Aaron the Tyrant
Aaron the Tyrant Aron Vodă Apѡн вода | |
---|---|
Alexandru III Lăpușneanu | |
(2nd reign) | |
Reign | October 1592 – May 3 or 4, 1595 |
Predecessor | Peter the Cossack |
Successor | Ștefan Răzvan |
Born | before 1560 |
Died | May 1597 Martinuzzi Castle, Alvinc (Vințu de Jos), Principality of Transylvania |
Spouse | Sultana (Stanca) Köprülü? |
Issue | Marcu Cercel (ad.) Ionașcu Cercel (ad.) Radu Petru Cercel (ad.) |
Dynasty | Bogdan-Mușat? |
Father | Alexandru Lăpușneanu (claimed) Aron of Pozsony? |
Religion | Orthodox |
Aaron the Tyrant (
Following such moves, and his heavy-handed repression of rebels in
Despite his military commitment and his quashing of a pro-Ottoman uprising, Aaron was viewed with suspicion by Báthory. Their relationship became tense after Aaron declined to swear fealty at the Transylvanian court, preferring instead for Moldavia to be ruled as a component of the Holy Roman Empire. Báthory reportedly undermined the League, depicting Aaron as untrustworthy; he also endorsed the Moldavian general Ștefan Răzvan, who arrested the Prince and took over his throne. Aaron and his family were exiled to Corona (Brașov), then detained at Martinuzzi Castle, Alvinc (Vințu de Jos)—where Aaron died, allegedly poisoned. He was survived by his stepson Marcu Cercel, who attached himself to the Wallachian court and briefly served as Michael's subordinate Prince of Moldavia. Aaron's name is preserved by Aroneanu Church and eponymous village, both of which are located outside Iași. He is also celebrated as a sponsor of the First Romanian School in Șcheii Brașovului.
Biography
Debated origins
Aaron's origins and early life are a matter of scholarly dispute. His second or non-regnal name, rendered as Emanuel or Emanoil, has been deduced from a German-language document dealing with his bid for the Moldavian throne; historian
Modern scholars who accept Aaron's genealogical claims include
The Moldavian classical historian
Writing before Neculce, the physician Penzen recounted that Aaron was "of the Jewish race".
Jewish studies academic Elli Kohen also noted the story regarding Aaron's beginnings in horse grooming, but describes him as a "Pole of hypothetical Jewish extraction".[21] Another researcher, Iosif Sterca-Șuluțiu, rejects both Penzen and Heidenstein's accounts, noting that, if they had been true, they would also have been taken up in political literature.[22] His version, based on theories circulated by the Transylvanian School, is that Aaron was the son of a Romanian expatriate from Royal Hungary, Aron of Pozsony, who in the 1540s had wanted to seize the Moldavian throne as a Habsburg candidate; though existentially opposed to Lăpușneanu, this Aron may have been Lăpușneanu's brother—and son of Bogdan III.[23] Sterca-Șuluțiu reads Aaron's references to "my father" Lăpușneanu as clues that the reigning Prince had adopted him in the 1560s.[24]
Some uncertainty also covers Aaron's matrimonial alliances. One interpretation of period texts suggests that he was the son-in-law of the
Scandalous rise
Aaron's career overlapped with a
As historian Mihai Maxim notes, Peter was unable to pay his main tribute, or
Aaron was reportedly familiar to
In order to ensure his victory, Aaron is alleged to have paid officials at the Ottoman court 110 million akçeler.[44] This "fantastic sum", equivalent to some 917,000 ducats, was borrowed from traders and creditors at 20% interest.[45] Some of the scripts were owned by Barton and the Levant Company, marking an early step in the evolution of Anglo–Moldavian diplomatic contacts.[46] Kohen sees the alliance between Ashkenazi and Barton as motivated by two sets of interests: the former wanted a "more humane treatment for Jews in the semi-autonomous principality", while Barton responded to Elizabethan priorities, aiming to increase influence in Eastern Europe.[5]
This selection process by the Ottomans marked a low in Moldavian history, described by Iorga as a "bargain".
