Torah scroll (Yemenite)

Yemenite scrolls of the Law containing the

The disputes between ben Asher and Ben Naphtali are well-known to Hebrew grammarians. Maimonides' verdict in that dispute is in accordance with ben Asher.^[5]

The codex that we have relied upon in these matters is the well-known codex in Egypt, comprising twenty-four canonical books, [and] which was in Jerusalem for several years to proof-read the scrolls there from, and all [of Israel] used to rely upon it, since Ben-Asher had proof-read it and scrutinized it for many years, and proof-read it many times, just as they had copied down. Now, upon it, I relied with regard to the book of the Law that I wrote, according to the rules which govern its proper writing.

Maimonides' ruling in this regard eventually caused the Jews of Yemen to abandon their former system of orthography, and during his lifetime most scribes in Yemen had already begun to replace their former system of orthography for that of Ben-Asher.

Layout

The Yemenite scroll of the Torah is traditionally written on 51 lines to each column, for a total of 226 columns (רכ"ו דפים),

The prevailing view is that if there is found a Torah scroll that has not been written as prescribed in all of the above (as bequeathed by the ancients) then that same scroll is invalid (lowered in sanctity) and is considered as merely one of the codices (Heb. ḥūmashin).^[37]

Irregular letters

Rabbi Yitzhak Razhabi has noted that in the Yemenite Jewish tradition there are over 400 peculiar types of letters (special forms of certain characters) in the Torah and which have been largely adhered to by Yemenite scribes.^[38] While these irregular letters do not invalidate a Torah scroll if they had been neglected,^[39] the scribes in Yemen still strictly adhered to its practice.

The Large Letters

The Yemenite tradition of writing the Otiyyot Gedolot (Large Letters) in the Torah differs in some respects from other communities, and follows the traditions as they received them from the scribes of old. The following is a list of all the Large Letters found in the Yemenite scroll of the Pentateuch (Five Books of Moses), as published by 17th century Yemenite scribe, Rabbi Yihye Bashiri, in his book, Havatzelet Hasharon:^[40]

Unlike the scribal tradition of

Unlike the scribal tradition of Ashkenaz and Sepharad which is to make the mem (מ) of על מוקדה in Leviticus 6:2 of small size, in the Yemenite Jewish tradition the mem is of regular size.^[67][35] Likewise, the letter "yod" in the word פינחס (Numbers 25:10) is written in regular size in the Yemenite tradition, unlike the tradition of other communities who make it small.^[68][35]

Oddly-shaped letters

According to Rashi, the final nun (ן) in וימת תרח בחרן (Gen. 11:32) is to be written upside down, although this was never a practice in the Yemenite Jewish tradition.^[69] Instead, the final nun here was written in its ordinary fashion. In other places, however, the Yemenites have preserved the practice of making oddly-shaped letters, where the tradition called for doing so. The Yemenite tradition calls for making 154 overlapping pe`s (פ) in their designated places, with the mouth recoiling inwards upon itself (made by a very thin nib of the pen).^[70][71]

Zechariah ha-Rofé (15th century), in his Midrash ha-Hefez,^[72] brings down eight places in the Torah where, in each case, a word is written with an irregular-shaped letter, and those being: a) ף‎ in אף‎ of Gen. 3:1;^[73] b) ל‎ in וילבשם‎ of Gen. 3:21;^[74] c) ל‎ in וישלחהו‎ of Gen. 3:23;^[75] d) ל‎ in להט החרב‎ of Gen. 3:24;^[75] e) ל‎ in ויכלא הגשם‎ of Gen. 8:2;^[76] f) ו‎ in ואך את דמכם‎ of Gen. 9:5;^[77] g) ך‎ in דמו ישפך‎ of Gen. 9:6;^[78] and h) ך‎ in וארך‎ of Gen. 10:10.^[79] According to Zechariah ha-Rofé, the justification for making these letters altered from their natural shapes and forms, when there is no other rational explanation for doing so, is that God went out-of-his-way to change the natural order of speech, in Gen. 7:2, so as not to utter the words "defiled animals," although it was shorter, but rather used the more protracted words "animals that are not clean," and that Israelites are to emulate him.^[72] Perhaps, too, it is alluded by these forms that in this particular biblical reading, one is to exercise extra precaution so as not to utter a disparaging remark.

The following is an abridged list of some of the common usages in Yemenite Torah scrolls.

Prosaic Song Ha'azinu

Jewish scribes have preserved a carefully guarded tradition regarding the line arrangements of certain verses, namely, which words are to be written at the forefront of a line, and which words are to be written at the end of the same. The line arrangements of

The column on the sheet of parchment containing the prosaic song Ha'azinu is made wider than other columns, so as to make room for the poem's layout, written in the format of sixty-seven double half-columns, meaning to say, spaces are made between the verses which appear to descend in two columns. The prosaic song itself is preceded by a blank space, above which are six lines that are written in a format fixed by tradition, with the following words at the head of each line: the 1st line starting with ואעידה and ending with ידעתי; the 2nd line starting with אחרי and ending with מן; the 3rd line starting with הדרך and ending with הרעה; the 4th line starting with באחרית and ending with God's divine name, יהוה; the 5th line starting with להכעיסו and ending with כל; and the 6th line starting with קהל and ending with תמם.[97] The original Yemenite practice was to write these six short lines with indentations before and after the text of each line, rather than draw-out the lines unto the margins by stretching certain letters within the text.^[98] The scribal practice of indenting these six lines was also the widespread practice used in Turkey, in very old and exquisite Torah scrolls during the time of Rabbi Chaim Benveniste (1603–1673).^[99] After these six lines there is a space followed by the Prosaic Song, written in the format of a song. The Yemenite tradition follows the Aleppo Codex's layout of the Prosaic Song, excepting lines 38 and 39, being the only deviation in word sequence, now believed by most scholars to be an anomaly, by way of confusing the double usage of the Hebrew word גם (q.v. Deut. 32:25) and not knowing which word Maimonides actually had in mind when bringing down the condensed layout for the song.^[100] A Sephardic codex written between the 11th–12th century (now Vat. ebr. 448) shows a tradition that is identical to that of the Yemenite tradition with respect to the line arrangements in the poetic song Ha'azinu.^[101]

