Tomás Domínguez Arévalo
The Count of Rodezno | |
---|---|
Born | Tomás Domínguez Arévalo 1882[1] |
Died | 1952 |
Nationality | Spanish |
Occupation | landowner |
Known for | politician |
Political party | CT |
Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, 6th Count of Rodezno,
Family and youth
Tomás Domínguez y de Arévalo Romera y Fernández Navarrete was a descendant of two landowner families from the very south and from the very north of Spain. The paternal Domínguez family has been for centuries related to the
In the late 1880s Tomás Domínguez Romera emerged holding major posts within the Madrid Carlist structures. In 1888 he was president of comisión de propaganda of the Madrid Junta Directiva del Circula Tradicionalista de Madrid
It is not clear whether Tomás Domínguez Arévalo spent his early childhood in the capital or in Villafranca. He was then educated in the
Early political career
There is almost no information on Domínguez's public activity in the first decade of the 20th century; he was probably active in Juventud Jaimista and Juventud Hispanoamericana.[note 9] In 1909 he published his first work, a booklet dedicated to medieval rulers of Navarre,[45] followed by articles in scholarly reviews focusing on history of the province[note 10] and short biographical studies, also anchored in history of Navarre.[note 11] Domínguez also tried his hand in Pamplona dailies as a literary critic.[note 12] Some authors claim that his first public assignment was mayorship of Villafranca,[47][48][note 13] but when first running for seat in the Cortes, he was referred to by the press only as "joven abogado y escritor".[49]
Domínguez's entry into politics was facilitated by memory of his late maternal grandfather and especially by standing of his father, one of the most distinguished politicians of Navarre;[note 14] his position is dubbed as "cacicato" and the Aoiz district was considered his personal fiefdom.[52] It is not known why he decided not to renew his mandate in the 1916 campaign. Initially Domínguez Romera was to be substituted as Jaimista candidate by Joaquín Argamasilla, but in unclear circumstances the latter was replaced by Domínguez Arévalo. Argamasilla stroke back with a pamphlet, lambasting alleged alliance with the liberals and charging his substitute with flexibility bordering opportunism.[53] Though resident of another Navarrese district of Tafalla,[note 15] Domínguez Arévalo was also presented as a cuckoo candidate.[note 16] Despite the critique, he was narrowly[note 17] elected;[57] he renewed his ticket, though also marginally, in the 1918 campaign in the same district.[58]
At that time Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by tension between its top theorist Vazquez de Mella and the claimant
In the 1919 campaign Domínguez Arévalo presented his bid in Aoiz,[66] but lost to a Maurista candidate by the smallest margin possible.[67] In 1920 the same two hopefuls competed in the same district;[68] this time Domínguez, already conde de Rodezno, lost more decisively,[note 23] the visible sign of increasingly loose Carlist grip on Navarre. A mere week after the defeat he presented his candidature to the Senate.[71] As indirect elections to the upper chamber were more about behind-the-stage party dealings rather than about seeking popular vote, the Jaimistas managed to negotiate Rodezno's success.[72] He was also re-elected for the successive term in 1922. His activity as recorded in the Senate archive was insignificant.[73] One of his few interventions referred to tariffs on cork exports,[74] the issue he was personally interested in as there was cork produced on his Andalusian Carmona estate.[75]
Dictatorship
Advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship suspended Rodezno's parliamentarian career. Having lost his senate mandate he abandoned politics and is not listed as active in any of the primoderiverista institutions, be it either Somatén, Unión Patriotica or any other organization.[note 24] However, he did not withdraw from public life. Rodezno took part in various Christian activities, contributed to cultural initiatives, remained engaged in Carlist structures and pursued his career as author and historian, at the same time dedicating his time to family and business.
A member of the Catholic aristocracy, Rodezno was active in the
Rodezno's cultural activities were strongly flavored by Carlism. In Pamplona he organized anniversary homage celebrations to veterans of the Third Carlist War,[83] in San Sebastián he took part in works of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos when preparing "La exposición de las Guerras Civiles" of the 19th century,[84] and in Madrid he co-organized fundraising and himself donated large sums to the planned monument of Vázquez de Mella.[85] However, he became most noted for his historical effort. Apart from inedita,[86] in 1928 he published La princesa de Beira y los hijos de D. Carlos[note 26] and in 1929 Carlos VII, duque de Madrid, monographs dedicated to already mythical Carlist figures; both books were widely discussed on literary pages of the Spanish press of the day.[87] Though they pursued a personal approach of the author, both remain quoted and referenced also by present-day scholars.[note 27]
Rodezno and his wife held land estates scattered across Spain: in Navarre, inherited from his mother; in Extremadura, brought into the marriage by his wife; and in Andalusia, inherited from his father. Some authors refer to him as "grande terrateniente"[89] "cacique terrateniente",[note 28] "grandee proprietor"[91][note 29] or "prominent landowner", an exemplary case of link between landownership and power,[note 30] though exact size of his holdings is unclear and probably did not exceed 500 ha combined.[note 31] He was head of Federacion Catolico Agraria de Navarra,[99] co-founder of Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra[100] and member of Asociacion de Propietarios de Alcornocales.[101] On behalf of some of these pressure groups he held talks with various ministers,[note 32] publishing also analytical studies on agricultural credit[104] and land ownership.[note 33] In his opinion in terms of rural property the Navarrese structure was close to ideal, almost reaching the objective "que todos los agricultores fueran propietarios";[106] later in the republic he defended the arrendamiento structure.[92]
Jefe
Though mostly dormant in times of the dictatorship, during
Already in the late 1920s advocating reconciliation with the Mellistas,
Rodezno was acutely sensitive to threat of revolution and convinced that democracy could not contain it; he responded warmly to the mood of authoritarian nationalism, covering in his opinion a broad spectrum from fascist
Rodezno's term as the leader emphasized politics and propaganda rather than organization and militancy;
Conspiracy and coup
Though Rodezno's supporters complained about "fascistización" of the Communion under the new leadership of Fal,[136][note 37] Carlism firmly changed course from political negotiations to organizational build-up.[note 38] Rodezno was not appointed head of any of the newly created sections,[139] nominated to Consejo de Cultura instead.[140][141] Fal initially considered Rodezno an acceptable leader and insisted on changing structures rather than people. He criticised Rodezno rather for lack of faith.[note 39] Re-elected to the Cortes in 1933[143] and 1936,[144] Rodezno became chairman of the 10-men Carlist minority.[145] He was permitted to pursue talks with the Alfonsinos on the private business basis; in 1936 these contacts started to take shape of negotiating a joint insurgency.[note 40] According to one source he was on the target list of the hit-team which, in his absence, shot Calvo Sotelo instead.[147]
