksfreund, Volksblatt, and the Freie Presse.
German entrepreneurs gradually built up a profitable brewing industry, which became identified with Over-the-Rhine and the city.[7] The brewing industry was concentrated along McMicken Avenue and the Miami and Erie canal with the Jackson Brewery, J. G. John & Sons Brewery, Christian Moerlein Brewing Company, and John Kauffman Brewing Company in this area, and John Hauck and Windisch-Mulhauser Brewing Companies across the canal in the West End.[7] By 1880 Cincinnati was recognized as the "Beer Capital of the World",[8] with Over-the-Rhine its center of brewing.
During the nineteenth century, most Cincinnatians regarded Over-the-Rhine as the city's premier entertainment district.[6] The author of Illustrated Cincinnati (1875) noted, "London has its Greenwich, Paris its Bois [de Boulogne], Vienna its Prater, Brussels its Arcade and Cincinnati its 'Over the Rhine'."[9] Over-the-Rhine was recommended for the visitor "bent on pleasure and a holiday".[9] The description continued:
[T]here is nothing like it in Europe; no transition so sudden, so pleasant, and so easily effected. ... There is nothing comparable to the completeness of the change brought about by stepping across the canal. The visitor leaves behind him at almost a single step the rigidity of the American, the everlasting hurry and worry of the insatiate race for wealth, the inappeasable thirst of Dives, and enters at once into the borders of people more readily happy, more readily contented, more easily pleased, far more closely wedded to music and the dance, to the song, and life in the bright, open air.[9]
Before Cincinnati's
Throughout the 19th century, residents of the city suffered epidemics of
The neighborhood, and upper Vine Street in particular, consisted of saloons, restaurants, shooting galleries, arcades, gambling dens, dance halls, burlesque halls, and theaters.[6] Starting in the 1840s, the number of saloons in the area grew steadily.[19] The number of saloons on the main streets in 1890 ranged from 34 on Court Street up to 136 on Vine Street.[20] Nearly 20 years after its favorable review, the 1893 edition of Illustrated Cincinnati noted, "All or nearly all the leading characteristics [of Over-the-Rhine] which won for it the appellation have passed away. ... The only thing this section of the city is now noted for besides noisy concert and drinking halls and cheap theaters is the great breweries, for which Cincinnati has become so renowned."[21]
At the turn of the 20th century, the neighborhood population reached a peak of 45,000 residents, with the proportion of
Economic decline
Many German-Americans felt a sense of pride for their homeland; they celebrated early victories by Germany during World War I. Cincinnati's German language newspapers, the Volksblatt and the Freie Presse were especially vocal.[23] As the likelihood of the United States entering the war increased, the pro-German rhetoric of Cincinnati's German-American population angered some Americans, especially "nativists" who distrusted whether the ethnic Germans were loyal to the United States.[24] After the US entered the war, anti-German sentiment increased across the country.
In 1917, the year the United States declared war on Germany, half of the city's residents could speak German, and many spoke only German.
Although the effort to gain
The Miami and Erie canal became obsolete as a means of transportation, and was abandoned by the city in 1877.[34] The canal was like an open sewer within the city, as sanitation systems were limited.[35] In 1920 the city drained the canal and began construction of the Cincinnati Subway in the canal bed. Central Parkway, which follows the path of the canal, runs over top of the subway system's tunnels. Construction of the subway stalled halfway through the project, as the city was overcome by unexpected inflation following World War I. Distractions by the Great Depression, World War II, and subsequent increasing usage of the automobile prevented the city from ever gaining enough local support to finish it.
Starting in the 1920s, the city government decided to take drastic efforts to revitalize Cincinnati. The city intended to clear older buildings and homes which had fallen into disrepair.[36] Older buildings in disrepair were called slums, and viewed as infectious, as if left unchecked they would infect and destroy nearby neighborhoods.[37] The 1925 master plan called for razing residential buildings in the West End and Over-the-Rhine, and rezoning the basin for commercial, industrial, and civic uses only.[38][39] Given the stock market "Crash" and the onset of the Great Depression, the Planning Commission delayed razing residential housing in the basin or rezoning that area.[40]
In the 1930s some attempts were made to secure business loans for the clearance of the West End and Over-the-Rhine, but all failed due to the lack of local financing.
Appalachian neighborhood
In the 1940s the booming war-stimulated industrial economy had drawn hundreds of thousands of migrants from Appalachia to cities such as Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, and Cincinnati.[43] In the 1950s, the automation of mining and the popularity of oil made the demand for coal sharply drop.[43] In search of work, coal miners from Kentucky and West Virginia flocked to Cincinnati and settled in older neighborhoods, such as Lower Price Hill and Over-the-Rhine, where housing was cheaper.[43][44] Both neighborhoods were also adjacent to the highly industrialized Mill Creek Valley, where work was within walking distance.[44]
In the 1960s the "mountaineers" were so prevalent that the city had plans to use Over-the-Rhine as a "port of entry" for all white Appalachian migrants.
