Victor Cha

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For the Hong Kong businessman, see Victor Cha Mou Zing.
Victor Cha
Victor Cha in 2006
Born1960 (age 63–64)
United States
NationalityAmerican
Other namesCha Yu-deok
Alma materColumbia University (BA, MIA, PhD)
Hertford College, Oxford (MA)
Occupation(s)Political scientist, former senior U.S. security official
EmployerGeorgetown University
OrganizationCenter for Strategic and International Studies
Political partyRepublican

Victor D. Cha (Korean: 차유덕; RR: Cha Yu-deok, born 1960) is an American political scientist.

He is a former Director for

Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Cha is also senior advisor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).[3]

Education

Cha received a BA in economics from

MA in philosophy, politics, and economics from Hertford College, Oxford, in 1986, an MIA from Columbia, and a PhD in political science from Columbia in 1994 with a dissertation titled Alignment despite antagonism: Japan and Korea as quasi-allies.[4]

Career

Cha is a former

Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC) Fellow at Stanford University
.

Before entering government, he served as an independent consultant, testified before Congress on Asian security issues, and was a guest analyst for various media including

National Public Radio, The New York Times, The Washington Post and Time. He served on the editorial boards of several academic journals and wrote columns for CSIS Comparative Connections; Korea JoongAng Daily; Chosun Ilbo, and Japan Times
.

He held the D. S. Song-Korea Foundation Chair in Asian Studies and Government in the Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service and directed the American Alliances in Asia Project at Georgetown University until 2004.

In December 2004, Cha joined the

Six Party Talks.[5] Cha received two Outstanding Service commendations during his tenure at the White House.[6]

Cha returned to Georgetown in late 2007 after public service leave. Currently, he is the inaugural holder of the D.S. Song-Korea Foundation Chair in Asian studies[7] and a joint appointment with the School of Foreign Service core faculty and the Department of Government and is the Director of the Asian Studies program. He is also a senior adviser at the CSIS on Asian affairs.[8]

Victor Cha in 2018

It was reported in January 2018 that the Trump administration expected to withdraw his nomination for

Kim Jong-un for peacefully resolving the 2017–2018 North Korea crisis, calling the 2018 North Korea–United States Singapore Summit "the start of a diplomatic process that takes us away from the brink of war."[11]

In 2020, Cha, along with over 130 other former Republican national security officials, signed a statement asserting that Trump was unfit to serve another term. They wrote: "To that end, we are firmly convinced that it is in the best interest of our nation that Vice President Joe Biden be elected as the next President of the United States, and we will vote for him."[12]

Powerplay (theory)

Powerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control
Target State:
Small Power 		Target State:
Great Power
Small power(s) seeking
control over target 		Quadrant 1
multilateralism 		Quadrant 2
multilateralism
Great power seeking control
over target 		Quadrant 3
bilateralism 		Quadrant 4
multilateralism
Source: Victor Cha's Powerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control.[13]

"Powerplay" is a term coined by Cha in his article "Powerplay Origins of the U.S. Alliance System in Asia" to explain the reason behind the United States’ decision to pursue a series of bilateral alliances with East Asian countries such as Republic of Korea, the Republic of China, and Japan[14] instead of multilateral alliances like NATO with European countries under liberal institutionalism. To illustrate a country's preference when forming an alliance structure, Cha incorporates a figure of different possible quadrants dependent on power asymmetry between allies and the types of control one seeks over the target state.[14]

Defined as "the construction of an asymmetric alliance designed to exert maximum control over the smaller ally's actions," powerplay mainly describes the relations between the U.S. and Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan like that of the hub and spokes system which aimed to contain the Soviet threat, but the primary rationale was to constrain potential "rogue allies"—that is, "rabidly anticommunist dictators who might start wars for reasons of domestic legitimacy that the United States wanted no part of as it was gearing up for a protracted global struggle against the Soviet Union."[14]

Although "[a]s a rule, multilateralism is the preferred strategy for exercising control over another country," bilateralism was preferred in the region and was thus deliberately selected due to the asymmetric advantages of creating economic and material dependency of the smaller states on the stronger state by constraining aggressive behaviors of the former. In the post-Cold War period, the domino theory, which “held that the fall of one small country in Asia could trigger a chain of countries falling to communism”[14] was prevailing, which made the U.S. perceive the costs of pursuing multilateralism high as it may entrap the U.S. into another unwanted war.

The presence of "rogue allies" was one of the costs involved in engaging in such a strategy, as they had the potential to use aggressive behavior unilaterally that could have involved the U.S. in more military conflicts. The "rogue allies" that the U.S. leaders were worried about include Taiwan's

Eisenhower administrations, Cha concludes that the postwar U.S. planners had selected this type of security architecture because it offers the safest architecture to prevent aggression by East Asia's pro-West dictators and increases leverage and the states' dependency on the U.S. economy. The word “powerplay” is commonly used in any political or social situation when one uses its knowledge or information against another to gain benefit based on one's situational advantages.[citation needed
]

Publications

Cha is the author of numerous articles, books, and other works on Asian security.