Prosaic Song of the Sea

The "Song of the Sea" (Shirat ha-Yam) is traditionally made on lines appearing as half-bricks set over whole bricks. Rabbi

While all communities will write the Song of the Sea (Shirat ha-Yam) on thirty lines, the format which concludes the song has been slightly altered in some communities due to the doubt raised by Rabbi Meir Abulafia ben Todros of Spain.[107] In the old Sephardic codex (now Vat. ebr. 448), written between the 11th–12th century, it shows the arrangement of lines in the Prosaic "Song of the Sea" (Shirat ha-Yam) just as prescribed by Ben-Asher and as found in the Yemenite tradition, before Rabbi Meir b. Todros Halevi's emendation.^[108]

Testimonies from travelers and emissaries who had seen the Aleppo Codex have concurred, unequivocally, that the words, כס יה in

Similarly, according to Rashi, the verse ויהי ביום כלות משה (in Numbers 7:1) is written with כלת in defective scriptum. This, however, is not the case in the Masoretic Texts, nor in the Yemenite Jewish tradition, where the word כלות is written in plene scriptum. Elsewhere, according to Rashi, the word פילגשים in (Genesis 25:6) is also written in defective scriptum, and which is not the case in either the Masoretic texts or in the Yemenite Jewish tradition.

Other line arrangements

A famous rabbinic dictum states that scribes are to be careful to have certain columns begin with fixed words, known by their

Yitzhak Ratzaby notes in his Tajā de-Oraitha (p. 14) that, in the old codices made in Yemen before the advent of Maimonides, scribes in Yemen adhered to a different orthographic practice with respect to certain plene and defective scripta and the Open and Closed sections.[208] He notes that, in the Old Yemenite tradition, the yod in ישפט ה'‎ (Gen. 16:5) was made small, citing Nathanel ben Yisha'yah (1983:88), who wrote that it was "the smallest of all yods," unlike today's tradition.^[208] The Old Yemenite tradition was also to write ואת בנו‎ (Num. 16:35) in defective scriptum; the word בניו‎ written without a yod, as described by Nathanel ben Yisha'yah (1983:439), but unlike today's tradition.^[208] Elsewhere, the Old Yemenite tradition was to make the mim in מה טובו‎ (Num. 24:5) large, unlike today's tradition.^[209] Other orthographic traditions were known to exist prior to the general reception of the Masoretic text.^[210]

Treating of leather and ink used in Torah scroll

In Yemen, large goats (2 yrs. old) were used in making the parchment for Torah scrolls, as opposed to

According to Amram Qorah, the way in which leather was prepared in Yemen for use in writing a Torah scroll was as follows:

If it were full-grain leather (Heb. ğawīl) that the scribe wanted to write a Torah scroll upon, he would go to the tanner, select for himself sheep hides that had been treated (cured) to his satisfaction, and the tanner would sell them to him in their imperfect state, without trimming and without modification. The scribe then brings them to his house, softens them by sprinkling water upon them, and then spreads them out and stretches them, and then smooths the face of the leather on its flesh side, by scraping it with an instrument called a rasp (Arabic: mibshara). Afterwards, he cuts away the excessive edges and the outer corners, until he is left with a square sheet of leather. He then stains the sheet [of leather] with a dye solution made of turmeric, which resembles the colour of saffron, and then marks on the two ends of the sheet of parchment with the aid of a tool called a ruler the number of lines that are customarily made, and thus he delineates lines after he had rubbed the face of the leather on the side facing the hairs, with a smooth stone, in a scrupulous manner, so that it will be fitting and make writing easier. He then divides the columns^[215] and, forthwith, begins his task [of writing].

[As for the parchment known as q'laf] (the leather that is not whole, and used mainly for writing the portions contained in the Tefillin), most scribes were skilled in treating leather for use as q'laf. The scribe does all those steps mentioned in the working of ğawīl, and smooths the face of the leather on its flesh side, for the space of what is needed to write upon [and no more], leaving it white, without dyeing it any colour."^[216]

In Yemen, scribes prepared their own ink concoction, usually made from soaking

One of the unique features found in scrolls penned in Yemen is the practice of marking the end of the biblical verse, not with ink, but by stamping the leather with a round-tipped metal instrument at the end of the verse, in order to assist the baal qoré when reading and knowing when he is to come to a full-stop. These dot-like impressions in the leather were made so as to resemble an inverted segol (one dot on top of two dots). Where the reading was to produce the sound made by the trope symbol etnaḥa (brief pause), it too was marked with only one dot by the same instrument beneath the word whose reading is to be read as such. Two diagonal stamp marks were made above the word whose reading called for it to be read with a zarqa. Some have questioned the validity of marking a Torah scroll in this way, but the sages of Yemen have explained its validity by saying that extraneous markings that are made in the leather without ink are permitted.^[225][226]

Yemenite Torah scrolls traditionally had also this additional feature where the top corners of each leather sheet of parchment were folded backwards, immediately following the leather's treatment and before the actual writing.

Torah cases

The Torah case (Heb. tiq) traditionally used in Yemen was either a seven faceted or octagonal wooden box, typically made of a light wood, such as Sudanese teak (

The universal Yemenite Jewish custom is to have each biblical verse that is read on Sabbath days and holidays to be accompanied audibly by its Aramaic translation, taken from Targum Onkelos, in accordance with Mishnah Megillah 4:4 and Babylonian Talmud (Megillah 3a). This practice has ceased with other Jewish communities, owing to a teaching in the Shulchan Aruch (Orach Chayim 145:3) which no longer requires the observance of this practice. The same is done for the readings of the prophets, known as Haftara, in which case the Aramaic Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel is used. The reading from the Targum is usually performed by a child who stands next to the dais whereon is laid the Torah scroll.

The Yemenite Jewish practice follows closely that described in Rabbi Achai of Shabha's She'iltot (Parashat Nitzavim, section no. 161) who wrote:

And when he reads [from the Torah], a translator must respond [to each verse], and they are to adjust the tone of their voices together [so that they are the same]. But if the translator cannot raise his voice, let the reader [from the Torah] lower his own voice.