African-American neighborhood
During the 1950s and 1960s the city constructed the
Many moved into housing vacancies in nearby Over-the-Rhine, where they lived among the poor and working-class white Appalachians.[54] Turf wars resulted between the young men of both races, leading to residents' and officials' worries about a possible race riot.[45][55]
The conversion of Over-the-Rhine into a black neighborhood was a result of "white flight" to the suburbs. Newer housing and more space was available, new highways made commuting easier, and some jobs shifted to the suburbs. In Over-the-Rhine some buildings still didn't have running water. The suburbs were also perceived as much safer. The Cincinnati Strangler, a black man who raped and murdered six white women in the mid-1960s, aggravated racist phobias.[56] Race riots in 1967 and 1968 started in the black Avondale neighborhood and spread to nearby neighborhoods like Over-the-Rhine. Between 1960 and 1980 Over-the-Rhine lost 84 percent of its white population. The black population peaked at about 7,300 in 1980, but was still relatively small compared to the 27,000 whites who had occupied the neighborhood just 20 years earlier. From 1980 to 2000 Over-the-Rhine lost both black and white residents, but lost white residents at a higher rate.
In 1980, an unemployed artist took
Concentration of social services and preservation
In the 1950s and 1960s, the city created many social service facilities in Over-the-Rhine, but concentrated redevelopment projects in the central business district.[59] By the late 1970s, the city hoped to reinvest in Over-the-Rhine through historic preservation and encourage more affluent residents.[60] Community organizers opposed the plan, fearing that uncontrolled redevelopment would uproot the poor and involuntarily push them out of their homes and neighborhood.[60][61] Gentrification would displace the poor due to higher rents[62] and would inflict "psychological, social, and economic stress and family strains."[63]
Historic preservationists saw Over-the-Rhine as an "irreplaceable architectural and historic resource" and wanted it added to the National Register of Historic Places to help protect it.[74] Gray was opposed to designation because it would create eligibility for Federal tax credits of 25% for developers of income-producing housing. He asserted this would lead to displacement of the poor.[75] Preservationists argued that displacement was caused by disinvestment (not reinvestment), that displacement did not automatically follow a National Register listing, and that with a 24% vacancy rate in Over-the-Rhine, there was room for middle and upper-income housing.[75][76] Additionally, they demonstrated that the National Register listing would provide one of the few sources of funds for subsidizing low-income housing.[77] Allies of this faction included the Over-the-Rhine Foundation, Over-the-Rhine Chamber of Commerce, businesses, and real-estate developers.[73]
In 1980, at the public hearing for Over-the-Rhine's nomination to the National Register of Historic Places, Buddy Gray rallied some 250 protesters to the event. Gray and his allies forced a three-year delay on the Register's decision.[78][79] In 1983 Over-the-Rhine was rejected from the Register by a narrow 8 to 7 vote.[80] Supporters of historic designation appealed the board's decision to the keeper of the National Register,[77] Carol Shull, who favored adding Over-the-Rhine to the Register.[79] Over-the-Rhine was added to the National Register in May 1983.[81]
Buddy Gray vowed to make the expansion of low-income housing in Over-the-Rhine his top priority.[82] In 1985 Gray pushed a plan through city council that would allow some upper-income residents to settle in the neighborhood, but only after permanent low-income housing was established.[83][84] The plan reserved "a minimum of 5,520 [low-income housing] units"[84] out of Over-the-Rhine's 11,000 possible units.[73][82] That figure was almost identical to the number of occupied units.[85] Public money would not be spent on upper income housing until the "5,520" goal was met,[86] and a housing retention ordinance meant low-income housing could not be torn down unless it was replaced.[73][83][87]
Jim Tarbell, "the most adamant and voluble opponent" of Gray's plan,[88] warned that it guaranteed the persistence of Over-the-Rhine as "a predominantly black enclave of poverty and despair", but City Council ignored him, believing the plan was a compromise.[89] Preservationists found little local support as other Cincinnati neighborhoods feared displacement would move the city's poor, and crime, closer to home. Over the next seven years the plan failed to produce balance in its residential population, nor did it attract commercial or industrial initiatives.[89][90] By 1990 Over-the-Rhine contained 2,500 government-subsidized low-income housing units (compared to virtually none in 1970)[49] and had become one of the most economically distressed areas in the United States.[91] The neighborhood had an extremely high poverty and unemployment rate, with the median household income of about $5,000 a year.[92] An estimated 84-percent of its residents were classified as low income, and over 95% of all housing units were rentals.[92]