Rodezno played vital role in negotiating Carlist role in the military coup. Talks between Mola and Fal stalled as both failed to reach a compromise on terms of the Carlist access;[note 41] at that point the general opened parallel talks with Navarrese leaders, headed by Rodezno.[149][150] Bypassing Fal and ready to confront him if needed,[note 42] they suggested that Navarrese issues are discussed locally and offered requeté support in return for usage of monarchist flag and assurance that Navarre would be left as Carlist political fiefdom.[154][155][156] Facing sort of internal rebellion, Fal considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta.[147][note 43] He was finally outmaneuvered when Rodezno and the Navarros assured conditional support of claimants' envoy, Don Javier;[note 44] Mola and Fal decided to act together on the basis of a vague letter, sent by pre-agreed leader of the insurgency, general Sanjurjo.[note 45]
During the coup Rodezno was in Pamplona, the city easily captured by insurgents. Though Fal considered him disloyal, in late August he had no option but to include Domínguez in Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, a newly constituted Carlist wartime executive; within this body he entered Section of General Affairs heading Delegación Política, a sub-section entrusted with handling relations with military junta and local authorities.[152][160][161] Rodezno settled in the emergent military headquarters in Salamanca,[note 46] but went on pursuing independent policy engineered by a local Navarrese executive, transformed into Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra.[note 47] Following death of the claimant and assumption of regent duties by his successor Don Javier, the so-called Rodeznistas[165] were visibly disappointed with Fal's confirmation as political leader in October 1936.[166][note 48]
The Carlists, who initially imagined their position as equals of the military, within few months acknowledged that they were being reduced to junior role, especially that despite mobilization of their supporters, Falange attracted far more recruits.[note 49] Their attempt to safeguard autonomous standing crashed in December 1936, when following Fal's decision to set up a Carlist military academy he was summoned to Franco's headquarters and presented with the choice between firing squad and exile abroad.[note 50] Some authors speculate whether the unusual overreaction of Franco was not intended to get rid of Fal and replace him with complacent Rodezno.[170][171][172] At the Carlist emergency meeting the Rodeznistas enforced the decision to comply with the exile alternative,[173][note 51] though later Rodezno himself visited Franco trying to get Jefe Delegado re-admitted.[note 52]
Unification
With Fal on exile and party leadership assumed by France-based Don Javier, Rodezno emerged as "máxima figura carlista en España";[177] Fal was not happy about Rodezno's pre-eminence and when on exile intended to send him abroad, possibly on a diplomatic mission to Vatican.[172] Starting January 1937 he and other party bigwigs were approached by the military and the Falangists about forming a monopolist state party;[note 53] the pressure started to mount later on. The Carlist leaders met 3 times to address the challenge: in Ínsua (February), in Burgos (March) and in Pamplona (April), all attended by Rodezno.[note 54] He and the faction he headed advocated compliance with political amalgamation, pressed by the military;[note 55] they were confronted by the Falcondistas, opting for intransigence.[note 56] As the formal party executive Junta Nacional was getting decomposed and theoretically local, Rodeznista-dominated Junta Central assumed a key role,[note 57] the balance tipped towards unification. The fusion was presented as means to build a new state, Catholic, regionalist,[note 58] social and ultimately formatted as Traditionalist monarchy.[187][174][188][note 59]
On April 22 Rodezno was nominated to
Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldías,[note 66] there are many conflicting interpretations offered. According to one, he feared that internal divisions within the Nationalist camp might lead to defeat in the war.[211][note 67] According to another, he has never been a genuine Carlist and is better described as a conservative monarchist.[note 68] Some scholars claim that he was a possibilist, who realized that Traditionalism was unable to seize power single-handedly and needed coalition partners;[note 69] one more clue might have been that perceiving Carlism as rooted in family and regional values, he downplayed the issues of organization and structures.[217] Others underline that he considered the emerging system largely in line with the Carlist vision and did not think it worthwhile to be marginalized for the sake of defending second-rate discrepancies.[218] Finally, there are authors who believe that he realized neither gravity of the moment nor totalitarian nature of the new party; Rodezno – the theory goes – imagined the structure either as a new incarnation of Unión Patriotica or as a loose alliance, both permitting Carlism to maintain its proper identity;[219] immediately following announcement of the FET programme, largely a copy-paste from the original Falange 27 points, Rodezno visited Franco to voice his disgust;[220] following three months he ceased to attend sittings of the FET secretariat, considering it pointless.[221]
Francoism
In January 1938 Rodezno entered the first regular Francoist government as
It is not clear whether Rodezno's departure from the government was related to tension between the Falangists and the Carlists, though he was on rather poor terms with
Though apparently overwhelmed fascistoid nature of the emerging regime[note 74] and by actual shape of the unification - up to contributing to its failure in Navarre[note 75] - Rodezno kept pursuing the collaborative line even when it became painfully evident that Carlism was entirely marginalized in the new state party.[255] In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas;[256] he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional.[257] The term lasted three years and was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive. Auto of judge Garzón raises charges based on Rodezno's role in FET between April 20, 1937 (coincides with the day of his nomination to Secretariado) and 1951 (no daily date).[258]
Juanista
Already in the 1910s Rodezno timidly advanced the idea of transferring legitimist rights to an appropriate Alfonsist candidate once the Carlist dynasty would extinguish;
In the early 1940s Rodezno turned into an open advocate of Don Juan as a future Carlist king, especially once the latter inherited the Alfonsist title after his late father in 1941. Theoretically this support did not breach the rules of Don Javier's regency, which permitted forming factions around prospective candidates; in practice this mattered little, as Rodezno was already expulsed from the Comunión.