As noted in Grigore Ureche's hostile account, Aaron's policies made the peasants into quasi-serfs. Ureche attributes this development to flaws of character, claiming that Aaron "never grew tired of fornicating and gambling".[52] Neculce also claims that Aaron acted out of personal revenge, as when he allegedly captured his "uncle" Nicanor and castrated him.[15] More in detail, Ureche accuses Aaron of raping boyaresses and women from the peasantry. Sterca-Șuluțiu challenges this account, noting that Ureche fails to record a concrete case, or name the alleged victims.[53]
First rule
Several other controversial developments occurred under Aaron. Some had to do with the rising influence of immigrant Greeks. Medievalist Ioan Caproșu argues that Aaron's reign inaugurated the monopolizing of Vistier (treasurer) offices by "intermediaries of the Oriental trade".[54] At any one time, three of his eleven high courtiers were Greek; Aaron inherited from his predecessor Peter the Vistier Iani Kalogeras, who enjoyed the third-longest time in office of any Moldavian treasurer between 1600 and 1700.[55] His Postelnic was a Iane, possibly the same identified as an "Epirote" in earlier documents, while the first of his Spatharii was Constantin Vorsi; in 1594, his Paharnic was an Albanian, Nicolae Coci.[56] At some point in 1593, Andronikos became Moldavia's Ban.[57]
In 1591, the
Aaron soon faced rebellions of the local boyars and burghers. Some of these were probably instigated by brothers Bogdan Ionașcu and Peter the Cossack,
In May, after riots in
The violence and instability called for the
Into the Holy League
In September 1592, Aaron sent a trusted Moldavian, the Postelnic Oprea, to seize control of the court in
The 1592 return also encouraged anti-Catholicism in Moldavia, disassembling Brutti's contributions. Already by August, Aaron restored recognition for the Moldavian
As argued to Maxim, Aaron's return marked Moldavia's passage into another era, resuming "
On January 28, 1593, unaware of such dealings, Sultan Murad had set high tributary obligations for Moldavia, which may have included a hike of 30,000 sequins.
As recounted by Michael's physician and diplomat Balthasar Walther, Aaron welcomed at Iași Aleksandar Komulović, the papal envoy, and then, in a coordinated move with Michael, stopped paying his haraç; other sources mention direct negotiations between the Wallachian and Moldavian rulers, arranged by and through Preda or Stroe Buzescu.[90] Other reports suggest that Komulović first met Aaron and Michael's envoys to Transylvania in February 1594, at Feyérvár (Bălgrad), though it is unclear if they sealed a working alliance there and then.[91] The League had also attracted similar pledges from Sigismund Báthory, who, as noted by various scholars, had been recognized by Aaron as his new liege.[92] Others dispute that this vassalage was ever anything more than Báthory's wishful thinking.[93] In March Moldavia also received an imperial embassy led by Giovanni di Marini Poli, or "Raguseus". The treaty he signed with Aaron created the possibility for Moldavia to be placed under imperial immediacy; at this stage, Aaron was only required to spy on the Ottomans.[94]
Revolt
During those weeks, Rudolf involved Moldavia's court in his effort to forge an alliance that would strike the Ottomans in
The Ottomans again asked from their Crimean vassals that they intervene. Ğazı II Giray submitted, staging a raid on Moldavia: in June 1594, the Crimeans encircled Aron in his capital of Iași, then devastated the surrounding region.[30] Zamoyski made a perfunctory show of support for Moldavia, sending in the Polish-Lithuanian army. In August, it had only reached as far south as Cernăuți (Chernivtsi).[101] The Crimean hordes were nevertheless weakened by the Cossack invasion into their own base, and were vulnerable to attacks when grazing their horses.[102] In July, Cossack troops returned to Moldavia. They were nominally allies of the Empire and responded to Komulović, but were in practice uncontrollable;[100] they also regarded Aaron as a facilitator of the Crimeans, who had allowed Giray passage through Moldavia.[96] Loboda and Nalyvaiko fused their armies, conquering and razing Țuțora before taking Iași, destroying Moldavia's artillery in the process.[96] Aaron, having panicked,[100] barricaded himself in Putna Monastery.[103] He eventually agreed to pay Loboda a large ransom in exchange for his subjects' safety.[30] With help from Báthory and Logothete Ivan Norocea,[104] Aaron was also able to crush another insurgency by pro-Ottoman boyars. Their attempt at a coup formed part of a larger plot involving Balthasar Báthory, nephew of the Transylvanian Prince, and Sándor Kendi.[105]