No one seriously challenged the 1985 plan until 1992, when Housing Opportunities Made Equal (HOME) assailed Over-the-Rhine as on path toward a "permanent low income, one-race ghetto; a stagnant, decaying 'reservation' for the poor at the doorstep to downtown."[90] In 1993 Over-the-Rhine's housing policy was changed after several small-business owners filed a lawsuit, calling the policy "racial and economic segregation".[93][94] The city settled out of court and agreed to eliminate low-income housing as Over-the-Rhine's top priority.[93][94]
In 1996, the city invited the Urban Land Institute (ULI) to study Over-the-Rhine and create a plan for revitalization.[95] ULI recommended the creation of a bi-partisan "Over-the-Rhine Coalition" to reach compromise between the polarized, deadlocked neighborhood factions.[73][95] Gray refused to participate in the coalition unless specific demands were met,[96] believing the city-funded ULI study was meant to derail his efforts to preserve low-income housing in the neighborhood.[95] ULI panelists questioned whether Gray had too much power over City Hall, and asked the city to question whether they should continue to fund Gray—whom they considered "an impediment to revitalization".[95] Later that year, near a critical point in negotiations, Buddy Gray was shot to death by a mentally-ill homeless man whom he had helped.[97] After Gray's murder his allies were not able to recreate his leadership, and the Over-the-Rhine Coalition was formed.[73]
Gray's legacy lived on through the Drop Inn Center and ReSTOC,[98] his low-income housing cooperative. ReSTOC was one of the neighborhood's largest property owners,[98] and at one point owned 71 parcels in Over-the-Rhine.[99] However, the non-profit had trouble keeping up with the cost and work needed to maintain all of their properties. According to former mayor Charlie Luken in 2001, ReSTOC "are the owners of the most blight in Over-the-Rhine. Period."[100] Critics of ReSTOC accused the nonprofit of stockpiling properties in order to prevent redevelopment.[99][100] The Cincinnati Enquirer reported that despite receiving millions of dollars from federal, state, and local governments to develop low-income housing ReSTOC "actually reduced the number of occupied apartments".[99] In 2002 the city forced ReSTOC to sell some of its properties and use funds from those sales to maintain and improve the other properties it owned.[98] ReSTOC later merged with another nonprofit, Over-the-Rhine Housing Network, to form Over-the-Rhine Community Housing.[101]
Main Street and Digital Rhine
In the 1980s struggling, predominately white artists discovered Main Street's vacant buildings and cheap rents.[102] A bar and nightclub called Neons opened on Main Street in 1984, which would grow in popularity and serve as the catalyst for the Main Street Entertainment District that "blossomed" in the 1990s.[103][104] One by one coffee shops, galleries, breweries, and bars began opening on the six blocks between Central Parkway and Liberty Street.[102] Main Street was full of artists and had a thriving arts scene, but they were eventually displaced to Northside after the street's growing popularity enticed landlords to raise rents.[102] At its height Main Street's numerous clubs, restaurants, and bars attracted nearly a million visitors a year.[104] Locals had mixed reactions to the change, with some complaining that the young, primarily white bar hoppers from the suburbs trashed, abused, and disrespected the street while others saw the 1990s as Main Street's "Golden Era".[102] By the late 1990s there were about 19 clubs and bars on Main Street.[102]
In 1996 the city was stunned by the murder-robbery of a popular, young white musician in a parking lot after his performance.[102][105] Locals acted quickly to protect Main Street's image as a safe destination, although the highly publicized shooting has been cited as the beginning of Main Street's decline.[102] Annually, the street hosted Jammin' on Main, which featured nationally known bands. During a Seven Mary Three show in 1996 a rowdy crowd of mosh-pitters tore down a "flimsy" barrier in front of the stage.[106] Cincinnati police in riot gear stopped the show and "pepper-gassed anyone who seemed reluctant to leave".[106][107]
During the late 1990s Main Street became the center of Cincinnati's dot-com boom, mostly due to its cheap rents and proximity to Main Street's non-tech businesses.[108] Nicknamed "Digital Rhine", the area had at least 10 Internet startups, and one startup sold to eBay in 1999 for $85 million.[108] Digital Rhine slowly disappeared after the dot-com bubble burst in 2001. One by one most of Main Street's businesses closed or relocated following the 2001 riots and the economic downturn that followed the September 11 attacks.[102]