The 1946 "Bases de Estoril" was the last major Rodezno's initiative and little is known either about his political views or about his public activity in the very last years of his life. In 1944 he entered
Legacy and reception
During Francoism Rodezno was honored by a number of prestigious orders, like
After transition to democracy the perception of Rodezno changed dramatically. In the current Spanish public discourse he is associated mostly with the most repressive phase of Francoism.
In Traditionalist historiographical narration Rodezno is one of the black characters, among the likes of Rafael Maroto, Alejandro Pidal or Don Carlos Hugo. He is charged with blatant political miscalculation at best and with treason of principles and kings at worst. His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to the generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters.[note 82] Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father.[note 83] None of the currently existing organizations claiming Carlist identity, be it either those pursuing a socialist path (javierocarlistas, Partido Carlista) or those attached to Traditionalist values (tronovacantista CTC, sixtinos, carloctavistas) admits deference to his name.
See also
- Carlism
- Electoral Carlism (Restoration)
- Navarrese electoral Carlism (Restoration)
- Francoist Spain
- Carlo-francoism
- White Terror (Spain)
- Institución Príncipe de Viana
- Condado de Rodezno
Notes
- ^ sequential artistocratic title quoted after Diputacion Permanente y Consejo de la Grandeza de Espana y Titulos del Reino service, available here. However, there are conflicting views on which count in sequence he was. According to different sources, Tomás' mother was the 5th condesa de Rodezno,[3] or the 6th condesa de Rodezno.[4][5] Yet another version, incomplete and erroneous, is pursued at Euskalnet service.[6]
- ^ sequential number is unclear. He is considered the 12th marquis by the Fundacion Nacional Francisco Franco,[7] and the 13th marquis by Fz. de Bobadilla.[8]
- ^ some sources wrongly claim he died in 1920, e.g. Geneall.net,[10] however 1931 is the correct date of his death.[11][12]
- ^ probably between 1878 (the amnesty) and 1882 (birth of Tomás)
- ^ some sources claim that he headed Castilla la Nueva y Extremadura.[25]
- ^ like in 1911.[27] Some authors consider him a politician who betrayed Carlism in 1911, allegedly mounting a coalition with the Integrists and the Conservatives.[28]
- ^ his mother held 2 titles, condesa de Rodezno and condesa de Valdellano. The first one was inherited by Tomás, the second one by his younger brother José María.[41][42]
- ^ Domínguez Romera inherited the title from maternal line in 1911.[43]
- ^ later on, in 1919, he grew to vice-president of the organisation.[44]
- ^ in 1912 he published Un Infante de Navarra, yerno del Cid and in 1913 De tiempos lejanos. Glosas históricas, both in Revista de Historia y Genealogía
- ^ his 1915 and 1916 articles on genealogy are available online[46]
- ^ see his Arturo Campión. Semblanza literaria, published in Diario de Navarra between 20.1.12 and 18.02.12
- ^ his 1952 obituary also referred to him as ex-alcalde de Villafranca but specified no period of his term in office, see ABC 19.08.52, available here
- ^ periodically serving also as dean of the Navarrese deputies and senators.[50] At that time the strength of Carlism was at its peak in the province, with the movement gaining 70–85% of deputy seats available and controlling the remaining pool by means of electoral alliances. Some authors maintain that Domínguez Romera was jefe of Navarrese Carlism and that his son "inherited" the post; this claim about Domínguez Romero's Navarrese jefatura is not confirmed elsewhere. Until 1916 the Navarrese jefe was Francisco Martinez, and after 1916 it was Romualdo Cesareo Sanz Escartin.[51]
- ^ Villafranca was part of the Peralta zone, itself forming the Tafalla electoral district.[54]
- ^ by their opponents both Domínguez Romera and Domínguez Arévalo were presented as "cuneros".[55]
- ^ both candidates won in two out of 4 comarcas of the district, but Domínguez Arévalo won in more populous ones.[56]
- ^ some authors claim that Domínguez was from his youth a "fiel seguidor desde su juventud de Juan Vázquez de Mella"[59]
- ^ the opinion of Melchor Ferrer, approvingly repeated in Andrés Martín (2000).[60]
- ^ the Carlist king Jaime III was over 50 and still a bachelor; he had no brothers and his uncle was over 70 with no descendants
- ^ this stand was lambasted as "dishonor" by the orthodox Jaimistas.[62]
- ^ another historian claims he followed de Mella.[64]
- ^ his counter-candidate gained 55.8% of the votes.[69][70]
- ^ however, he is recorded as not particularly averse towards the dictatorship. Having learnt of his Villafranca mayorship Luis Hernando de Larramendi asked Rodezno: "pero cómo puedes soportar eso?", to which the latter replied "mira chico, el caso es mandar".[76]
- ^ which at that time formed part of the Burgos archdiocese.[79]
- ^ entire book available here
- ^ as a historian he blamed the second wife of Carlos VII, Bertha de Rohan, for his alleged ineptitude during late phases of his life, when he "no era el arriscado caudillo de Navarra de 1873."[88]
- ^ some even blame him for the 1894 events, when 800 soldiers protected estate of his grandfather during social unrest in Villafranca.[90]
- ^ Blinkhorn (2008) claims also that Rodezno owned a señorio in La Rioja.[92]