By September 1594, the League project seemed abortive, with the
He and Michael began coordinating their open rebellion, which would open a new battlefield behind Ottoman lines. Their uprising began on November 13, with Ottoman garrisons in both countries being overpowered and massacred.[109] In Aaron's territories, victims included four Çavuşlar, whom Murad had sent over with gifts, hoping to restore Ottoman suzerainty amiably.[110] By then, the Prince had also resumed his practice of dealing violently with his earlier sponsors, executing without trial a Greek banker, Nestor Nevridis,[111] and 19 of his Jewish creditors.[112] He forfeited all payments on Barton and Ashkenazi's loans; when the latter arrived to complain in Iași, Aaron had him arrested and sent as a prisoner to Transylvania.[5]
In October, Pope Clement was informed that Aaron had "joined with" Michael and Prince Báthory—the latter, however, presented this treaty as his annexation of both Wallachia and Moldavia.[113] Sultan Murad formally declared war on all three countries on November 28, but Michael had the initiative throughout December.[114] In January 1595, Moldavia signed an alliance with the Zaporizhians, being thus "able to enlist them, if only in part, the Romanians' struggle for liberation."[30] Aaron then moved against the Ottomans, joining forces with Michael and Báthory in their raiding of Budjak and Dobruja. Polish writer Bartosz Paprocki recounts that Aaron gathered a new cohort of recruits, promising them that they could keep all spoils of war they captured individually. He "did not have a large army, but following his pledge his soldiers grew in numbers";[115] one estimate counts 15,000 Moldavians, with an additional 5,000 Transylvanians.[116] Overturning the tide, they killed as many as 12,000 Crimeans on the field of battle, and captured another 1,000.[115] A Venetian report of that period claims that Aaron thoroughly destroyed the Ottoman fortifications at Bender.[117]
Assisted by Transylvanians and Cossacks, the Moldavians took
Downfall and death
Prince Báthory was unpersuaded by Aaron's efforts, moved to have him deposed and replaced.[122] According to Marini Poli, the Moldavian ruler was preparing for a separate peace with the Ottomans, being instigated into this by his Greek advisers, the "enemies of Christendom".[99] The period witnessed the arrival in Moldavia of Nikephoros Didaskalos, who agitated against alliances with the Catholics, seeing them as tools for a restored communion with the Holy See.[123] The Pope received news that Aaron intended to "place himself and his belongings under [Poland's] protection";[124] in contrast, Paprocki noted that Aaron was accused of conspiring mainly with Andrew Báthory, the Prince's cousin and main rival.[125]
A fragmentary Wallachian chronicle, copied by Stoica Ludescu, describes all such allegations of treason as "mendacious charges".[126] Similarly, Xenopol notes that the accusation itself is incongruous, since Aaron had already made a public show of his disdain for Murad. He believes that Prince Báthory was in fact angered by Aaron having declined to swear fealty during a public ceremony, which was set to take place in Transylvania.[127] A Transylvanian diplomat, Kristóf Keresztúri, had brought back news that Aaron only recognized as his sovereigns "the Pope and His Sacred Imperial Majesty", viewing Báthory as a mere colleague.[128]
The instrument of Prince Báthory's coup was
Assisted by the Cossacks, Báthory also purged the Moldavian boyardom of its Polish-supporting members.
