Economy of India under Company rule
The Economy of India under Company rule describes the economy of those regions that fell under Company rule in India during the years 1757 to 1858. The British East India Company began ruling parts of the Indian subcontinent beginning with the Battle of Plassey, which led to the conquest of Bengal Subah and the founding of the Bengal Presidency, before the Company expanded across most of the subcontinent up until the Indian Rebellion of 1857.
Economic impact
A number of historians point to the colonization of India as a major factor in both India's
Indian textiles had maintained a competitive advantage over British textiles up until the 19th century, when Britain eventually overtook India as the world's largest cotton textile manufacturer.
Land revenue
In the remnant of the
In 1772, under Warren Hastings, the East India Company took over revenue collection directly in the Bengal Presidency (then Bengal and Bihar), establishing a Board of Revenue with offices in Calcutta and Patna, and moving the existing Mughal revenue records from Murshidabad to Calcutta.[14] In 1773, after
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A riverside scene in rural east Bengal (present-day Bangladesh), 1860.
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A Kochh Mandai woman of east Bengal (present-day Bangladesh) shown with a broad-bladed agricultural knife and carrying a freshly harvested jackfruit. (1860)
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Paddy fields in the Madras Presidency, ca. 1880. Two-thirds of the presidency fell under the Ryotwari system.
The Company inherited a revenue collection system from the Mughals in which the heaviest proportion of the tax burden fell on the cultivators, with one-third of the production reserved for imperial entitlement; this pre-colonial system became the Company revenue policy's baseline.
In 1793, the new Governor-General,
However, these expectations were not realised in practice and in many regions of Bengal, the peasants bore the brunt of the increased demand, there being little protection for their traditional rights in the new legislation.[22] Forced labor of the peasants by the zamindars became more prevalent as cash crops were cultivated to meet the Company revenue demands.[16] Although commercialized cultivation was not new to the region, it had now penetrated deeper into village society and made it more vulnerable to market forces.[16] The zamindars themselves were often unable to meet the increased demands that the Company had placed on them; consequently, many defaulted, and by one estimate, up to one-third of their lands were auctioned during the first three decades following the permanent settlement.[23] The new owners were often Brahmin and Kayastha employees of the Company who had a good grasp of the new system, and in many cases, had prospered under it.[24]
Since the zamindars were never able to undertake costly improvements to the land envisaged under the Permanent Settlement, some of which required the removal of the existing farmers, they soon became rentiers who lived off the rent from their tenant farmers.
The zamindari system was one of two principal revenue settlements undertaken by the Company in India.
Land revenue settlements constituted a major administrative activity of the various governments in India under Company rule.[29] Additionally, a tax was imposed at each stage of production. This tax extended to the majority of goods sold, even those within the local community. However, only a small portion of the tax revenue was allocated towards the development of infrastructure such as roads, bridges, and waterways.[30] In all areas other than the Bengal Presidency, land settlement work involved a continually repetitive process of surveying and measuring plots, assessing their quality, and recording landed rights, and constituted a large proportion of the work of Indian Civil Service officers working for the government.[29] After the Company lost its trading rights, it became the single most important source of government revenue, roughly half of overall revenue in the middle of the 19th century;[29] even so, between the years 1814 and 1859, the government of India ran debts in 33 years.[29] With expanded dominion, even during non-deficit years, there was just enough money to pay the salaries of a threadbare administration, a skeleton police force, and the army.[29]
Trade
"It was stated in evidence (in 1813) that the cotton and silk goods of India, up to this period, could be sold for a profit in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent. lower than those fabricated in England. It consequently became necessary to protect the latter by duties of 70 or 80 per cent. on their value, or by positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and of Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could hardly have been again set in motion, even by the powers of steam. They were created by the sacrifice of the Indian manufactures. Had India been independent, she would have retaliated; would have imposed preventive duties upon British goods, and would thus have preserved her own productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was not permitted her; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty; and the foreign manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not contend on equal terms."