- ^ and quote him as exemplary case of a link between landownership and power.[93]
- ^ he had 502 robadas in Villafranca, divided into 47 fincas.[94] Given a robada was ca 0,09 ha his estate covered some 45 ha and was far behind largest estates in the area, exceeding even 100 ha. In Carmona he and his wife held 200 ha.[95] The estates did not make an impressive figure by national Spanish standards; as late as in 1919 duque de Peñaranda possessed 51,000 ha.[96] In the sole Cordoba district there were around 30 landholders with estates exceeding 1,000 ha[97] (surface area is listed in fanegas (fgs), a fanega differed from province to province, though one scholar suggests an average of 1 fg was 1,044 ha for the nearby Almeria province.[98]
- ^ like the minister of economy, meeting with a group of "cerealistas" in 1926,[102] and the minister of infrastructure in 1930.[103]
- ^ in 1926 he published La propiedad privada en Navarra, y un informe sobre reforma tributaria[105]
- ^ Another Carlist elected from Navarre was Joaquin Beunza. Detailed analysis in Serrano Moreno 1988,[110] and 1989.[111]
- ^ highlighting differences between "these" [Basque] provinces and Kingdom of Navarre.[112]
- ^ in 1935 Rodezno pressed Don Alfonso Carlos to nominate Don Juan as heredero.[133]
- ^ what was meant by that was probably strong leadership and organizational build-up of the party and its satellite structures; some Carlists grumbled at uninspiring mediocre Fal compared to eloquent and gregarious Rodezno.[137]
- ^ including the paramilitary. However, it was Rodezno who agreed to a send few Carlists, together with Alfonsists conspirators, to Rome; the objective was military training, negotiating financial support and arms supply.[138]
- ^ "El jefe delegado ideal es Rodezno. Solo le falta fe en lo nuestro"[142]
- ^ he also visited in prison José Antonio Primo de Rivera.[146]
- ^ Fal demanded that Republican regime is replaced with corporative Catholic state, possibly a monarchy, and insurgency is directed by a directory headed by Sanjurjo and including two civilians acceptable to the Comunión. Mola insisted on Republican regime and state separated from the Church, with insurgency commanded by the military at their own discretion.[148]
- ^ he considered purely a Carlist rising "a ludicrous dream" and nurtured no doubt that alliances are needed; Republic should be overthrown as first objective, with further goals to be discussed later.[151] What interested him was not so much the total victory of Carlism – attractive as that was – as obtaining of certain minimum gains plus control over their own corner of Spain.[152][153]
- ^ some authors claim that Fal refrained from taking steps against the Navarrese junta conscious that also the Navarrese rank-and-file were more than enthusiastic to join the insurgency regardless of the terms agreed.[157]
- ^ who initially opposed compromising 100 years of Carlist history in exchange for local ayuntamientos.[158]
- ^ its basic lines were that Carlists may conditionally use monarchical flag, provisional government would be apolitical with civilian members, Republican legislation rectified, parties would be abolished and "new state" would be built.[159]
- ^ Fal, heading the Military Section, settled in Toledo.[162]
- ^ some scholars claim JCCNG was "liderada por el conde de Rodezno",[163] though other authors maintain that it was formally headed by Berasáin. Its official constituting document does not contain the name of Rodezno at all.[164]
- ^ the rodeznista-controlled El Pensamiento Navarro wrote that "monarchists live even if kings die", a rather ambiguous statement given Carlists had a regent not a monarch now.[167]
- ^ compare graphs and tables in Parejo Fernández (2008).[168]
- ^ details in del Burgo Tajadura (1992).[169]
- ^ Canal (2000) gives the date as January 1937.[174]
- ^ noting that though he considered the idea of a Carlist military academy tempting, at the same time he did not approve of the way Fal pursued it.[175][176]
- ^ the first meeting recorded was with Sancho Dávila in early January 1937.[178]
- ^ early March Rodezno moved to his Cáceres estate and remained there until April 12, when he was summoned to Burgos by Franco.[179][180]
- ^ according to his own account, when summoned to Burgos on April 12 he told Franco that in Portugal it had not been necessary to create partido único, to which Franco replied that Salazar did not enjoy popular support. The caudillo made clear that unification would not be transitory phase but an ultimate objective.[181]
- ^ most thorough account of Carlist response to the unification threat in Bernaldo (1996);[182] somewhat less detailed but still very informative chapters in Pérez (2008).[183]
- ^ Bernaldo (1996) prefers to talk about "carlismo regional" prevailing over "carlismo nacional";[184] he also notes that one of the factors enhancing position of JCCGN over JNG was that there were still new requeté tercios being formed in Navarre in the spring of 1937
- ^ "organización estatal que reconozca las peculiaridades regionales"[185] Until mid-1937 Rodezno believed that decentralised vision based on "autarquias regionales" was possible and called not to revert to "centralismo liberal".[186]
- ^ most Carlists might have understood this as future instauration of a Carlist dynasty, e.g. the Borbón-Parmas, the Borbón-Habsburgos or other, Rodezno has probably meant a dynastical accord with the Alfonsinos, most likely with Franco nominated regent for Don Juan de Borbón.