As argued by historian Marius Diaconescu, the new Moldo–Wallachian–Transylvanian alliances negotiated immediately after Aaron's downfall were effectively a union of the three countries under Báthory's scepter, and masterminded by István Jósika.[139] However, according to Ludescu's narrative, Aaron's downfall soured relations between Wallachia and Transylvania: Michael, who was not involved in the plot, looked "saddened" by news of his friend's arrest.[126] His death in custody was also a point of contention between the Transylvanians and Wallachians in the period leading up to Mihael's conquest of Transylvania. As late as 1601, in his letters to Rudolf, Michael alleged that Báthory's betrayals of the Holy League included killing Aaron. In this account, the deposed Prince had been made to drink "venom".[140] A similar narrative is provided by Weiß, who further indicates Jósika as the principal culprit.[121] Various modern historians also agree that Aaron may have indeed been assassinated.[141]
According to his own testimony, Michael had Aaron buried in the new Orthodox church at Bălgrad, alongside a number of Wallachian boyars. In 1600, however, Michael's hold on the region was challenged by a Transylvanian civil war, opposing Michael to the Báthorys and to the Imperial warlord Giorgio Basta. Basta recaptured Bălgrad, and ordered the church vandalized. Aaron's remains were desecrated, or, as Michael notes: "they dug up the bones [...] and cast them out; even pagans had refrained from such inhuman deeds."[142]
Legacy
Various accounts from the 1600s include brief notes about Aaron having several children or "sons".[143] Some confusion regarding survivors from Aaron's family was sparked by a Mantuan report of 1595, which claimed that his widow, "Velica", had remarried the Transylvanian courtier Fabio Genga. This information was refuted by other evidence, showing that Genga's wife was actually Logothete Norocea's daughter and sister-in-law of Mihnea Turcitul.[144] Aaron's real widow reunited with his stepson Marcu Cercel, and together they made their way to Bucharest, joining Michael's retinue before January 1598. A note by the Polish diplomat Andrzej Tarnowski also mentions them traveling together with Aron's natural son, whose name he renders as Iliaș.[145] Scholar Maria-Venera Rădulescu finds this an unreliable account, and argues that Tarnowski actually refers to Marcu's brother Ionașcu, who was not Aaron's blood relative.[146]
A discredited theory, proposed by historian Ilie Minea, argues that Tarnowski's "Marcu" refers to Aaron's natural son, who had the same name as Cercel.[147] Other scholarship traced the events of Cercel's subsequent life: he remained a close associate of Michael; in July–September 1600, when Michael conquered and held Moldavia, he reigned as a subordinate Prince in Iași.[148] In competition with his brother Radu Petru, he also continued to claim the throne of Wallachia into the 1610s.[149] By 1614, a Venetian adventurer, Zuanbattista Locadello, was hoping to obtain the Moldavian crown, presenting himself as Aaron's son.[150] His conflict with the Bailo brought his arrest by the Ottomans and death in custody.[151] Taking the Moldavian throne in 1634, Vasile Lupu, who was the son of Nicolae Coci and therefore Albanian, also encouraged rumors that he was actually Aaron's illegitimate child.[152]
One more tradition claims Aaron as the ancestor of Petru Pavel Aron, an 18th-century Romanian intellectual and bishop of the Transylvanian Greek Catholic Church. This claim was recorded by scholar Gheorghe Șincai, who commented that it was "not baseless", and explored in more depth by Iosif Sterca-Șuluțiu, who was an Aron on his mother's side.[153] According to the latter, Prince Aaron and Bishop Aron were collaterally related, from two lines originating with Aron of Pozsony.[154]
Aaron's alliance with Michael in mid 1594 incidentally marks the final point of the Moldavian historical epic, as told by Grigore Ureche, and the first chapter of its continuation by Miron Costin.[155] At Agapia, a local legend calls a stone landmark with faint carvings "Aron's Rock", claiming it as a monument to Nicanor's punishment and its avenging by the Prince.[15] His legacy in culture also includes his sponsoring of St. Nicholas Church and of the First Romanian School, both of them in Șcheii Brașovului. This activity preoccupied him during late 1594, and again during his Transylvanian exile.[156]
In his native Moldavia, Aaron was primarily remembered as a
Art historian Vasile Drăguț proposes that the late-medieval Princes who "made anti-Ottoman struggle their supreme policy objective" were also attuned to Western figurative art, introducing its canons in their respective countries.
