Sino-Indian border dispute
The examples and perspective in this article may not include all significant viewpoints. (September 2017) |
Sino–Indian border dispute | |||||||
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Line of Actual Control between China and India (map by the CIA) | |||||||
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The Sino–Indian border dispute is an ongoing territorial dispute over the sovereignty of two relatively large, and several smaller, separated pieces of territory between China and India. The first of the territories, Aksai Chin, is administered by China and claimed by India; it is mostly uninhabited high-altitude wasteland but with some significant pasture lands at the margins.[1] It lies at the intersection of Kashmir, Tibet and Xinjiang, and is crossed by China's Xinjiang-Tibet Highway; the other disputed territory is south of the McMahon Line, in the area formerly known as the North-East Frontier Agency and now a state called Arunachal Pradesh. It is administered by India and claimed by China. The McMahon Line was signed between British India and Tibet to form part of the 1914 Simla Convention, but the latter was never ratified by China.[2] China disowns the McMahon Line agreement, stating that Tibet was not independent when it signed the Simla Convention.
The 1962 Sino-Indian War was fought in both disputed areas. Chinese troops attacked Indian border posts in Ladakh in the west and crossed the McMahon line in the east. There was a brief border clash in 1967 in the region of Sikkim, despite there being an agreed border in that region. In 1987 and in 2013, potential conflicts over the Lines of Actual Control were successfully de-escalated. A conflict involving a Bhutanese-controlled area on the border between Bhutan and China was successfully de-escalated in 2017 following injuries to both Indian and Chinese troops.[3] Multiple skirmishes broke out in 2020, escalating to dozens of deaths in June 2020.[4]
Agreements signed pending the ultimate resolution of the boundary question were concluded in 1993 and 1996. This included "confidence-building measures" and the
Background
Aksai Chin
From the area's lowest point on the Karakash River at about 14,000 feet (4,300 m) to the glaciated peaks up to 22,500 feet (6,900 m) above sea level, Aksai Chin is a desolate, largely uninhabited area. It covers an area of about 37,244 square kilometres (14,380 sq mi). The desolation of this area meant that it had no significant human importance other than ancient trade routes crossing it, providing brief passage during summer for caravans of yaks from Xinjiang and Tibet.[8]
One of the earliest treaties regarding the boundaries in the western sector was issued in 1842 following the
The Johnson Line
In 1897 a British military officer, Sir John Ardagh, proposed a boundary line along the crest of the
The Macartney-Macdonald Line
In 1893, Hung Ta-chen, a senior Chinese official at
1899 to 1947
Both the Johnson-Ardagh and the Macartney-MacDonald lines were used on British maps of India.
From 1917 to 1933, the "Postal Atlas of China", published by the Government of China in Peking had shown the boundary in Aksai Chin as per the Johnson line, which runs along the
Since 1947
Upon
On 1 July 1954 Prime Minister
Trans Karakoram Tract
The Johnson Line is not used west of the
The McMahon Line
British India annexed Assam in northeastern India in 1826, by Treaty of Yandabo at the conclusion of the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824–1826). After subsequent Anglo-Burmese Wars, the whole of Burma was annexed giving the British a border with China's Yunan province.
In 1913–14, representatives of Great Britain, China, and
V. K. Singh argues that the basis of these boundaries, accepted by British India and Tibet, was that the historical boundaries of India were the Himalayas and the areas south of the Himalayas were traditionally Indian and associated with India. The high watershed of the Himalayas was proposed as the border between India and its northern neighbours. India's government held the view that the Himalayas were the ancient boundaries of the Indian subcontinent and thus should be the modern boundaries of British India and later the Republic of India.[25]
Chinese boundary markers, including one set up by the newly created Chinese Republic, stood near
By signing the
The British records show that the Tibetan government's acceptance of the new border in 1914 was conditional on China accepting the Simla Convention. Since the British were not able to get an acceptance from China, Tibetans considered the McMahon line invalid.
China's claim on areas south of the McMahon Line, encompassed in the NEFA, were based on the traditional boundaries. India believes that the boundaries China proposed in
India's claim line in the eastern sector follows its interpretation of the McMahon Line. The line drawn by McMahon on the
During and after the 1950s, when India began patrolling this area and mapping in greater detail, they confirmed what the 1914 Simla agreement map depicted: six river crossings that interrupted the main Himalayan watershed ridge. At the westernmost location near Bhutan north of Tawang, they modified their maps to extend their claim line northwards to include features such as Thag La ridge, Longju, and Khinzemane as Indian territory.[8] Thus, the Indian version of the McMahon Line moves the Bhutan-China-India trijunction north to 27°51’30"N from 27°45’40"N.[8] India would claim that the treaty map ran along features such as Thag La ridge, though the actual treaty map itself is topographically vague (as the treaty was not accompanied with demarcation) in places, shows a straight line (not a watershed ridge) near Bhutan and near Thag La, and the treaty includes no verbal description of geographic features nor description of the highest ridges.[8][31]
Sikkim
The Nathu La and Cho La clashes were a series of military clashes in 1967 between India and China alongside the border of the Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim, then an Indian protectorate. The end of the conflicts saw a Chinese military withdrawal from Sikkim.