- ^ some authors refer to this body as Junta Política or Secretería General.[189] In official Francoist document the body was referred to as "Secretariado o Junta Política".[190]
- ^ the other three were Luis Arellano, Tomás Dolz de Espejo and José María Mazón Sainz
- ^ he was also susprised and concerned by detention of Manuel Hedilla. Franco assured Rodezno that Traditionalist doctrine will be embodied in outlook of the new party "en su dia"[197]
- ^ opinions of Payne, Canal, Blinkhorn, and Fraser[who?], approvingly referred by Martorell Pérez (2008).[201]
- ^ detailed discussion in Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, especially the chapter Conflictos y tensiones durante el periodo de integracion. Un analisis estadistico, pp. 91-105. The province where most formal complaints were received was the Integrist stronghold, Seville (220), followed by Navarre (169) and the Catalan provinces, Cadiz and Ourense (60-90).[203]
- ^ at this point Secretariado Politico ceased to function;[204] in fact, Rodezno ceased to take part in its sittings already in August 1937.[205] Within its ranks the Carlists were even worse-off, only 11 of them among its 50 members.[200] Canal (2000) claims there were 12 Carlists,[206] while Payne (1987) claims the correct number is 13.[207]
- ^ dubbed "el traidor por unas alcaldías".[210]
- ^ though he does not mention Rodezno personally, also Payne points to this feature.[212] Putting common goal against particularisms on the Nationalist side is also confronted with internal power struggle within the Republican camp.[213][214]
- ^ version coined mostly by Melchor Ferrer, Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol XXIX, referred after Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 183; another scholar seems to adhere, noting that Rodezno also sided with "corriente conservadora autoritaria" rather than with "populismo tradicionalista".[215]
- ^ according to this approach, unlike ideologically driven Fal, Rodezno was above all a realist who considered that ideal of a purely Carlist seizure of power as a dream. Alliances were inevitable and as its result, Carlists might have to settle for the second-best option. This does not necessarily boil down to the "dead-end street" vision of Carlism; Rodezno viewed it as a spiritual and ideological force guiding a new formation, built possibly on a new monarchist but fundamentally Traditionalist platform.[216]
- ^ though the law itself was drafted by Gónzalez Bueno.[230]
- ^ he took part in the plot intended to counter takeover of El Pensamiento Navarro by the Francoist press conglomerate by converting it into a formally commercial newspaper, owned by a company named Editorial Navarra; Rodezno became its primary shareholder with 600 shares, other major owners were Luis Arellano (150 shares), and the Baleztena brothers (50 each).[244][245]
- ^ he founded and became the first president of Principe de Viana, formally the cultural institution managed by the Navarrese provincial government.[246][247]
- ^ detailed discussion in Bari (2013),[249] and Etxeberria (2006).[250]
- ^ at one point in 1938 he told Franco: "mi general, la doctrina tradicionalista no es el fascismo".[253]
- ^ he anyway acknowledged that "un año había bastado para apreciar que era imposible de fraguar la unificación y menos en Navarra, donde el desengaño cundia entre los nuestros".[254]
- ^ monarchist alliance concept was made easier by Don Javier's unhappy absence in 1944-1945, when he was held captive in the Nazi concentration camp.[267]
- ^ "Religión, Unidad, Monarquía, representación orgánica".[266]
- ^ carloctavistas, sivattistas, javieristas, rodeznistas
- ^ picture taken in 2007. For 2012 banner, see here
- ^ like the question of Navarrismo and the Basque role in Navarre
- ^ it might refer to Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, but also to his father Tomás Domínguez Romera, his maternal grandfather Justo Arévalo y Escudero or previous holders of the title from the Jiménez-Navarro family.[281][282][283][284]
- ^ like Clemente 1977,[290] 1999,[291] and 2011,[292] or Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999,[293] to scholarly discourse flavored by political sympathies like Martorell Pérez 2009,[294] to orthodox Traditionalist discourse of Alcalá 2001.[295]
- ^ "Rodezno no sentía el carlismo, no pensó nunca en su triunfo y, con su característica ligereza, podría decirse que lo aceptaba como aquel personaje de Valle Inclán que lo quería declarar monumento nacional (...) Sus opiniones pro-alfonsinas acrecentaban el confusionismo de unos y los recelos de los leales. Cuando al fin dio el paso definitivo, reconociendo públicamente como su Rey al pretendiente Don Juan, coronaba una historia política de una lógica implacable, pero aquel día perdía la única virtud que, en los salones aristocráticos, tenía el Conde de Rodezno: el mantenerse leal a la dinastía legítima", opinion of Melchor Ferrer quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009.[296]
References
- ^ the Real Academia de Historia site gives the birth date as September 26, 1882, see here. Obituaries claimed he was born in 1883, see ABC 12.08.52, available here
- ^ also the birthplace of Tomás, is disputed; most scholarly sources claim he was born Madrid; this version is repeated on the official senate site allegedly after the birth certificate reproduced, though handwriting is entirely illegible, compare here. Obituaries claimed he was born in Villafranca, see ABC (Seville version) 12.08.52, available here or in Pamplona, see ABC (Madrid version) 12.08.52, available here; both give the birth date as 1883, not 1882
- ^ F. Fz. de Bobadilla, Vinculación riojana del Condado de Rodezno y su historia, pp. 548–49, available here
- ^ María de los Dolores de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete, 6º condessa de Rodezno, 6º condessa de Valdellano entry at Geneall service, available here
- ^ Compactgen service, available here
- ^ Euskalnet
- ^ Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, Ministro de Justicia y Consejero Nacional, [in:] Fundacion Nacional Francisco Franco service, available here
- ^ F. Fz. de Bobadilla, Vinculación riojana del Condado de Rodezno y su historia, pp. 548–49
- ^ Antonio Lería, Proclamación y jura reales. El caso de Carmona, [in:] Carel. Revista de estudios locales, 2/2 (2004), pp. 591–667
- ^ Tomás Domínguez Romera entry at Geneall service, available here
- ^ La Epoca 12.05.31, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 12.05.31, available here
- ISBN 9788489512306, p. 55
- ^ Tomás Domínguez Romera Pérez de Pomar entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here
- ISBN 9788479275495, p. 100
- ^ María de los Dolores de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete, 6º condessa de Rodezno, 6º condessa de Valdellano entry at Generallnet service, available here
- ^ official Cortes service, available here
- ^ official Senate service, available here
- ^ Annuario del comercio, de la industria, de la magistratura y de la administración 1883, p. 42, available here. Her mother was María de los Ángeles Fernández de Navarrete, condesa de Rodezno, who died in 1856; at that moment her father from conde consorte converted to conde viudo. The couple had two children; the older son also died early and at that point the title passed to María de los Dolores
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 84–5.
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 118.
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 249.
- ^ official Cortes service, available here
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 443.