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Heraldic seal of Marcu Cercel as claimant Prince of Moldavia
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Coat of arms of Petru Pavel Aron, in a 1760 illustration
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Aroneanu Church in 2008
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Municipal coat of arms of Aroneanu
Notes
- ^ Damian P. Bogdan, "O străveche matrice de pecete românească", in Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. I, 1956, p. 248
- ^ Mureșianu, p. 198; Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 81
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 227; Mârza (1998), p. 156
- ^ a b c d Maxim (1994), p. 23
- ^ a b c Kohen, p. 103
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 98
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Mircea Pahomi, "Fundații românești în Galiția — Ucraina", in Analele Bucovinei, Vol. II, Issue 1, 1995, p. 105; Petre P. Panaitescu, "Fundațiuni religioase românești în Galiția", in Buletinul Comisiunii Monumentelor Istorice, Vol. XXII, Fascicle 59, January–March 1929, pp. 2–3
- ^ Gorovei, pp. 195–197. See also Iorga (1898), pp. 47, 53
- ^ Gorovei, p. 196
- ^ Alexandru Lapedatu, "Antecedente istorice ale Independenții române", in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie Națională, Vol. IV, 1926–1927, pp. 296, 298
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 84
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 222, 227
- ^ Theodorescu (1979), p. 57 & (1987), p. 213
- ^ a b c Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 85
- ^ Iancu Cerkez, "Un concediu în 1886", in Magazin Istoric, July 1998, p. 61
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 84; Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Gane, p. 126
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 23; Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 84
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 83–85; Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Kohen, pp. 102–103
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 83–84, 86–88, 102
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 98–102
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 97–98
- ^ Cazacu, p. 176; Gane, p. 126; Iorga (1971), pp. 123–124
- ^ Cazacu, p. 176
- ^ Pascu, pp. 87–96; Rădulescu, pp. 52–53, 55
- ^ Rezachevici (2000), p. 10
- ^ Rădulescu, p. 52
- ^ a b c d Denize, p. 158
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Nicolescu, p. 197
- ^ a b Maxim (1994), p. 26
- ^ Gane, pp. 118–119
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 21–22, 23–24
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 21–22, 23–24; Pilat, p. 53
- ^ Gane, p. 119; Xenopol V, p. 109
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 109
- ^ M. Crăciun, pp. 164–166
- ^ Kohen, pp. 101–103
- ^ Xenopol V, pp. 110–111
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 22–23
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 54–55
- ^ Denize, pp. 157–158; Maxim (1994), p. 25
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 23, 25. See also Kohen, pp. 102–103; Râncu, p. 177; Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 84, 86–88; Xenopol V, pp. 110–111
- ^ Dan Floareș, "Câteva contribuții privind originea și începuturile ascensiunii lui Gaspar Grațiani", in Ioan Neculce. Buletinul Muzeului de Istorie a Moldovei, Vols. II–III, 1996–1997, p. 24. See also Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 23–25
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 10, 24, 25–26, 44
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 25–26
- ^ a b Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 86–87
- ^ Catrinar, p. 32