In 1975, the Sikkimese monarchy held a referendum, in which the Sikkemese voted overwhelmingly in favour of joining India.[32][33] At the time China protested and rejected it as illegal. The Sino-Indian Memorandum of 2003 was hailed as a de facto Chinese acceptance of the annexation.[34] China published a map showing Sikkim as a part of India and the Foreign Ministry deleted it from the list of China's "border countries and regions".[34] However, the Sikkim-China border's northernmost point, "The Finger", continues to be the subject of dispute and military activity.[35]
Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao said in 2005 that "Sikkim is no longer the problem between China and India."[36]
Boundary disputes
1947–1962
During the 1950s, the People's Republic of China built a 1,200 kilometres (750 mi) road connecting Xinjiang and western Tibet, of which 179 kilometres (111 mi) ran south of the Johnson Line through the Aksai Chin region claimed by India.[8] Aksai Chin was easily accessible from China, but for the Indians on the south side of the Karakoram, the mountain range proved to be a complication in their access to Aksai Chin.[8] The Indians did not learn of the existence of the road until 1957, which was confirmed when the road was shown in Chinese maps published in 1958.[37]
The Indian position, as argued by prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, was that the Aksai Chin was "part of the Ladakh region of India for centuries".[8]
The Chinese premier Zhou Enlai argued that the western border had never been delimited, that the Macartney-MacDonald Line, which left part of Aksai Chin within Chinese borders was the only line ever proposed to a Chinese government. He also claimed that Aksai Chin was already under Chinese jurisdiction, and that negotiations should take into account the status quo.[8]
In 1960, Nehru and Zhou Enlai agreed to hold discussions between officials from India and China for examining the historical, political and administrative basis of the boundary dispute.[21] The two sides disagreed on the major watershed that defined the boundary in the western sector.[21]: 96 The Chinese statements with respect to their border claims often misrepresented the cited sources.[38]
1967 Nathu La and Cho La clashes
The Nathu La and Cho La clashes were a series of military clashes in 1967, between India and China alongside the border of the Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim, then an Indian protectorate.[39][40]
The Nathu La clashes started on 11 September 1967, when the People's Liberation Army (PLA) launched an attack on Indian posts at Nathu La, and lasted till 15 September 1967. In October 1967, another military duel took place at Cho La and ended on the same day.[41]
According to independent sources[
1987 Sino Indian skirmish
The 1987 Sino-Indian skirmish was the third military conflict between the Chinese People's Liberation Army Ground Force and Indian Army that occurred at the Sumdorong Chu Valley, with the previous one taking place 20 years earlier.[43]
"1968–2017"
On 20 October 1975, 4 Indian soldiers were killed at Tulung La in Arunachal Pradesh.[44][45] According to the official statement by the Indian government, a patrol of the Assam Rifles comprising a non-commissioned officer (NCO) and four other soldiers was ambushed by about 40 Chinese soldiers while in an area well within Indian territory, and which had been regularly patrolled for years without incident. Four members of the patrol unit were initially listed as missing before confirmation via diplomatic channels they had been killed by the Chinese troops; their bodies were later returned. The Indian government registered a strong protest with the Chinese.[46]
In 2006, the Chinese ambassador to India claimed that all of Arunachal Pradesh is Chinese territory[47] amidst a military buildup.[48] At the time, both countries claimed incursions as much as a kilometre at the northern tip of Sikkim.[35] In 2009, India announced it would deploy additional military forces along the border.[49] In 2014, India proposed China should acknowledge a "One India" policy to resolve the border dispute.[50][51]
The reactions of Indian officials to these successive incursions have also been to a pattern:
- Suppress information
- Deny
Who is misled when information is suppressed? […] Not the Chinese— […] Not other countries, be they the US or Vietnam [….] The people who are lulled are the people of India. And the object of lulling them is straightforward—not just that they should not come to think that their government has been negligent, but that they should not pressurize the government into doing anything more than what it is doing.