- ^ "Domínguez Romera Pérez de Pomar, Tomás". Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia.
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 458.
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 436.
- ^ Clemente 2011, p. 232.
- ^ La Voz 03.05.29, available here; the college closed one Jesuits were expulsed in the early days of the Second Republic, see another alumni meeting 23 years later, ABC 03.06.52, available here
- ^ Pavón 1954, p. 188.
- ^ Pavón 1954, p. 188-189.
- ISBN 9788487863875, p. 28
- ^ María Dolores Andrés Prieto, La mujer en la política y la política de la memoria. María Rosa Urraca Pastor, una estrella fugaz [MA thesis], Salamanca 2012, p. 60
- ISBN 978-8447201525, p. 140; also La Epoca 23.05.16, available here
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 50.
- ^ Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Cuando vestí mis primeros pantalones largos, [in:] Alcántara 20/146 (1966), p. 10, available here, also La Nación 06.03.17, available here
- ^ Asunción López-Montenegro y García Pelayo entry at Geni genealogical service, available here
- ^ Manuel Vaz-Romero, Cristina Nuñez, López-Montenegro fue un franquista coyuntural y episodico, [in:] Hoy 12.02.06, available here; her father had already passed away when she was getting married
- ^ María del Sagrado Corazón Domínguez y López-Montenegro, 8º condessa de Rodezno entry at Geneall service, available here
- ^ La Acción 28.11.19, available here
- ^ La Corespondencia de España 03.03.20, available here
- ^ La Corespondencia de España 04.03.20, available here
- ^ La Corespondencia de España 05.05.11, available here
- ^ Cervantes. Revista Hispanoamericana 1919, p. 97, available here
- ^ Los Teobaldos de Navarra. Ensayo de crítica histórica, Madrid 1909
- ^ see here and here
- ^ Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, un político profundamente antidemocrático, responsable y cómplice del exterminio político, [in:] Autobús de la memoria 21.06.08, available here
- ^ Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, Ministro de Justicia y Consejero Nacional, [in:] Fundacion Nacional Francisco Franco service, available here
- ^ La Epoca 23.03.16, available here
- ISBN 9788432127489, p. 478
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 487–88.
- ISBN 9788425911521, p. 443
- ^ "este señor hubiera logrado el apoyo de los elementos independientes del mismo modo como ha conseguido la ayuda fervorosa de los jefes liberales de Navarra sin tener por eso la desgracia de ser sospechoso entre los suyos", quoted after Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), p. 951
- ^ Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), p. 222; currently it is part of the Tudela merindad, compare real estate Definde service available here
- ^ Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Elites económicas y políticas en la Restauración. La diversidad de las derechas navarras, [in:] Historia contemporánea, 23 (2001), p. 600
- ^ Fuente Langas 1990, p. 956
- ^ 1916 file at official Cortes service, available here
- ^ 1918 file at official Cortes service, available here
- ^ El Conde de Rodezno (1883-1952) entry [in:] Guerra civil española dia a dia service 27.12.12, available here
- ^ Andrés Martín 2000, p. 181–182.
- ^ Andrés Martín 2000, p. 181
- ^ Andrés Martín 2000, p. 182
- ^ a b Andrés Martín 2000, p. 182.
- ^ Clemente 1999, p. 21.
- ^ José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer católicismo social Español [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2012, p. 182
- ^ La Epoca 24.05.19, available here
- ^ out of two competitors running, his counter-candidate gained 50.52% of votes, see his 1919 file at official Cortes service here
- ^ La Libertad 12.12.20, available here
- ^ 1920 file at official Cortes site here
- ^ La Acción 20.12.20, available here
- ^ El Globo 29.12.20, available here
- ^ official Senate site, available here
- ^ Diario de sesiones bookmark at the Senate site here
- ^ Diario de Sesiones de Cortes for May 1921, p. 1210, available here
- ^ Madrid Cientifico 1929, p. 8, available here
- ^ Larramendi 2000, p. 30
- ^ El Imparcial, 26.06.288
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 65.
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 03.01.27, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 25.01.28, available here
- ^ Revista católica de cuestiones sociales February 1925, p. 52, available here
- ^ Revista católica de cuestiones sociales November 1930, p. 56, available here
- ^ El Sol 25.05.26, available here
- ^ El Sol 16.07.27, available here
- ^ La Época 12.12.29, available here
- ^ La abdicación de D. Carlos y el Conde de Montemolín and La muerte de Zumalacárregui, DOMÍNGUEZ ARÉVALO, Tomás entry [in:] Gran Enciclopedia Navarra, available here
- ^ "Ia obra, repetimos, es de valor histórico y biográfico" – as noted with reservation by one of the papers, anxious not to be suspected of Carlist leaning, La Voz 07.03.30, available here
- ^ Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 305.
- ISBN 9788415313311, p. 163
- ISBN 8481363294, 9788481363296, p. 31
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 128.
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 80.
- ISBN 9780049400917, p. 229
- ^ Ramón Lapeskera, Villafranca, a merced de las ideologías del Capital, [in:] Revista del Centro de Estudios Merindad de Tudela 4 (1992), p. 84
- ^ Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 140
- ^ Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, Aristocracia y poder económico en la España del siglo XX, [in:] Vegueta 7 (2003), p. 157
- ^ Magrama.gob.es p. 80-81
- ^ here, p. 88
- ^ La Correspondencia de España 20.11.23, available here
- ISBN 9788481362343, p. 496
- ^ Madrid Cientifico 1930, p. 8, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 17.06.26, available here
- ^ Heraldo de Madrid 25.03.30, available here and also minister of economy in 1930, Heraldo de Madrid 09.12.30, available here
- ^ Madrid Cientifico 1924, available here
- ^ El Siglo Futuro 15.04.26, available here
- ^ Aoiz 2005, p. 35
- ^ Jesus María Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55 (1994), pp. 424-5
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 54.