Among the number of seven persons who are called to read from the Torah, the Yemenite tradition will have one child of nine or ten years to read from the Torah scroll on the Sabbath days, on a regular basis (usually the sixth designated portion from the reading of the biblical lection), which practice follows a teaching in the Talmud (Megillah 23a) that says: "The Rabbis have taught, 'All may go up to the seven numerated [divisions], and even a small child, or even a woman'..." (End Quote). Even so, with respect to children reading the sixth division, this is relatively a new innovation or custom among the Yemenites.^[231] The Sages have said that, with respect to women, a woman should not read in the Torah [scroll] "due to the public's honour." The seventh designated portion was usually reserved for one of the chief persons of the synagogue.

Testimonials

See also

• Baladi-rite prayer
• List of Hebrew Bible manuscripts

References

1. ^ Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), p. 68. According to Penkower, the Ashkenazi tradition– with respect to plene and defective scriptum in their Torah scrolls – follows more closely the teachings of Rabbi Meir Abulafia (author of Masoret Seyag La-Torah), Rabbi Menahem Lonzano (author of Or Torah) and Rabbi Jedidiah Norzi (the author of the seminal work, Minḥat Shai). Their accepted orthography for the Hebrew Bible was published in the Tartaz Codex, printed in Amsterdam in 1666. Excluding the irregular letters in the Torah, the Ashkenazi tradition differs from the Yemenite tradition in some thirteen places. Penkower goes on to say that the Yemenite tradition, in terms of plene and defective scriptum, is nearly identical to the Aleppo Codex; see also Breuer, M. (1976), English Introduction (p. xxvii).
2. Mahzor Vitri, top of Parashat Vayishlaḥ (pp. 674–ff.), with slight variations. The entire work has been reprinted by Kasher, M.
   (1978), pp. 87–90; also published as an annotated side-by-side bilingual edition: Brian Tice, Sefer Tagin: An Ancient Sofer Manual (Grand Rapids, Mich: Yiddishkeit 101, 2021).
3. Meiri
   (1956)
4. Mishne Torah
   (Hil. Sefer Torah 7:8)
5. ^ Maimonides, Hil. Sefer Torah 8:4
6. ^ ^{a b c} Qafih, Y. (1989), p. 934
7. ^ Benayah ben Sa'adyah has long been acknowledged as the greatest scribe of Yemenite Jewry and as patriarch of an entire family of Yemenite scribes which flourished beginning in the latter half of the fifteenth century, in and around the capital, Sana'a. In addition to Benaya himself, at least four of his children (three sons and a daughter) and two of his grandsons followed in his footsteps and penned Hebrew manuscripts. According to Yemenite tradition, the Benayah family is said to have copied some 400 volumes. Out of this great number, only about 36 codices have survived.
8. ^ Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), p. 63 (top)
9. ^ See the Yemenite Codex (Tāj) now at the British Library, Or. 2350, written in 1408, showing the beginning of the column used in the Torah for Shirat ha-Yam (the Song of the Sea), and which single column is continued in the following two pages of the codex.
10. Shelomo Morag
    ; Taj Benaya (copied in the 1846th year of the Seleucid era/1535 CE); British Museum, Or. 2364; British Museum, Or. 2349; British Museum, Or. 2350; British Museum, Or. 2365; British Museum, Or. 1379, et al.
11. ^ Bin-Nun, Adam (2016)
12. ^ Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 338 [62], note 10.
13. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (2000), p. 172 (§ 165:23)
14. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (1975), p. 33.
15. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (2000), pp.174–175 (§ 165:23)
16. Shulhan Arukh
    , Yoreh De'ah (Hil. Sefer Torah § 271:3).
17. ^ Qafih, Y. (1985), chapter 3, p. 334 (note 20). The advantage of taking the tendons from the flanks (Heb. כסלים) is that they were naturally long, unlike those taken from the heel, and they did not require softening by working them with a stone, nor was it necessary to twine the tendons before making use of them (ibid.).
18. ^ Qorah, A. (1987), pp. 103–105.
19. ^ Offer, Joseph (1989), 309 [33]
20. Sapir, Y. (1986), p. 160, where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Genesis 4:13 the word מנשא was written in the Aleppo Codex in defective scriptum – without a waw. The Leningrad Codex
    , a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the word מנשא written without a waw, in defective scriptum.
21. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]
22. ^ ^{a b} Qorah, A. (1987), p. 103.
23. ^ The Leningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the word מעינת written without a waw, in defective scriptum. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, מעינת, was indeed written in defective scriptum.
24. ^ The Leningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the word ויהיו written with a final waw. In Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 9:29, the word is written with a final waw. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same final waw in ויהיו כל ימי נח; see: The British Library MS Viewer, frame 33v. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sethon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, ויהיו, was indeed written in plene scriptum.
25. ^ Qorah, A. (1987), p. 103. Likewise, Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 41:45, where the word פוטיפרע ("Potifera") is written as one word. So, too, in the Damascus Pentateuch the name is written as one word. However, the Aleppo Codex, based on the testimony passed down by Yaakov Sapir (Me'oroth Nathan), had the name פוטי פרע written in two words.
26. Avraham ibn Ezra
    has written: "I have seen books [of the Torah] that were checked by the sages of Tiberias, and fifteen of their elders have sworn that they have looked three times upon every word and every point, and [upon] every word written in plene and defective scriptum, and lo! There was written a yod in the word תֵּיעֲשֶׂה. But I haven’t found so in the books [of the Torah] in Spain and in France, and beyond the sea. Moreover, the ancients have expounded that the addition of a yod (i.e. numerical value of ten) alludes to the ten candelabrums that Solomon would make, although the general rule states that if there were there a yod it is a foreign word. By way of an exegesis [they have said] that it was made by itself (i.e. because of its passive-perfect tense). The reason being is that all those who saw it were astonished how a man could make it, etc." It is to be noted that the Spanish Jewish community has since abandoned its old tradition in this regard.
27. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Qorah, A. (1987), p. 104.
28. ^ The Leningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the word האפד written without a waw, in defective scriptum. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, האפד, was indeed written in defective scriptum.
29. ^ The Leningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also an Open Section for this reading. So, too, the Yemenite MS. of Maimonides' Mishne Torah has this section listed as an Open Section; see: Qafih, Y. (1985), chapter 8, p. 402 note 19.
30. Meiri (1881), Parashat Ṣau, # 7, who lists this section as an "Open Section" (Hebrew). However, in the modern printed texts of Maimonides, the reading differs greatly: "`And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `This is the offering, [etc.]` (Lev. 6:12); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Speak unto Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 6:17); `And this is the law of the guilt-offering, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:1); `And this is the law of the sacrifice, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:11); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Speak unto the children of Israel, [etc.] He that offers, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:28); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Take Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 8:1) – all of them are Open sections, and they are [altogether] six." (Hebrew: ). Rabbi Yehudah Attiya, a rabbi of Aleppo who had seen the Aleppo Codex and copied-down its Open and Closed sections, made a comparison between the same and Maimonides' list of Open and Closed sections. This list was sent to Jerusalem, and was later reviewed by M.D. Cassuto