Arun Shourie, Self-Deception: India's China Policies, 2013[52]
In April 2013 India claimed, referencing their own perception
In September 2015, Chinese and Indian troops faced off in the Burtse region of northern Ladakh after Indian troops dismantled a disputed watchtower the Chinese were building close to the mutually agreed patrolling line.[60]
2017 Doklam military standoff
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
In June, a military standoff occurred between India and China in the disputed territory of Doklam, near the Doka La pass. On 16 June 2017, the Chinese brought heavy road building equipment to the Doklam region and began constructing a road in the disputed area.[63] Previously, China had built a dirt road terminating at Doka La where Indian troops were stationed.[63] They would conduct foot patrol from this point up till the Royal Bhutanese Army (RBA) post at Jampheri Ridge.[63] The dispute that ensued post 16 June stemmed from the fact that the Chinese had begun building a road below Doka La, in what India and Bhutan claim to be disputed territory.[63] This resulted in Indian intervention of China's road construction on 18 June, two days after construction began. Bhutan claims that the Chinese have violated the written agreements between the two countries that were drawn up in 1988 and 1998 after extensive rounds of talks.[64] The agreements drawn state that status quo must be maintained in the Doklam area as of before March 1959.[64] It is these agreements that China has violated by constructing a road below Doka La. A series of statements from each countries' respective External Affairs ministries were issued defending each countries' actions. Due to the ambiguity of earlier rounds of border talks beginning from the 1890 Anglo-Chinese Convention that was signed in Kolkata on 17 March 1890, each country refers to different agreements drawn when trying to defend its position on the border dispute.[63][64] Following the incursion, on 28 June, the Chinese military claimed that India had blocked the construction of a road that was taking place in China's sovereign territory.[65] On 30 June, India's Foreign Ministry claimed that China's road construction in violation of the status quo had security implications for India.[66] Following this, on 5 July, Bhutan issued a demarche asking China to restore the status quo as of before 16 June.[67] Throughout July and August, the Doklam issue remained unresolved. On 28 August, India issued a statement saying that both countries have agreed to "expeditious disengagement" in the Doklam region.[65]
In 2019, India and China decided to coordinate border patrolling at one disputed point along the LAC.[68]
2020–2022 skirmishes
In June 2020, Indian and Chinese troops engaged in a brawl in the Galwan River valley which reportedly led to the deaths of 20 Indian soldiers. International media claimed 40+ Chinese soldiers had been killed, but this number has not been confirmed by Chinese authorities.[69][70]
Timeline
Boundary discussions
One of the first set of formal talks between China and India on the border were following Zhou Enlai's visit to India in 19–25 April 1960.[71] Following this there were a further three sessions of talks, the "Official's" talks, between— 15 June-6 July 1960; 15 August-24 September 1960; and 7 November-12 December 1960.[71] These discussions produced the 'Report of the Officials on the boundary question'.[72]
Boundary discussions have covered micro and macro issues of the dispute. At a local level, localised disputes and related events such as de-engagement and de-escalation are tackled. Wider overarching issues include discussion related to a package settlement versus sector-wise,[73] clarification of the LAC and border and accordingly the exchange of maps,[74] and delinking or linking the boundary dispute to other bilateral ties.[75]
Package proposal
China made the so-called "package" offer in 1960, which again came to the table in 1980–85. As explained by former foreign secretary Shyam Saran, China "would be prepared to accept an alignment in the Eastern Sector, in general conforming to the McMahon Line, but India would have to concede Aksai Chin to China in the Western Sector [...] For the Central Sector, the differences were regarded as relatively minor and manageable."[76] In other words, China "offered to hold 26% of the disputed land".[77]
In 1985 China made modifications to the package— "the Indian side would have to make significant and meaningful concessions in the Eastern Sector... for which China would make corresponding but undefined concessions in the Western Sector". Additionally, Tawang was brought up "as indispensable to any boundary settlement". These changes in the package proposal by China remained till at least 2015.[76]
Linking border and other bilateral relations
During the first round of renewed talks between China and India in December 1981, China suggested maintaining the status quo on the border question, and in the meantime other relations could be normalized.[78] By the fourth round in October 1983 the Indian negotiators agreed to normalization in other areas.[79] This aspect of linking or de-linking border relations resurfaced in the 2020–2021 China–India skirmishes.[80]
Legal positions