- ^ 1931 file at official Cortes service here
- ^ Ana Serrano Moreno, Los resultados de las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en el municipio de Pamplona: un análisis especial, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 457-464
- ^ Ana Serrano Moreno, Las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana, 50 (1989), pp. 687-776
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 58.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 65. Anyway he did not like the project as corresponding to "concepción nacionalista euzkadiana", Dronda Martínez 2013, p.332; He also voiced against the Catalan statute as unrepresentative, Blinkhorn| 2008, p=81
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 82. In 1935 he declared that PNV revealed its true revolutionary colours in 1934 and no longer deserved alliance with the Carlists, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 205
- ^ Fuente Langas 1994, p. 425
- ^ “Fue uno de los principales agentes de la reunificación de las tres familias de la Comunión: jaimistas, mellistas e integristas”, Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, Ministro de Justicia y Consejero Nacional entry [in:] Fundación Nacional Francisco Franco sercice, available here
- ^ Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 295
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 73-74, Canal 2000, p. 304, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 8478260803, 9788478260805, p.90
- ^ in 1933 the body was replaced with much smalled Delegate Junta, still headed by Rodezno, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 133, Canal 2000, p. 304
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 143; though when choosing between the Italians and the British in 1935, Rodezno gave in to anglophobia and declared in the Cortes that Spanish interests in the Mediterranean lie with Italy, the ultimate objective the recovery of Tangier and, implicitly, Gibraltar, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 164
- ^ when commenting on draft of the Republican constitution he warned that it would open an abyss between the Republic and the Catholics, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 66, Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 376. In June 1931 he protested to authorities against measures taken against Segura, Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, [in:] Hispania Sacra, 59/119 (2007), p. 335
- ^ by a Brisith historian Rodezno is presented as staunch defender his own and other landowners’ interests, e.g. when protesting against the agrarian reform and defending arrendamiento structure, which ensured also political domination of landowners over the tenants, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 80. Also later on he opposed modest Rural Leases Act pursued by Giménez Fernandez, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 195; he claimed that in Navarre the reform was not needed at all since almost all peasants were owners of the plots they worked, Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 105
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 128, Canal 2000, p. 318
- ^ in early 1936 he was touring the country and delivering lectures as far as Seville, Cadiz and Jerez de la Frontera in early 1932, Leandro Álvarez Rey, La contribución del carlismo vasconavarro a la formación del tradicionalismo en Andalucía (1931-1936), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 26. He harangued in Andalusia also in 1934 and 1935, Álvarez Rey 1988, p. 30
- ^ Calleja, Aróstegui 1994, p. 40, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 185
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 89-90, 326f, Vallverdú 2008, pp. 107-8
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 128, 92
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 133.
- ^ González Calleja 2008, p. 100
- ^ Vallverdú 2008, p. 157.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 311.
- ^ Calleja & Aróstegui 1994, p. 40.
- ^ a b Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 257-258.
- ^ Vallverdú 2008, p=278, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 137-138
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 20
- ^ González Calleja 2008, p. 100
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 215.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 136.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 207-208.
- ^ Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012), p. 5
- ^ Vallverdú 2008, p. 163.
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 237.
- ^ 1933 file at official Cortes service here
- ^ 1936 file at official Cortes service here
- ^ Vallverdú 2008, p. 174.
- ^ Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Navarra y País Vasco, 1936: conspiración contra la República, [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de Sección Historia-Geografía 22 (1994), p. 254
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 249.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 144-145.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 32-33.
- ISBN 9788423533657, pp. 20-21
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 238-239.
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 269.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 35.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 246-7.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 326.
- ^ Vallverdú 2008, pp. 309-310
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 39.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 248.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 247-250.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 332.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 219.
- ^ Burgo Tajadura 1992, p. 492.
- ^ Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), p. 437
- ^ Ricardo Ollaquindia Aguirre, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 499
- ^ Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), p. 167
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 273.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 266.
- ISBN 9788483717721, pp. 4-5, 9
- ^ Burgo Tajadura 1992.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 238-239.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 32.
- ^ a b Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 303.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 277.
- ^ a b c Canal 2000, p. 338.
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 34
- ^ Burgo Tajadura 1992, p. 502.
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 304.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 282.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 261, 270.
- ^ Maximiliano García Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p. 86
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 272.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 241-301.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 28-50, and Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, pp. 30-47
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 241-247.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273.
- ISBN 9788415636656, p. 135
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 252, 273.
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 45
- ISBN 9788499112169
- ^ Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Soría 28.04.37, available here
- ^ Garcia Venero 1970, p. 109
- ^ Cantabrana Morras 2004, p. 167
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 291.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 339.
- ^ Garcia Venero 1970, p. 109
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 83
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 54
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 41
- ^ Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organización, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Gerónimo de Uztáriz 19 (2003), p. 101
- ^ a b c Blinkhorn 2008, p. 293.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 11
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 294.
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 96
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 81
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 133
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 340.
- ^ Payne 1987, p. 178.
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 297.
- ISBN 9788483741535, p. 90
- ^ Clemente 2011, p. 232
- ^ Burgo Tajadura 2013, p. 293.
- ISBN 8493508187
- ISBN 9781107002265, chapter Second Counterrevolution? The Power Struggle in the Republican Zone (p. 169-182)
- ISBN 9780143037651, chapter The Civil War within Civil War (pp. 263-274)
- ^ Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 95
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 296.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 153–154.
- ^ Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 99
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 275.
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 54
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 133
- ^ a b Blinkhorn 2008, p. 294.
- ^ Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 388
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 329.
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 415.
- ^ Payne 1987, p. 219.
- ^ Diario de Navarra 10 March 2009, available here
- ^ Payne 2012, p. 245
- ^ Payne 2012, p. 246
- ^ Payne 1987, p. 221-222.
- ^ Payne 1987, p. 220.
- ^ Payne 1987, p. 221.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 343.