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 90–91
- ^ Păun, p. 163
- ^ Păun, pp. 164, 184, 188
- ^ Păun, pp. 186, 188–190. See also Stoicescu (1971), pp. 45, 312
- ^ Cazacu, pp. 175–176
- ^ Ștefan Andreescu, "Un om de afaceri român în spațiul pontic la mijlocul veacului al XV-lea: 'Teodorcha de Telicha'", in Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. XVI, 1998, p. 28
- ^ Gheorghe I. Brătianu, "O oaste moldovenească acum treĭ veacuri. (Încercărĭ de studiĭ istorice privitoare la vechile oștirĭ romăneștĭ) — Răscoala boierimiĭ împotriva lui Ștefan Tomșa (1615)", in Revista Istorică, Vol. II, Issues 3–6, March–June 1916, p. 68
- ^ Mârza (1998), pp. 156, 157
- ^ Catrinar, p. 28; Iorga (1898), pp. 49–50, 52–53; Stoicescu (1971), p. 296; Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 295–296. See also Eșanu & Eșanu, pp. 45–46; Pilat, pp. 50–53; Xenopol V, p. 112
- ^ Pilat, pp. 53–55
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 294, 296; Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Ciobanu, pp. 47, 49
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 52–53; Xenopol V, pp. 111–112. See also Eșanu & Eșanu, p. 46
- ^ Eșanu & Eșanu, p. 46
- ^ Maxim (1977), p. 211
- ^ a b Xenopol V, p. 112
- ^ Maxim (1977), p. 215
- ^ a b Iorga (1898), p. 49
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 23. See also Iorga (1898), pp. 49, 54–55; Râncu, p. 177; Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 49–50 & (1932), pp. 221, 230–231; Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 321, 333
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 49–50; Râncu, pp. 177–178
- ^ Ciobanu, pp. 47, 49, 50, 53
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), p. 335
- ^ M. Crăciun, pp. 22, 165–169, 181
- ^ M. Crăciun, pp. 22, 99, 160–161, 165–169, 202–203
- ^ M. Crăciun, pp. 167–168; Valentina-Cristina Sandu, "'Duce-vă-ți de la Mine, blestemaților!' O catagrafie a lumii păcătoase", in Cercetări Istorice, Vols. XXIV–XXVI, 2005–2007, p. 195
- ^ M. Crăciun, p. 167
- ^ Jačov, p. 68; Xenopol V, pp. 112–113
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 15
- ^ a b Iorga (1932), p. 222
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 222; Xenopol VI, p. 15
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 24
- ^ Catrinar, p. 16; Denize, p. 158
- ^ Alexandra-Marcela Popescu, "Câteva considerații privind învinuirea de 'hiclenie' în Moldova medievală", in Cercetări Istorice, Vols. XXIV–XXVI, 2005–2007, p. 241
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 222; Xenopol VI, pp. 15–16
- ^ Simonescu, pp. 20, 23–25, 47, 52, 63, 76. See also Gane, p. 148; Mârza (1998), pp. 156–157; Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 94–95; Stoicescu (1971), p. 38; Xenopol V, pp. 112–113
- ^ Mârza (1998), pp. 155–157
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 26; Xenopol VI, pp. 34–35
- ^ Diaconescu, pp. 32–33; Iorga (1932), p. 227
- ^ Xenopol VI, pp. 16–18
- ISBN 978-606-8550-08-4
- ^ ISBN 978-0-7864-9714-0
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 309, 312. See also Păun, p. 168
- ^ Marian Stroia, "Imaginea 'celuilalt' în variantă est-europeană: călătorii ruși și spațiul românesc până la 1848", in Muzeul Național, Vol. XIX, 2007, p. 80–81
- ^ a b Păun, p. 168
- ^ a b c Mârza (1998), p. 158
- ISBN 978-9975-4477-3-7
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 16
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 223
- ^ Mârza (2000), pp. 302–303
- ^ Gabriel-Virgil Rusu, "Politică și societate în Principatul Transilvaniei la sfârșitul secolului al XVI-lea: conspirația nobiliară de la Cluj (1594)", in Revista Crisia, Vol. XXXVIII, 2008, pp. 68–70
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 21
- ^ Iorga (1925), p. 2
- ^ Mureșianu, p. 197