In the 1980s, during the beginning of talks between the two countries, India made it clear that it would not discuss the legal position of either side as it had already been documented in the 1960 Official's report.[81]
Political initiatives
During the eighth round of talks in November, 1987, in the background of the Sumdorong Chu standoff, the negotiators on both sides came to a conclusion that apart from these bureaucratic level talks, a political move was needed.[82]
Dispute management and resolution mechanism
Indian spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs stated in May 2020 that there were enough bilateral mechanisms to solve border disputes diplomatically.[83][84][85][86] However, some critics say that these agreements are "deeply flawed".[87]
Bilateral mechanisms
Bodies/mechanisms have been formed as per bilateral agreements to consult on the boundary question:
Dispute resolution mechanism name | Abbr. | Date proposed |
Formed on/via | First round | Last round | Total rounds |
Status | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Date | Statement/Agreement | |||||||
India-China Joint Working Group on the boundary question
|
JWG | - | 1988[5] | Joint Press Communique | 30 June-4 July 1989[71] | - | - | - |
India-China Diplomatic and Military Expert Group | EG | - | 7 September 1993[5] | Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement | 2-4 February 1994[88] | - | - | - |
Special Representatives mechanism on the boundary question | SR/SRM | 1979 | 23 June 2003[6] | Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation | 26 October 2003[89] | 21 December 2019[90] | 22 | Functional |
Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs
|
WMCC | 2010 | 17 January 2012[7] | Agreement on the Establishment of a Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination | 6 March 2012[91] | 18 December 2020[92] | 20 | Functional |
Other: Border Personnel Meeting points, Hotlines (6 hotlines as of July 2021),[93] normal diplomatic channels
|
Following the 1962 boundary war, official border talks started in December 1981.[71] There were eight rounds of these talks, with the eight round being in 1987.[71] In 1988, through a joint press communique, the border talks were formalized as the 'India-China Joint Working Group on the Boundary Question' (JWG). The JWG met 15 times, the final meeting being in 2005. In 2003 the Special Representatives Mechanism (SRM) was set up as per the 'Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation'.[5]
In April 2005 another agreement mentioned that the JWG, the "India-China Diplomatic and Military Expert Group", and the "Special Representatives on the boundary question" would carry on with their work and consultations.[6] Other than agreements directly related to the border, there have been numerous agreements that worked on other aspects of the bilateral relations such as a memorandum of understanding on military relations that was signed in 2006, that in turn affected the border situation.[94][95]
Bilateral agreements
- India China border related agreements
- 1988: India-China Joint Working Group on the boundary question
- Trade
- 1991: Memorandum on the Resumption of Border Trade
- 1992: Protocol on Entry and Exit Procedures for Border Trade
- 2003: Memorandum on Expanding Border Trade
- Confidence building measures
- 1993: Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement, 1993
- 1996: Agreement on Military Confidence Building Measures
- 2005: Protocol for the Implementation of Military Confidence Building Measures
- Political measures
- 2003: Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation
- 2005: Agreement on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Boundary Question
- 2012: Agreement on the Establishment of a Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs
- 2013: Border Defence Cooperation Agreement
- 2020: 5 point statement
- 1988:
Bilateral military communication channels
Border meeting points
There are five
Hotlines
Negotiations for an inter-military hotline started in 2012. It was initially planned for communication between India's Eastern Command and PLA's Chengdu Military Region Command. Negotiations for Director General of Military Operations (DGMOs) level hotline continued in 2013. In 2014 a hotline was set up between the DGMOs of both countries.[98] In 2021 both countries agreed to set up a hotline between their foreign ministers.[99] By 31 July 2021, six hotlines had been set up between commanders; 2 in Ladakh, 2 in Sikkim and 2 in Arunachal Pradesh.[93]
Corps Commander Level Meetings
'Corps Commander Level Meetings' during the 2020–2021 China–India skirmishes allowed both sides to exchange perspectives and was seen as an important way to keep communication open.[100][101] The length of these meetings varied from 9 hours[102] to over 12 hours.[103] Apart from the military, the chief of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police and a Ministry of External Affairs representative were also present.[104][105]
Geostrategic military aspects
Commands and troops deployment
Chinese Military has an integrated Western Theater Command (WTC) across the whole LAC with India. Western Theater Command also covers provinces of Sichuan, Gansu, Ningxia, Qinghai and Chongqing. China has 5 integrated theater commands.[106]