He authored Alignment Despite Antagonism: The US-Korea-Japan Security Triangle (1999), which received the 2000 Ohira Book Prize. The book presented a new, alternative theory regarding Japan and South Korea's political alignment despite their historical animosity. Cha wrote this in response to previous research on the subject, which he felt focused too heavily on their respective historical antagonism.[15]

In 2005, Cha co-authored Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies with Professor David Kang of Dartmouth College and its Tuck School of Business. The co-authors presented their respective viewpoints on the best way to handle the Korean conflict, with Cha presenting a more "hawkish" approach and Kang presenting his more "dovish" arguments.[16]

Cha's published Beyond the Final Score: The Politics of Sport in Asia in 2009. In 2012 he published a timely book on North Korea in the wake of

Kim Jong-Il's death, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future.[17] Cha's most recent book on East Asian security was published in 2016, Powerplay: The Origins of the American Alliance System in Asia.[18]

He has published articles on international relations and East Asia in

Armed Forces and Society, Journal of Peace Research, Security Dialogue, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Asian Survey, Journal of East Asian Studies, Asian Perspective, the Japanese Journal of Political Science and The Washington Post.[19]

Recent publications include "Winning Asia: An Untold American Foreign Policy Success" in the November/December 2007 issue of Foreign Affairs; "Beijing's Olympic-Sized Catch 22" in the Summer 2008 issue of the Washington Quarterly; and "Powerplay Origins of the U.S. Alliance System in Asia" in the Winter 2009/10 issue of International Security.[20]

Books

  • The Geneva Framework Agreement and Korea's future, East Asian Institute, Columbia University, 1995
  • Alignment Despite Antagonism: The United States-Korea-Japan Security Triangle, Stanford University Press, 2000
  • Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies, Columbia University Press, 2005
  • Beyond the Final Score: The Politics of Sport in Asia, Columbia University Press, 2008
  • The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future, Ecco/HarperCollins, 2012
  • Powerplay: The Origins of the American Alliance System in Asia, Princeton University Press, 2016

Articles

Personal life

Cha's father came to U.S. from South Korea to study at Columbia University in 1954.[23][24] Cha was born in the early 1960s in the United States.[23][25]

Cha lives in Maryland with his wife and two sons.[26]

References

  1. ^ Victor Cha Archived 2017-09-26 at the Wayback Machine – Whitehouse.gov
  2. ^ Officials Head to Korea for GI Remains[permanent dead link] – The Ledger Independent
  3. ^ Victor D. Cha Archived 2009-02-05 at the Wayback Machine – Georgetown University
  4. ^ Victor Cha Returns to Georgetown from NSC – Georgetown University Archived 2007-12-12 at the Wayback Machine
  5. ^ "Victor Cha -- Center for Strategic and International Studies". www.csis.org. Archived from the original on 2019-02-01. Retrieved 2019-02-01.
  6. ^ "Victor Cha -- Center for Strategic and International Studies". www.csis.org. Archived from the original on 2019-10-04. Retrieved 2019-11-08.
  7. ^ "Inauguration of the D.S. Song-Korea Foundation Chair at Georgetown" Archived 2011-07-19 at the Wayback Machine, Korea Foundation website notice, n.d. Retrieved 2011-04-25.
  8. ^ Arends, Brett, "IMF bombshell: Age of America nears end" Archived 2011-04-27 at the Wayback Machine, MarketWatch, April 25, 2011. Retrieved 2011-04-25.
  9. ^
    ISSN 0190-8286. Archived
    from the original on 2018-01-30. Retrieved 2018-01-30.
  10. ^ "White House abandons planned pick for South Korea ambassador". Financial Times. 30 January 2018. Archived from the original on 2018-01-31. Retrieved 2018-01-30.
  11. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived
    from the original on 2022-05-04. Retrieved 2022-05-04.
  12. ^ "Former Republican National Security Officials for Biden". Defending Democracy Together. 20 August 2020. Archived from the original on 26 October 2020. Retrieved 26 August 2021.
  13. ^ Cha, Victor D. "Powerplay: Origins of the US alliance system in Asia." International Security 34.3 (2010): 165-166
  14. ^ a b c d Victor D. Cha “Powerplay Origins of the U.S. Alliance System in Asia”, International Security, Vol. 34, No.3, Winter 2009/10, pp. 158-196
  15. ISBN 0804731926
    .
  16. ISBN 9780231548243. Archived
    from the original on 2019-10-22. Retrieved 2020-09-18.
  17. ^ The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future – Amazon.comArchived 2017-11-26 at the Wayback Machine
  18. ISBN 9780691144535. Archived
    from the original on 2020-10-22. Retrieved 2020-09-18.
  19. ^ "Giving North Korea a Bloody Nose Carries a Huge Risk to Americans". Washington Post. Retrieved 2019-11-15.
  20. Project MUSE
    , Winter 2009.
  21. ISSN 0015-7120
    . Retrieved 2024-01-21.
  22. ISSN 0015-7120
    . Retrieved 2024-01-21.
  23. ^ a b "뉴욕한인 이야기/ 유학생 최초 자영업에 성공한 차문영" [New York Korean story: Cha Mun-yeong, A student, the first successful entrepreneur] (in Korean). The Korea Times. July 14, 2011. Archived from the original on April 2, 2015.
  24. ^ "백악관 NSC 아시아담당 국장 내정 빅터 차 "韓國기대 만족시키진 못할 것"" [White House NSC Asian affairs director Victor Cha "Korean may not be able to meet expectations"] (in Korean). The Chosun Ilbo. November 19, 2004. Archived from the original on April 2, 2015. Retrieved March 14, 2015.
  25. ^ "Victor Cha's 'Motherland'". The Dong-a Ilbo. 1 February 2018. Archived from the original on 16 October 2019. Retrieved 16 October 2019.
  26. ISBN 978-0-231-13129-2. Archived
    from the original on 2018-02-28.

External links
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