- ^ El Conde de Rodezno (1883-1952) entry [in:] Guerra civil española dia a dia service 27.12.12, available here.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 176
- ISBN 9788472236486, p. 298
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 170
- ISBN 9788431315641, p. 287
- ^ Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, Navarra y el carlismo durante el régimen de Franco: la utopía de la identidad unitaria, [in:] Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, 17 (1997), p. 309
- ^ Villanueva Martínez 2003
- ISBN 9780874173444, p. 76
- ^ Burgo Tajadura 2013, p. 291: "principal dirigente de los Carlistas Navarros"
- ^ Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 115
- ^ González Calleja 2012, p. 29
- ^ Enciclopedia navarra
- ^ Álvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, Una visión falangista de la foralidad navarra, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztáriz 2006, p. 13
- ^ Villanueva Martínez 2003, pp. 103, 113
- ^ María del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120,
- ^ Etxeberria 2006, pp. 12-13. "Conde de Rodezno, dentro de la Diputacion o despu.s de haber cesado en ella a voluntad propia, dio a este organismo una influencia, una prepotencia y una brillantez", opinion quoted after Baraibar Etxeberria 2006, p. 19
- ^ Baraibar Etxeberria 2006, pp. 10, 33
- ^ Entrevista a Esteban Bilbao, [in:] Esfuerzo común 102 (1969)
- ISBN 8487863469, p. 111
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 86
- ^ Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, p. 90
- ^ 1943 file on the official Cortes service
- ^ ABC 24.11.42, available here
- ^ Garzón, pp. 140-141
- ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273, 252.
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 306.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 301.
- ^ Ballestero 2014, p. 79
- ^ Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 145
- ^ Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 421.
- ^ MacClancy 2000, p. 79
- ^ a b Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 448-449.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 299.
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 300.
- ^ Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 23
- ^ Filosofia.org
- ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 301-302.
- ^ Canal 2000, p. 351, 361.
- ^ Clemente 1977, p. 46.
- ^ José María Toquero, El carlismo vasconavarro y Don Juan de Borbón. La influencia del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Euskal herriaren historiari buruzko biltzarra 7 (1988), pp. 261-274
- ^ Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 404
- ^ ABC 11.02.43, available here
- ^ ABC 12.11.44, available here
- ^ ABC 19.08.52, available here
- ^ ABC 01.10.52, available here
- ^ "Tomás Domínguez de Arévalo una persona afín al régimen franquista", Plaza Conde de Rodezno de ida y vuelta [in:] Diario de Navarra 06.03.09, available here, also Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, Conde de Rodezno, un político profundamente antidemocrático, responsable y cómplice del exterminio político, [in:] Autobús de la memoria 21.06.08, available here
- ^ Diario de Noticias 21.06.08
- ^ Diario de Navarra 06.03.09
- ^ Diario de Navarra 10.03.09
- ^ Diario de Noticias 11.03.09
- ^ La Plaza de la Libertad estrena placa con su nuevo nombre para "reivindicar la memoria histórica", [in:] Diario de Navarra 14.04.16
- ^ official Pamplona ayuntamiento site, available here
- ^ document as published by El Pais service, available here
- ^ El País
- ^ Conde de Rodezno. La justicia al revés, Iruña-Pamplona 2010, available online here
- ^ Clemente 1977.
- ^ Clemente 1999.
- ^ Clemente 2011.
- ^ Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2009.
- ^ Alcalá 2001.
- ^ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 183.
Sources
- Alcalá, César (2001). D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980). Barcelona. ISBN 8493109797.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Juan-Cruz Alli Aranguren, Los inicios del franquismo en dos obras inéditas del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Huarte de San Juan. Geografía e Historia 30 (2023), pp. 217–249
- ISBN 9780521086349.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - del Burgo, Jaime (1992). Un episodio poco conocido de la guerra civil española. La Real Academia Militar de Requetés y el Destierro de Fal Conde.
- del Burgo, Jaime (2013). El carlismo y su agónico final.
- Canal, Jordi (2000). El carlismo. Madrid. ISBN 8420639478.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Calleja, Eduardo; Aróstegui, Julio (1994). La tradición recuperada: el Requeté Carlista y la insurrección.
- ISBN 9788425307591.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ISBN 8483741520.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ISBN 978-8499671710.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Conde de Rodezno. La justicia al revés, Iruña-Pamplona 2010, ISBN 9788476816332
- Agustín Fernández Escudero (2012). "El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica" (PDF). Madrid.
- Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957
- Pavón, Jesús (1954). Semblanza del Conde de Rodezno.
- ISBN 9780299110741.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Manuel Martorell Pérez, Retorno a la lealtad; el desafío carlista al franquismo, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788497391115
- Martorell Pérez, Manuel [in Spanish] (2009). La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil (Thesis). Valencia.
- Jesús Pabón, Elogio académico del Conde de Rodezno, [in:] Jesús Pabón, Días de ayer, historias e historiadores contemporáneos, Barcelona 1963, pp. 67–71
- Ramón de Andrés Martín, Juan (2000). El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política. Madrid. ISBN 9788487863820.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Martínez Sánchez, Santiago (2002). "El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957)" (PDF). Pamplona.
- Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657
- Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, Juan Carlos (1996). El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación. Madrid. ISBN 9788487863523.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Fermín (1999). Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideological del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha. Pamplona. ISBN 8460589323.)
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - José María Toquero, El carlismo vasconavarro y Don Juan de Borbón. La influencia del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Euskal herriaren historiari buruzko biltzarra 7 (1988), pp. 261–274
- Vallverdú i Martí, Robert (2008). El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936. Barcelona. ISBN 978-8478260805.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714
- Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organización, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Gerónimo de Uztáriz 19 (2003), pp. 97–117
External links
- Princesa de Beira by Rodezno Archived 2018-08-13 at the Wayback Machine
- Rodezno by a Basque encyclopaedia
- Rodezno by a Francoist site
- Rodezno by a Navarrese encyclopaedia
- Rodezno's obituary
- Rodezno charged with crimes against humanity
- Institucion Principe de Viana website
- Por Dios y por España; contemporary Carlist propaganda on YouTube