    , who, in turn, disclosed that the section known as ha-maqrīv (Lev. 7:28), though not listed as a section in Maimonides, was listed as an Open section in the Aleppo Codex.
31. ^ This section is listed as an Open section in the Aleppo Codex. See: Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 339 [63].
32. ^ Although the Leningrad Codex and the Damascus Pentateuch both have the word בשמות in Numbers 1:17 as containing a waw (i.e. in plene scriptum), Rabbi Jacob Saphir (Sapir, Y. 1986) brings down the plene and defective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and writes that in Numbers 1:17 the word בשמת was written in the Aleppo Codex in defective scriptum – without a waw. In this case, the Yemenite Jewish tradition still finds solid ground and support on which to base its own scribal traditions. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, בשמת, was indeed written in defective scriptum.
33. ^ M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, חדשיכם, was indeed written in plene scriptum, with a yod.
34. Sapir, Y.
    (1986), p. 171, where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Numbers 25:12 the waw (ו) of the word שלום was written complete, and without being broken in the Aleppo Codex.
35. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (2000), p.168 (§ 165:21)
36. ^ In the Torah codex (Pentateuch) copied by David ben Benaya in 1490, now at British Museum (Or. 2349), the word דכא is written with an "aleph." See: The British Library MS Viewer, frame 136r. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list of plene and defective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word, דכא, was written with an aleph (א).
37. Menachem Meiri objects, saying in the Preface to his Kiryat Sefer
    , Jerusalem 1956, that where there is a variant tradition in the plene and defective scriptum, or in the Open and Closed sections, and they are supported by the writings of the early exponents of the Torah, even though the tradition has not been accepted by other scribes, we do not invalidate such a Torah scroll. However, where no support can be found in the writings of Israel's early sages or exponents, we invalidate such a Torah scroll.
38. ^ Kasher, M. (1978), p. 228
39. ^ Maimonides, Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 7:8–9)
40. ^ Gaimani, Aharon (2008), p. 163, note 873, who points out that in a Taj (Codex) written by Rabbi Yihye Bashiri (now in the possession of the heirs of Zechariah Saminah of Moshav Eliakhin, in Israel) he brings down the number of large and small letters in the Torah, and that there is to be found differences between the list found there and the list that he brings down in his book Havatzelet Hasharon.
41. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m} Gaimani, Aharon (2008), pp. 163–165
42. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 1:1, where all of the letters of "breishit" are written larger than usual, but the "bet" is written larger than all of them.
43. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 5:1, where the "semakh" is also made large, as is also the case in a private Codex (Taj) written by a scribe of the Benaya family in the year 1535 CE (1846 of the Seleucid Era).
44. ^ ^{a b c d} Qorah, A. (1987), p. 105.
45. ^ Spelling follows the Yemenite pronunciation of "samech," which by them is pronounced "semakh."
46. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Exo. 34:14, where the resh of "aḥer" is of large size.
47. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Lev. 11:42, where the waw of "ğaḥon" is of large size.
48. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Lev. 13:33, where the gimel of "wehithğalaḥ" is of large size.
49. ^ The Yemenite tradition of making an oversized yod is supported by the Hibshoosh Family Pentateuch, copied in 1485, as also by the Damascus Pentateuch (vol. 2, p. 308).
50. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Num. 27:5, where the nun of "mishpaṭan" is of large size.
51. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Deut. 11:21, where the ṣadi of "ha'areṣ" is of large size. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same large letter ṣadi; see: The British Library MS Viewer, frame 130r
52. ^ Amar (2017), p. 51
53. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Deut. 22:6, where the qof of "qen" is of large size.
54. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Deut. 29:27, where the lamed of "wayashlikhem" is of large size.
55. ^ Zechariah ha-Rofé (1992), p. 453
56. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Deut. 32:6, where the he of "haladonai" is of large size.
57. ^ The Yemenite tradition of making an oversized aleph is supported by the Hibshoosh Family Pentateuch, copied in 1485, by the scribe David ben Benaya.
58. ^ Qorah, A. (1988), p. 105. So, too, in Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Exo. 34:7, where the nun here is of regular size.
59. ^ Gaimani, Aharon (2008), English Abstract, pp. xii–xiii; xv.
60. ^ Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby alludes to these lesser accepted Yemenite references to irregular letters in Kasher, M. (1978), p. 228.
61. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Gaimani, Aharon (2008), pp. 165–167
62. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 2:4, where the he of "behibar'am" is written small. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letter he; see: The British Library MS Viewer, frame 30r
63. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 23:2, where the word ולבכתה is written with a small "kaph". A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letter kaph as written small, with a note in the Masora Parva saying כף זעיר (small kaph); see: British Library, Or. 2349, frame 39v
64. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 27:46, where there is a note in the margin for the word קצתי, saying that the "qof" is to be made small. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same marginal note in the Masora Parva, saying that the "qof" of קצתי is made small; see: British Library, Or. 2349, frame 43v
65. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Lev. 1:1, where there is a note in the margin which says the word ויקרא is written in small script. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the letter aleph is written in a regular size, although a note in the margin (Masora Parva) there also says אלף זעיר (small aleph); see: British Library, Or. 2349, frame 82v
66. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Deut. 32:18, where the word תשי is written with a small "yod". A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letter yod as written small, with a note in the Masora Parva saying יוד זעיר (small yod); see: The British Library MS Viewer, frame 142r
67. ^ Qorah, A. (1987), p. 105. So, too, in Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Lev. 6:2, the mim here is of regular size.
68. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (1975), p. 33
69. Rabbi Yihye Saleh
    (Maharitz) in his Ḥeleq ha-Diqdūq, end of Parashat Noaḥ.
70. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhak (2000), p.168 (Section # 165:22)
71. ^ Two of which can be seen in a Yemenite Codex now at the British Museum (Or. 2350), from the year 1408–1409; Exo. 14:19 and Exo. 14:27.
72. ^ ^{a b} Zechariah ha-Rofé (1990), p. 98
73. ^ The curious manner in which the Hebrew letter pe (ף‎) is made in Gen. 3:1 can be seen in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350) at the British Museum.
74. ^ For the Hebrew letter lamed (ל‎) with its curious shape, see the last word in the page of the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350).
75. ^ ^{a b} The Hebrew letter lamed (ל‎) can be seen with its curious shape in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350) of the British Museum; Gen. 3:23 and Gen. 3:24.
76. ^ The lamed (ל‎) in Gen. 8:2 with its curious shape can be seen in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350), although the letters preceding the lamed have been defaced in the codex.
77. ^ For an example of this waw (ו‎) with its curious shape, see the last line in the Yemenite Codex (Or 2350)
78. ^ For an example of the hook-like extension made at the bottom of the leg in the Hebrew letter kaph (ך‎), see the Yemenite Codex (Or 2350), the second line from the top.