— H.H. Wilson footnote in The History of British India by James Mill[31]
After gaining the right to collect revenue in Bengal in 1765, the East India Company largely ceased importing gold and silver, which it had hitherto used to pay for goods shipped back to Britain.[32]
Years | Bullion (£) | Average per Annum |
---|---|---|
1708/9-1733/4 | 12,189,147 | 420,315 |
1734/5-1759/60 | 15,239,115 | 586,119 |
1760/1-1765/6 | 842,381 | 140,396 |
1766/7-1771/2 | 968,289 | 161,381 |
1772/3-1775/6 | 72,911 | 18,227 |
1776/7-1784/5 | 156,106 | 17,345 |
1785/6-1792/3 | 4,476,207 | 559,525 |
1793/4-1809/10 | 8,988,165 | 528,715 |
In addition, as under
At this time, the East India Company's trade with China began to grow as well. In the early 19th century demand for Chinese tea had greatly increased in Britain; since the money supply in India was restricted and the Company was indisposed to shipping bullion from Britain, it decided upon
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"Mellor Mill" in Marple, Greater Manchester, England, was constructed in 1790–93 for manufacturing muslin cloth.
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Opium Godown (Storehouse) in Patna, Bihar (c. 1814). Patna was the centre of the Company opium industry.
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Indigo dye factory in Bengal. Bengal was the world's largest producer of natural indigo in the 19th century.
Another major, though erratic, export item was
See also
- GDP of India (1-1947 CE)
- Economy of India under the British Raj
- Exploitation colonialism
- Economy of the Mughal Empire
- Muslin trade in Bengal
Notes
- ^ ISBN 978-1-317-13522-7.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-19-516520-3.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-136-82552-1.
- ISBN 9781136168284.
- ^ a b Broadberry, Stephen; Gupta, Bishnupriya (2005). "Cotton textiles and the great divergence: Lancashire, India and shifting competitive advantage, 1600-1850" (PDF). International Institute of Social History. Department of Economics, University of Warwick. Retrieved 5 December 2016.
- ^ Paul Bairoch (1995). Economics and World History: Myths and Paradoxes. University of Chicago Press. p. 89. Archived from the original on 12 October 2017. Retrieved 18 August 2017.
- ISBN 9781317252931.
- ISBN 9789047429975.
- ISBN 978-92-64-02261-4. Retrieved 1 November 2011.
- ^ Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 20
- ^ a b c Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 78
- ^ a b Peers 2006, p. 47, Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 78
- ^ a b c d Peers 2006, p. 47
- ^ a b c d Robb 2004, pp. 126–129
- ^ Brown 1994, p. 55
- ^ a b c d e f Peers 2006, pp. 45–47
- ^ Peers 2006, pp. 45–47, Robb 2004, pp. 126–129
- ^ Bandyopadhyay 2004, p. 82
- ^ Marshall 1987, pp. 141–144
- ^ Robb 2004, p. 127
- ^ Guha 1995
- ^ a b Bose 1993
- ^ Tomlinson 1993, p. 43
- ^ a b c d Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 79
- ^ Roy 2000, pp. 37–42
- ^ a b c d Brown 1994, p. 66
- ^ Robb 2004, p. 128
- ^ Peers 2006, p. 47, Brown 1994, p. 65
- ^ a b c d e Brown 1994, p. 67
- ISBN 978-81-250-2731-7. Retrieved 20 April 2024. Quote="Further, the duty was levied on every stage of manufacture......The duty was levied on nearly all goods sold even within the village.......A minute fraction of the tax collection was spent on roads and bridges and almost nothing on inland navigation"
- ^ Mill & Wilson 1845, p. 539Jayapalan 2008, p. 207
- ^ a b c d Robb 2004, pp. 131–134
- ISBN 978-1-351-99749-2.
- ^ a b c Peers 2006, pp. 48–49
- ^ Farnie 1979, p. 33
- ^ Misra 1999, p. 18
- ^ a b Peers 2006, p. 49
- ^ Washbrook 2001, p. 403
- ^ a b Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 76
- ^ a b Bandyopadhyay 2004, p. 125
- ^ a b Bose & Jalal 2004, p. 57
- ^ Bose & Jalal 2004, pp. 57, 110
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