- ^ Xenopol VI, pp. 22–28
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 92; Xenopol VI, pp. 27–28, 34
- ^ Păun, p. 171
- ^ (in Romanian) Carol Iancu, "Stereotipuri antievreiești ale lui Iuda Iscarioteanul: exemplul României", in Apostrof, Vol. XXVIII, Issue 11, 2017; Constantin Rezachevici, "Evreii din țările române în evul mediu", in Magazin Istoric, September 1995, p. 61
- ^ Jačov, p. 67
- ^ E. Crăciun, pp. 146–147
- ^ a b c Pleter, p. 201
- ^ Ion Chirtoagă, Valentina Chirtoagă, "Movileștii, polonezii și sud-estul Moldovei", in Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, Issues 1–2/2006, p. 28
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 224
- ^ E. Crăciun, p. 147; Denize, pp. 171–172; Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 92–93; Xenopol VI, pp. 27–28
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 60–61 & (1925), pp. 3–4; Simonescu, pp. 20, 34, 35, 37. See also Pleter, p. 201
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 225–226; Pleter, p. 201; Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 93; Xenopol VI, p. 28
- ^ a b c Mureșianu, p. 199
- ^ Denize, p. 171; Gane, p. 126; Jačov, p. 68; Pleter, p. 195; Simonescu, p. 48; Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 96; Xenopol VI, pp. 34–35
- ^ Iorga (1971), p. 150
- ^ a b Jačov, p. 68
- ^ a b Pleter, p. 195
- ^ a b Simonescu, p. 48
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 96–97; Xenopol VI, pp. 34–35. See also Diaconescu, pp. 32–33; Iorga (1932), p. 227
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 227, 232
- ^ Gane, p. 126; Xenopol VI, pp. 34–35; Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 96–97
- ^ Simonescu, pp. 48, 82
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 35
- ^ N. Stoicescu, "Viața științifică. În slujba adevărului (răspuns la 'O dovadă de rea credință')", in Revista de Istorie, Vol. 3, Issue 8, 1977, p. 1574
- ^ Denize, p. 171
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 226
- ^ Gorovei, p. 197
- ^ Mureșianu, pp. 197–199
- ^ Mârza (2000), p. 307; Mureșianu, p. 199; Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 96–97. See also Simonescu, p. 48
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 97
- ^ Diaconescu, pp. 33–34
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 97; Xenopol VI, p. 35
- ^ Diaconescu, p. 33; Mârza (2000), p. 307
- ^ Iorga (1925), p. 9
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 226; Pleter, p. 195
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 225, 229 & (1925), p. 10; Mârza (2000), p. 307
- ^ Pascu, pp. 91, 93; Rădulescu, p. 55
- ^ Rădulescu, p. 55
- ^ Pascu, pp. 93, 94
- ^ Pascu, pp. 91–92; Rădulescu, pp. 55–57; Rezachevici (2000), pp. 9–10; Stoicescu (1971), pp. 37, 41, 75, 86, 100
- ^ Pascu, pp. 93–97
- ^ Nicolae Iorga, Două tradiții istorice în Balcani – a Italiei și a românilor, p. 11. Bucharest etc.: Librăriile Socec & Comp. etc., 1913
- ISBN 0-8018-8324-5
- ^ Theodorescu (1979), pp. 46, 56–57, 65
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, p. 78
- ^ Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 78, 98–102
- ^ Catrinar, pp. 16–17
- ^ Mureșianu, passim. See also Sterca-Șuluțiu, pp. 93–94
- ^ Bodale, p. 169; Cheptea, passim; Theodorescu (1987), pp. 213–214
- ^ Cheptea, p. 29
- ^ Iorga (1971), p. 123
- ^ Nicolescu, pp. 200, 261
- ^ Theodorescu (1987), p. 213
- ^ Bodale, pp. 169–170
- ^ "Guvernul României. Hotărârea nr. 817/2004 privind aprobarea stemei comunei Aroneanu, județul Iași", in Monitorul Oficial, Issue 513, 2004
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- ^ Tudor-Radu Tiron, "Despre 'soarele de amiază' din stema lui Ștefan cel Mare", in Analele Putnei, Vol. 5, Issue 1, 2009, p. 56
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