79. ^ For an example of the kaph (ך‎) in Gen. 10:10, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350) at the British Museum.
80. ^ Tikkun Soferim (1993); Kasher, M. (1978), p. 231; et al. See also the Yemenite codex from the British Library, Or. 2349, frame 30v.
81. ^ ^{a b c d} Tikkun Soferim (1993); Kasher, M. (1978), p. 231; et al.
82. ^ ^{a b c} Tikkun Soferim (1993); Midrash ha-Ḥefeṣ (ed. Meir Havatzelet), vol. i), Mossad Harav Kook: Jerusalem 1990, p. 98 on Gen. 7:2; Kasher, M. (1978), p. 231; et al.
83. ^ These extensions are made very thinly, by using a very small and nearly pointed nib.
84. ^ For examples of these shapes, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350) at the British Museum.
85. ^ For an example of this shape, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350) at the British Museum.
86. ^ Yehudah Levy Nahum, Mi-Yetzirot Sifrutiyyot Mi-Teman (Fragments of Literary Works from Yemen), Holon 1981, p. 164.
87. ^ ^{a b} Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 41:45.
88. Nathanel ben Yisha'yah (1983), p. 167 (note 8) on Gen. 42:12; Kasher, M.
    (1978), p. 232; et al.
89. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), s.v. Gen. 42:12, where the bottom left leg of the aleph in the word "lo" (לא) is written with a slight inversion upwards.
90. ^ Kasher, M. (1978), p. 233; A comparison made with the Codex written by the scribe Benayah in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349), reveals that both pe's (פ) are made overlapping (recoiling inwards). See: British Library, Or. 2349, frame 96r.
91. ^ So, too, in all traditions.
92. ^ Kasher, M. (1978), p. 233; A comparison made with the Codex written by the scribe Benayah in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349), reveals the same small letter ḥet with an outstretched left leg. See: British Library, Or. 2349, frame 109r.
93. ^ In the Benayah codex written in 1535, now in the possession of Rabbi Hayyim Kessar's daughter and son-in-law in Jerusalem, as in all other Yemenite codices, the head of the lamed (ל) is inverted backwards.
94. ^ Kasher, M. (1978), p. 234.
95. Minor Tractate, Treatise Sofrim
    12:9.
96. ^ The Yemenite tradition, in terms of number of lines in Shirat Ha'azinu, follows the ruling of Maimonides, in his handwritten Ms. of Mishne Torah, now at the Bodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), pp. 135b–136a. In the printed texts, however, the text of Maimonides' Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 8:4) has been altered to read "seventy lines" (rather than 67). A comparison with the partially extant Book of Deuteronomy in the Aleppo Codex reveals that it, too, was written in only 67 lines. See: The Aleppo Codex Online (select Book of Deuteronomy from list, starting with chapter 32_28).
97. ^ See the 15th century Yemenite Codex at the British Library, Or. 2350, showing the six lines with their proper indentations. Every three pages in the codex equals one column in the Sefer Torah.
98. Saleh Y.
    (1979), vol. 2, responsum # 22. Although Maharitz suggested a compromise of sorts out of respect to those exponents of the law who objected to this practice of making indentations in these six lines, the original Yemenite tradition viewed the practice as valid, and Yemenite scribes continued to make use of this practice, without change.
99. ^ Benveniste, C. (n.d.), s.v. Yoreh De'ah responsum # 234
100. ^ Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), p. 25.
101. ^ Macho, A. Díez (1977), folio 343r, s.v. where the words גם בחור גם בתולה are grouped together on one line, in spite of the verse being interspersed with Targum Onkelos.
102. ^ See Aleppo Codex, Deuteronomy 32:14–32:33, for the layout of the Prosaic song Ha'azinu.
103. ^ Amar, Z. (2017), p. 46 (§ 143). See also Codex (Tāj) written in Yemen in 1408 CE, now at the British Library, Or. 2350, showing the section of the Prosaic song Ha'azinu, with traditional word layout in double columns; Codex at the British Library, Or. 2349; The Jewish Theological Seminary's Hebrew Pentateuch (JTS L64a), copied in Yemen and containing the spurious date of 1206 CE, showing the same lines and word arrangements; et al.
104. Meiri
     (1956), p. 47, who mentions this invaluable account, wherein he copies down a letter written by Rabbi Meir b. Todros Halevi where he states explicitly that he found the words as written above, but decided against its orthography because of the way the previous lines had been made.
105. ^ The Yemenite tradition, in terms of which words to begin and end each row in the column used in the Song of the Sea, follows the ruling of Maimonides, in his handwritten Ms. of Mishneh Torah, now at the Bodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), p. 137a. In the printed texts, however, the text of Maimonides' Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah, end of ch. 8) has been altered to show a different arrangement.
106. ^ Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), pp. 40–41
107. ^ This may have also been the result of the variant readings found in the works of the masoretes. The Damascus Codex (10th cent.), as well as a beautifully written Spanish codex of the 11th or 12th century (now Vatican ebr. 448, frame 102r) and the London Codex (Or. 4445) all show differing orthographic renditions for the last two lines in the Song of the Sea.
108. ^ Macho, A. Díez (1977), folio 102r
109. ^ The lines of the Song of the Sea in the Sephardic scroll are based on the Tikkun Soferim, "Ish Matzliach," by Rabbi Matzliach Mazuz, which, in turn, are founded upon Rabbi Jedidiah Norzi's Minḥat Shai. The Yemenite tradition is well-known, and follows the pattern found in the Leningrad Codex (B19a), p. 85 in pdf. Although the Book of Exodus in the Aleppo Codex is no longer extant, the arrangement of lines in the Prosaic Song of the Sea is attested to have been identical to the Yemenite tradition of today. See: Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), pp. 40–41. The arrangement of lines is also identical with Shirat ha-Yam in Maimonides' own hand-written copy of the Mishne Torah, now at the Bodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), p. 137a – chapter 9 (top).
110. ^ The sense here is to the modern-day Sephardic scrolls, although in the old Sephardic scroll (Vatican Library, Vat. ebr. 448), folio 102r, it shows a line arrangement similar to the Aleppo Codex.
111. ^ The Hebrew verse is expressed by an idiom, literally: "The hand of the Lord upon the throne, the Lord shall be at war with Amalek from generation to generation." Meaning, God has sworn by His throne that he will have war with Amalek from generation to generation.
112. Sapir, Y. (1986), p. 165 (entry # 137). The Damascus Pentateuch
     of the 10th century, which incorporates both the Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali traditions, also writes these words as one word (see ibid., p. 140 in vol. 1).
113. ^ Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), Preface, s.v. Exodus 17:16
114. ^ Penkower, Jordan S. (1992), pp. 69–70, esp. note 190.
115. ^ Treatise Sofrim 7:3
116. ^ Breuer, M. (1976), pp. xiv; 88
117. ^
     Meiri
     (1956), p. 38; Tikkunei Soferim compiled by R. David ben Benaya (15th-century).
118. ^ See Tikkun Soferim (1993), based on an old Torah scroll brought out from Yemen, and patterned after R. David ben Benaya's Tikkunei Soferim of the 15th-century.
119. ^ Jedidiah Norzi, in his Minḥat Shai, brings down a different tradition, writing that the verse in "Numbers 24:5, מה טבו אהליך יעקב, must be written at the top of the column in accordance with halacha, since it is the mim of בי"ה שמ"ו, and thus did write Baal Haturim." The Sephardim who make use of a 42-line column follow Norzi in their practice, and which in this regard differs from the Yemenite tradition.
120. Meiri
     (1956), p. 38, citing Treatise Sofrim 9:2.
121. ^ Tikkun Soferim (1993), s.v. Leviticus 10:16. The Torah scroll and the printed Tikkun Soferim are based after the Benaya family Codex.
122. ^ Ben Isaiah, N. (1983), p. 454, s.v. Numbers 31:5; Al-Dhamari, Sa'adyah ben David (1999), p. 430, s.v. Numbers 31:5; Wertheimer, Abraham Joseph, ed. (1988), p. 99, s.v. Numbers 31:5
123. Babylonian Talmud
     (Yoma 52b).
124. Mishne Torah
     (Hil. Sefer Torah 8:4)