The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs (BCSIA) carried out an independent analysis of troops deployment in 2020. Indian Army strike forces have 225,000 soldiers near its border, all of whom are focused on China. Numbers include 34,000 in the Northern Command, 15,500 in the Central Command, and 175,500 troops in the Eastern Command, including 3,000 soldiers of T-72 tank brigade in Ladakh and 1,000 soldiers of BrahMos cruise missile regiment in Arunachal Pradesh. Of the 200,000 to 230,000 ground forces under China's Western Theater Command, only 110,000 are stationed on its border, while the rest are deployed on China's border with Russia in the North, inside Tibet and Xinjiang, or deployed elsewhere inside Western China. Of the Chinese troops stationed on the India border, mainly belonging to the 76th Group Army and 77th Group Army, 70,000 are deployed in Southern Xinjiang Military District (corresponding to India's northern or western sector in Ladakh), and 40,000 are deployed in Tibet Military District (corresponding to India's central and eastern sector along with the rest of the LAC from Himachal Pradesh to Arunachal Pradesh). The remaining forces would be not be available for deployment to the India border in the case of a wider conflict. This creates a disparity in terms of India's larger number of conventional troops (225,000) focused on the China border, compared to the smaller number of Chinese troops (90,000-120,000) focused on the Indian border, the majority of whom are deployed far from the Indian border while Indian troops are deployed closer. In the case of conflict, while Indian troops are already in position on or near the border, China will have to mobilise troops mainly from Xinjiang and from other Western Theater Command troops inside China's interior.[107]
Command deployment is as follows:[108]
India | China | |
---|---|---|
Indian Army Sector / Commands | Indian Airforce | |
Northern (also called "Western")[107] (Ladakh) |
Western Air Command (Delhi) |
Western Theater Command (Xinjiang and Tibet) |
Central (Himachal Pradesh and Uttrakhand) |
Central Air Command (Prayagraj) | |
Eastern (Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh) |
Eastern Air Command (Shillong) |
List of disputed areas
List of disputed areas,[108] each with several hundred to several thousand km2 area, is as follows:
SN | Disputed area / sector (alternate names) |
Chinese Province | Indian State/UT | Operational control | Incidences[spelling?] / comment |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Trans-Karakoram Tract (Shaksgam) | Xinjiang | Ladakh | China | Conditionally ceded by Pakistan to China subject to resolution with India. India-controlled Indira Col West lies on its southern border at India-Pakistan-China westernmost "operational" trijunction. |
2 | Aksai Chin | Xinjiang and Tibet | Ladakh | China | Served by 2020 China–India skirmishes, Depsang Plains, Galwan, Pangong Tso, Hot Springs, Kongka Pass. Shyok as hot spots in this sector. Other contested locations include Samar Lungpa.[115]
|
3 | Dêmqog (Demchok sector)
|
Tibet | Ladakh | India / China | Served by Fukche AGL.[114] Padum AGL[114] and Leh Airport are 2nd line of defence. |
4 | Chumar North | Tibet | Ladakh | India | Served by Nyoma AGL.[114] Chumar sector has 2 noncontiguous areas, north and south. India has road up to the claimed border. China does not have a road up to border. Both India and China are also served by helipads. |
5 | Chumar South | Tibet | Ladakh | India | |
6 | Kaurik (Sumdo) |
Tibet | Himachal Pradesh | India | Served by dual use India has road up to the claimed border at Bakiala. |
7 | Tashigang-Shipki La (Khab and Namgia) |
Tibet | Himachal Pradesh | India | |
8 | Jadh Ganga Valley (also Mana Pass) |
Tibet | Uttrakhand[117]
|
India | The valley of Jadh Ganga is claimed by China. The Indians control the whole extent of Jadh Ganga. Some of the villages in the area are Jadhang, Nelang and Tirpani, which all lie in the valley of the Jadh Ganga.
|
9 | Bara Hoti | Tibet | Uttrakhand[117]
|
India | |
10 | Part of Arunachal Pradesh (especially Tawang) | Tibet | Arunachal Pradesh | India | 1987 Sino-Indian skirmish at Tawang.
|
Bhutan's
See also
- Annexation of Tibet by the People's Republic of China
- China containment policy
- Chinese salami slicing strategy
- Himalayan Rim
- India-China Border Roads
- List of disputed territories of China
- List of disputed territories of India
- List of territorial disputes
- McMahon Line
- Sino-Indian relations
- Sino-Indian War
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Further reading
- Chervin, Reed (2020). "'Cartographic Aggression': Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute". Journal of Cold War Studies. 22 (3): 225–247. S2CID 221117342.
- Gardner, Kyle (2021). The Frontier Complex: Geopolitics and the Making of the India-China Border, 1846–1962. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108840590.
- Johny, Stanly (20 July 2019). "'The McMahon Line – A Century of Discord' review: The disputed frontier". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 18 October 2019. Retrieved 18 October 2019.
- ISBN 9780199088393.
- ISBN 9789352777761, provides a detailed description of the border dispute between India and China.