Cincinnati riots of 2001
The influx of wealthier residents onto "the city's most crime-ridden turf"[105] and growing drug activity[109] led to a dramatic increase in police presence.[110] Critics accused police of harassing the neighborhood's black youths, and being more concerned about the white club-hoppers and house-renovators than Over-the-Rhine's poor black residents.[110] Over-policing, a racial profiling lawsuit, and the killing of four black suspects since November 2000 led to a high level of distrust between the urban black community and police.[111]
On April 7, 2001, at approximately 2 a.m. a white Cincinnati police officer chased a wanted 19-year-old African-American into an "extremely dark" breezeway near Republic and 13th Streets.[112][113] The officer thought the man had reached for a weapon so he shot him in the chest, killing him, although no weapon was found.[113] This was the 15th time a black man had been killed by police in six years, although in most of those cases officers were protecting themselves or others from attack.[114][115]
A few days later 200 outraged African-Americans took over a meeting in City Hall and threatened to bar the doors.[116] For three hours they pummeled City Council with angry accusations, threats, claims of a police cover-up, and physically pushed and shoved a member of Council until they moved to the District 1 police station.[116][117] For an hour they threw stones and bottles at police in riot gear and smashed in the station's front door before police opened fire with bean bags, rubber bullets, and tear gas.[116][117]
Violence continued in Over-the-Rhine and Downtown for the next three days. Those involved in the rebellion threw bricks through car windows,[118][119] targeted and beat white motorists,[120][121][122][123][124][125] smashed storefronts and looted businesses,[119] set dozens of fires throughout the city,[118][119][125] shot at police,[126] and more.[125] Main Street was targeted by those involved in the rebellion, according to some of the businesses there.[127] Of those who were arrested for rioting, 70% were not residents of Over-the-Rhine, and 86% were African-American males.[128] The total cost of damage to the city was at least $13.7 million.[129]
Further decline
The riots, the largest urban disorder in the United States since the
Redevelopment
After the 2001 riots, Mayor Charlie Luken dismissed the planning department, believing the city was not good at economic development and that previous studies had been ineffective .
Since 2004, 3CDC has invested $84 million in 152 seriously deteriorated buildings and 165 vacant parcels.
In 2004 the
Between 2004 and 2009, crime in the
Notes
- Behr, Edward (1996), Prohibition, Arcade Publishing. ISBN 1-55970-356-3
- Borman, Kathryn M. and Phillip J. Obermiller (1994), From Mountain to Metropolis: Appalachian Migrants in American Cities, Bergin & Garvey, ISBN 0-89789-367-0
- Gieck, Jack (1992), A photo album of Ohio's canal era, 1825-1913, Kent State University Press. ISBN 0-87338-353-2
- Grace, Kevin and Tom White (2003), Cincinnati's Over-the-Rhine, Charleston: Arcadia Publishing, ISBN 0-7385-3157-X
- Greve, Charles Theodore (1904), Centennial history of Cincinnati and representative citizens, Biographical Publishing Company.
- Goss, Charles Frederic (1912), Cincinnati, the Queen City, 1788-1912, The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company.
- Holian, Timothy J. (2000) Over the Barrel, 1, Sudhaus Press. ISBN 0-9703906-0-2
- Holian, Timothy J. (2001) Over the Barrel, 2, Sudhaus Press. ISBN 0-9703906-9-6
- Kenny, Daniel J. (1875), Illustrated Cincinnat, R. Clarke.
- Kenny, Daniel J. (1895) Illustrated Guide to Cincinnati and the World's Columbian Exposition, R. Clarke.
- Miller, Zane L.; Tucker, Bruce (1999). Changing plans for America's inner cities : Cincinnati's Over-the-Rhine and twentieth-century urbanism. Columbus: The Ohio State University Press. ISBN 0-8142-0763-4.
- Quinlivan, Laure (Director). (2001). Visions of Vine Street. Television production. Cincinnati: WCPO.
- Singer, Allen J. (2003), Images of America: The Cincinnati Subway, History of Rapid Transit, Charleston: Arcadia Publishing, ISBN 0-7385-2314-3
- Stradling, David (2003), Cincinnati: From River City to Highway Metropolis, Arcadia Publishing, ISBN 0-7385-2440-9
- Tolzmann, Don Heinrich. (2005). German Cincinnati.Charleston: Arcadia Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7385-4004-7.
- Tolzmann, Don Heinrich. (2007). German Heritage Guide to the Greater Cincinnati Area. Second Edition. Milford, Ohio: Little Miami Publishing Co. ISBN 978-1-932250-57-2.
- Waddington, David P. (2007), Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice, Willan Publishing. ISBN 1-84392-233-9
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