125. ^ Rabbi Judah Attiya of Aleppo, at the behest of M.D. Cassuto, copied down the Open and Closed sections of the Aleppo Codex for the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy, and presented these to Cassuto. The Open and Closed sections for the book of Genesis were checked by Cassuto himself. In these findings, there emerged differences between the Aleppo Codex and the Yemenite tradition (based on Maimonides) in three different sections. See: Offer, Joseph (1989), pp. 325 [49]–326 [50]).
126. ^ These being: Gen. 41:45; Exo. 1:19; Exo. 17:16; Exo. 34:1; Lev. 7:28–29; Lev. 19:16; Lev. 25:10–12 and Num. 22:5.
127. ^ Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 312 [36]. Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby, citing Menashe Sathon, claims that the Aleppo Codex had erred in three places: בטרם תבוא אליהן (Exo. 1:19), לא תעמד על דם רעיך (Lev. 19:16) and יובל היא תהיה לכם (Lev. 25:10). See Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (1992), responsum # 146, s.v. ועתה בחדש תמוז (p. 251).
128. ^ Aside from the shapes of the letters, the Sephardic tradition of today (e.g. plene and defective scriptum, the Open and Closed sections, etc.) is the same as that of the Ashkenazi tradition. Among Ashkenazi Jews, Tikkun Soferim Dovidovitch is now the standard text used for copying modern Ashkenazi writing. Among Sephardic Jews, the Tikkun Soferim, Ish Matzliach, by Rabbi Matzliach Mazuz, is now used as a model text for copying modern Sephardic scrolls.
129. ^ Known also as the Codex Orientales 4445, which Ch. D. Ginsburg dated to 820–850 CE, and which Kahle dated to the 10th-century CE. The current manuscript was written by two different scribes, the older square script believed to be from the 9th century, whereas the newer Yemenite square script was written in the 16th century (1539 CE). Today, the Codex is held at the British Library (The London Codex (Or. 4445). According to Steven Ortlepp, Introduction to the Interlinear Bible, 2010 (ISBN: 978-1-4452-7789-9), p 83, Or 4445 is said to be a revision from an earlier stage of Aaron Ben Asher's work.
130. ^ Composed in 1008–1009 CE. See Leningrad Codex.
131. Damascus Codex
     .
132. ^ Composed in Egypt in 1009–1010 CE. See Aleppo Codex.
133. ^ This section of the Pentateuch (frame 3v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
134. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 10 (center column).
135. ^ ^{a b} This section is missing in the Damascus Codex.
136. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Based on Cassuto's copy of the Aleppo Codex. See Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]).
137. ^ This section of the Pentateuch (frame 5r) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
138. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 13 (center column).
139. Maharitz
     's Ḥeleq ha-Diqdūq (Piece on Grammar), on the biblical pericope, Noah (Genesis 9:29), concerning the last waw in the word ויהיו, of ויהיו כל ימי נח (Published by Shelomo Qareh in a facsimile edition, Jerusalem 1982), where he emphatically stresses the adherence to this custom, and rules as invalid all Torah scrolls that are written differently.
140. ^ This section of the Pentateuch (frame 6v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
141. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 15 (left column).
142. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 1.
143. ^ Such is the modern Sephardic tradition, although in some 14th century Bible codices of Sephardic provenance the spelling of Potiphera was written as one word, פוטיפרע, as in Bibliotèque Nationale, Paris – Hebreu 1314, p. 39a.
144. ^ Such is the spelling also in Genesis 41:50 and in Genesis 46:20 (in pericope Vayigash), פוטיפרע.
145. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 31v
146. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 55 (center column).
147. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 76.
148. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 163 [13], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Gen. 41:45 the word פוטי פרע was written in the Aleppo Codex as two words.
149. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 42v.
150. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 68 (right column).
151. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 101.
152. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 59v.
153. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 88 (right column).
154. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 140.
155. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 165 [15], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Exo. 17:16 the word כסיה was written in the Aleppo Codex as one word.
156. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 62r.
157. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 91 (right column).
158. ^ This section is entirely missing in the Damascus Codex.
159. ^ Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 326 [50]
160. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 66v.
161. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 96 (left column).
162. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 155.
163. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 166 [16], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Exo. 25:31 the word תעשה was written in the Aleppo Codex in defective scriptum – without a yod. Cf. Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]).
164. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 70r.
165. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 100 (left column).
166. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 163.
167. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 76v
168. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 108 (right column).
169. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 177.
170. ^ Thus testified Rabbi Attiya concerning the section as he found it in the Aleppo Codex. See: Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 328 [52]
171. Mishne Torah
     . Such findings agree with the Yemenite tradition.
172. ^ ^{a b} British Library, Or. 4445, frame 90v.
173. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 124 (center column).
174. ^ ^{a b} Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 211.
175. ^ ^{a b} Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 328 [52]
176. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 124 (left column).
177. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 105r.
178. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 140 (right column).
179. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. […] p. 243
180. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 111r.
181. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 147 (right column).
182. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. [...], pp. 257–258.
183. ^ Based on Cassuto's copy of the Aleppo Codex. See: Joseph Offer, M.D. Cassuto's Notes on the Aleppo Codex, Sefunot: Studies and Sources on the History of the Jewish Communities in the East, Jerusalem 1989, p. 312 [36] (Hebrew).
184. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 115v.
185. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 152 (right column).
186. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 268.
187. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 169 [19], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Num. 1:17 the word בשמת was written in the Aleppo Codex in defective scriptum – without a waw. Cf. Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]), note 6.
188. ^ This section of the Pentateuch (frame 128v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
189. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 166 (center column).
190. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 298.
191. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 141v.
192. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 182 (right column).
193. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 330.
194. ^ Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 311 [35]
195. ^ Here, the waw of שלום is broken.
196. ^ British Library, Or. 4445, frame 145r (the waw is not broken).
197. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), pdf p. 186 (right column), the waw is not broken.
198. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 338 (the waw is not broken).
199. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 171 [21], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Num. 25:12 the word שלום was written in the Aleppo Codex without the waw (ו) being broken.
200. ^ For a discussion of this word and its spelling in Hebrew scrolls, see Sclar (2019), pp. 393–413
201. ^ This section of the Pentateuch (frame 176r) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
202. ^ Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 229 (center column).
203. ^ Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 426.
204. Sapir, Y.
     (1986), p. 174 [24], where he brings down the plene and defective scriptum, inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Deut. 23:2 the word דכא was written in the Aleppo Codex with an aleph (א). Cf. Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]).
205. Abraham Maimuni
     (1937), responsum # 91 (pp. 134–135)
206. ^ Maimonides and Rabbeinu Asher (Rosh) differ on their definition of 'Open' and 'Closed' sections (פרשה פתוחה ופרשה סתומה). The present custom of Askhenazi and Sephardic scribes is to compromise, where both an Open and Closed section end in the middle of the line, but in an Open section the next section commences on the following line, whereas in a Closed section, the next section commences on the same line after a short blank space. [Soncino edition, Shabbat 103b, note c (2)]. The Yemenite custom follows the practice of Maimonides.
207. ^ Gelis (1968), p. 289 (gimel)
208. ^ ^{a b c} Yitzhak (2009), pp. 192–193
209. ^ Wertheimer (1988), vol. 2, p. 81 (s.v. Numbers 24:5)
210. OCLC 249274973
     . Said Rabbi Abin in the name of Rabbi Yehoshua: 'And you shall be unto me' [Exo. 19:5] (Hebrew: והייתם לי), the lamed of לי is the largest of all the letters, while the yod of לי is the smallest of all the letters. (reprinted from 1880 edition)
211. ^ In Yemen, small kids of the goats, approximately two months old, were used for vellum (kalaf) in making Tefillin. It was not necessary to split the leather, in this case, since it was already very thin. The custom in treating leather hides that were to be used for the books of the Law and for the scroll of Esther was, indeed, to put them into an astringent solution of a gall-like substance extracted from the leaves of acacia (Arabic: qaradh). However, the vellum (kalaf) used in writing the Tefillin was never treated with any gall-like substance. (The reason being that leather, when treated with gall or similar substances, constricts and usually takes on a darker colour. Although this treatment gives the leather its durability, it makes writing on such parchment very difficult, as the ink tends to glide on the parchment and is not absorbed so readily into the leather. This makes writing the four portions of scripture in the Tefillin all the more difficult, since the strips of parchment were very small in order that they might be inserted within the phylactery boxes. For this reason, in Yemen as in other places of world Jewry, the leather used in writing the four portions of scripture for the Tefillin went without the treatment of gall, and was subsequently white.)
212. ^ Qafih (1985), p. 312 (note 17) [s.v. Hil. Tefillin 1:6]. Quote: "Maimonides is of the opinion that any [hide] which is not treated with an astringent tannin and the like of such substances, which is to include the sumac mentioned in Mishnah Peah 1:5 and Demai 1:1, whose leaves they used to work [their leather] with in Palestine during the Mishnaic period, along with qaradh (=Acacia etbaica) that was used by the people of Yemen and the people of Egypt, just as Maimonides has written in his responsum no. 153, makes the Torah scrolls, Tefillin and Mezuzah invalid and are esteemed as untreated leather, although [tannin substances] may also include the rinds of pomegranates, and the green, outer shells of walnuts" [End Quote]. With respect to Tefillin, the Yemenite Jewish custom was not to tan the leather used for writing the scriptural portions in the Tefillin.
213. Shulhan Arukh
     of Rabbi Yosef Karo, on the other hand, writes that it is sufficient to treat leather with lime alone. Leaves from the salam-tree (Ar. qarat) were crushed and put within a bath of water. The untreated leather was added to this solution for a period of 15 days, the time allotted for its preparation. After the first 8 days of soaking, the leaves are changed with a batch of fresh leaves. After another 7–8 days, the leather was ready for use. The salam-tree leaves give the leather a reddish-tinge. The tree, known locally as qarāḍ, grows plenteous in the coastal areas of Arabia and Oman.
214. ^ Qafih, Y. (1989), p. 962
215. ^ As a first resort, no sheet of parchment has less than three columns, and no more than eight columns. See: Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (2000), p.148 (§ 165:9)
216. ^ Qorah, A. (1987), p. 99
217. Babylonian Talmud (Eruvin
     13a, Tosefot, s.v. קנקנתום‎)
218. ^ A yellowish-white mineral having the same property as vitriol, and which turns the water black. It was derived from a saline earth found in the ravines and gulches of Yemen. The same earth, when extracted, was usually mixed with alum. The alum was then cleansed of its litharge until it became white. The litharge was then taken up and mixed with water to produce a black dye. In this, the Yemenites did not follow the teaching of Maimonides who wrote that the ink must not be indelible. The use of vitriol made the ink indelible.
219. ^ Qafih, Y. (1989), p. 965
220. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin
     106a
221. ^ Subeiri, Yosef (1964), "Massoret Meduyeket", section 9
222. Babylonian Talmud (Menaḥot 29b
     ), Tosafot, s.v. דחטריה.
223. ^ Ibn Abi-Zimra, David (1749), vol. 1, s.v. Part II, responsum # 596
224. Meiri in Qiryat Sefer. And even if the left leg of the letter he (ה) was found clinging to its rooftop, with [only] a slight joining and not a considerable one, so long as the shape of the [Hebrew] letter he (ה) is [still] recognizable and a young child reads it as the letter he, it is valid. So did Rabbi Shimon Bar Tzemach (the Tashbetz) write in the second volume [of his Questions & Responsa], section # 73. Moreover, even if the entire scroll was written from the start in this way, it is valid and does not require being amended. And he brings down proof from that which is written in [Tractate] Menahoth [29b], that the more meticulous scribes would hang the [left] leg of the letter he. By this wording we learn that only as a first rule of thumb, being of a more superlative nature, was it stated, and not that it is indispensable... Be apprised, [moreover], that in the ancient Torah scrolls of Yemen the leg of the letter qof (ק) was joined to its roof, and in this manner was [written] the scroll of the Law known as "Tam," which was in the village Qaryat al-Qabil. All of the legs of the letter qof were joined to their roof. And so were the ancient scrolls of the Law in Tunis and Tripoli made, just as Rabbi Shimon Bar Tzemach (the Tashbetz) wrote in a responsum, vol. I, [responsum] # 50. Look there, for he went to great lengths to prove that it is valid. And there, in responsum # 51, he brought evidence from the words of Rabbi Abraham ibn Ezra
     that in this manner were [written] the scrolls of the Law in Spain. Wherefore, [such a scroll] is valid as a first resort."
225. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (1989), responsa # 126 and 127, pp. 301–303; The Validity of Torah Scrolls that are Stamped with Dots (Hebrew), being a review of the subject by Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby; Qorah, Shelomoh (2012), pp. 130–ff.
226. ^ Cf. Shulchan Aruch (Yoreh De'ah §274:7 [6]): "A book [of the Law] that is punctuated is invalid, and even if they had removed from it the punctuation symbols; so, too, a division of verses [in the Torah] is invalid." Addenda (Moses Isserles): "And this refers, specifically, to when he made the biblical cantillation symbol with ink, etc."
227. ^ Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (2000), p. 148 (§ 165:9 - note 30)
228. Babylonian Talmud
     (Menaḥot 30a) for the basis of this ancient practice.
229. ^ Amar, Z. (2017), p. 45
230. ^ Muchawsky-Schnapper, Ester (1999), pp. 122–123
231. ^ Amar (2017), p. 10
232. ^ Sapir, J. (1866), chapter Ḥadrei Teman

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Bibliography

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• Nathanel ben Yisha'yah (1983). Yosef Qafih (ed.). Meor ha-Afelah (in Hebrew) (2nd ed.). Kiryat Ono.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
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Further reading

• Amar, Zohar, "ʿIbūd ʿOr Ǧirafah le-Ketivat S'TaM" (The Treatment of Giraffe Parchment for Writing Torah Scrolls, Tefillin and Mezuzzot), in: Massorah le-Yosef (vol. 9), Kiryat Ono 2016, pp. 135–148
• Nahum, Yehuda Levy: Mi-Yetzirot Sifrutiyyot Mi-Teman (Fragments of Literary Works from Yemen), Holon 1981, pp. 160–166 (Hebrew)
• Rigler, Michael: Benaya the Scribe and His Descendants: a Family of Scribes from Yemen, Journal: Pe'amim 64, (Summer, 1995), pp. 54–67, (Hebrew) and the extensive sources listed there, including a complete list of surviving manuscripts of Benayah and his family.
• Würthwein, Ernst (translated by Erroll F. Rhodes), The Text of the Old Testament: An Introduction to the Biblia Hebraica, Grand Rapids 1995
  ISBN 0-8028-0788-7
• Yeivin, Israel: The Aleppo Codex of the Bible : a study of its vocalization and accentuation, Jerusalem 1969, pp. 361–362 (Hebrew: כתר ארם צובה : ניקודו וטעמיו)

External links

• Israel Hayom: 400-year-old Yemenite Torah scroll to be restored in Jerusalem
• The Accuracy of our Written Torah
• Are All Torah Scrolls the Same? - Biblical Culture