Agriculture in Syria
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Despite the crisis in Syria, agriculture remains a key part of the economy. The sector still accounts for an estimated 26 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and represents a critical safety net for the 6.7 million Syrians – including those internally displaced – who still remain in rural areas. However, agriculture and the livelihoods that depend on it have suffered massive losses . Today, food production is at a record low and around half the population remaining in Syria are unable to meet their daily food needs.[1]
Until the mid-1970s, agriculture in Syria was the primary
In 1981, as in the 1970s, 53% of the population was still classified as
By the mid-1980s, the
During the
Water resources
Water is a scarce resource in Syria as it is throughout the Middle East, but Syria is more fortunate than many other countries. Sufficient rainfall supports cultivation in the Fertile Crescent - an arc from the southwest, near the border with Israel and Lebanon, extending northward to the Turkish border and eastward along that border to Iraq. The other main area of cultivation is along the Euphrates and its major tributaries and is dependent on irrigation.
Rainfall is highest along the
Irrigation
Extension and improvement of irrigation could substantially raise agricultural output. For example, in 1985, because of the expansion of irrigation, Syria's agricultural output rose 10% above the drought-plagued yield of 1984. Yields from irrigated fields have been several times higher than from rain-fed fields, and many irrigated areas could grow more than a single crop a year. Development of irrigation systems, however, is both costly and time-consuming.
Syria's major irrigation potential lies in the
Syrians have long used the Euphrates for irrigation, but, because the major systems were destroyed centuries ago, they now make only limited use of the river's flow. In the mid-1980s, the Euphrates River accounted for over 85% of the country's surface water resources, but its water was used for only about two-fifths (200,000 hectares) of the land then under irrigated cultivation. In 1984, about 44% of irrigated land still used water from wells. Several project studies were conducted after World War II, and, in the 1960s, the Soviet Union agreed to provide financial and technical assistance for the Tabqa Dam, a large hydroelectric power station, and portions of the major Euphrates irrigation project.
The dam, located at
A variety of complex, interrelated problems frustrated realization of targeted irrigation goals. Technical problems with
By 1987, numerous Euphrates irrigation projects and additional irrigation projects throughout the country were proceeding, but what had been accomplished was not clear. Projects initiated in the 1980s included irrigation of 21,000 hectares in the Raqqa area pilot project, 27,000 hectares reclaimed in the Euphrates middle-stage project, and about half of a 21,000-hectare plot reclaimed with Soviet assistance in the
In the 1980s, there was good potential for expanding and refining irrigation in the western portion of Syria. The government obtained economical results using small impoundments that held winter runoffs to supplement rain-fed cultivation and to provide some summer irrigation. Small storage areas for water from wells and springs permitted additional irrigation. Farmers, however, had not yet turned to sprinkler systems or trickle irrigation, which would considerably reduce the amount of water needed for cultivation.
Land use
The bulk of the country is arid, with little vegetation. In 1984, nearly 20% was classified as desert, and another 45% was classified as steppe and pasture, although its grazing capacity was very limited. Less than 3% of the land was forested, with only part of it commercially useful. Cultivatable land amounted to 33% of the total area. In 1984, 91.7% of the total cultivable area of 6.17 million hectares was cultivated.
Major expansion of the cultivated area occurred in the 1940s and 1950s. Much of the expansion was the result of investment by wealthy urban merchants. Their innovations included large-scale use of
Opinions differ as to the causes of the decline of cultivated and irrigated areas after 1963. Some observers say that marginal lands brought under cultivation proved uneconomical after a few years and were abandoned. Others claim that the merchant developers used exploitative techniques that eventually reduced the productivity of the soil. Still other observers blame land-reform measures, which coincided with the decline of the cultivated and irrigated areas. Each view is probably somewhat valid.
In the future, expansion of the cultivated area will be slow and costly. Although the Euphrates irrigation projects will provide water to bring additional land under cultivation, growth will be partly offset by the loss of arable land to
Land reform
Agriculture was Syria's main economic activity until mid 1970s. It was the most significant economic sector when Syria gained independence in 1946, experiencing the fastest growth during the 1940s and early 1950s. Syria's notables made large investments in irrigation and land development. The rest fields of the economy were accelerated by the rapid growth of the cultivated land and increased productivity. However, by the late 1950s, land reforms policy caused a drop in agricultural output. Agriculture's share of the GDP barely increased by 3.2% between 1953 and 1976. From 1976 through 1984, growth slowed to 2% annually. Thus, as other industries grew faster than agriculture, agriculture's significance to the economy decreased.[4] In 1950 the first Syrian constitution placed a limit on the size of farm holdings, but the necessary implementing legislation was not passed until 1958, after the union of Syria and Egypt.[5]
In 1959, the United Arab Republic was born, a hybrid new state that gathered Syria and Egypt under one national leader, Nasser. Although the union lasted only for three years, some of the measures that were undertaken had long-term effects on Syria, including agriculture.[6] This is mainly because Syria’s environmental and social conditions were different from those in Egypt.[7] Previously in Egypt, Nasser conducted land reforms based on the type of watering system.[8] In this regard, the lands were divided in two categories according to irrigation type. When the two countries were united, Nasser applied in Syria the same policy he installed previously in Egypt. However, many studies have demonstrated that this division was short-sighted and ineffective in Syria as it led to impoverishing the farmers and demolishing Syrian farming eventually.[9]
Pre-1958:
Farming land was not distributed, it was rather earned, bought, or claimed by inheritance law.[10] A small percentage of the rural population possessed most of the farming land while the majority of the locals were farmers. About 70% of the countryside population did not own any land, and they earned their living through wage labor or sharecropping. Furthermore, 10-15% of the population in the country owned limited properties of less than 10 hectares. Big estates owned by only 2.5% of all landowners controlled almost 40% of all agricultural land.[11]
1958-1961
After Syria formed the United Arab Republic with Egypt in 1958, land reforms were installed in Syria following the same pattern of those in Egypt. Personal possession of land was limited to 80 hectares of irrigated land and 300 hectares of non-irrigated land. The rest of the personal properties were expropriated by the state. the owners were set to compensation plans that spanned 75 years. However, the original owners were not compensated fully. contrastingly, the farmers received a maximum of 8 hectares of irrigated or 30 of non-irrigated land per person.[12]
1963-1966
The
1966-1970
With another military coup in 1966, the land expropriated from large landowners were no longer redistributed. Instead, the lands became state-owned properties where farmers work and do not have rights to ownership. In addition, the state decided the kinds of the crops to be planted, handling, and marketing of the products. Particularly growing cotton and wheat.[14]
1970-2000
In 1970,
The remaining farmers became completely dependent on governmental support, which manifested in loans, as well as seeds and fertilizers support. However, farming and crops output was degrading with time. The degradation of the effective agricultural sector in Syria, including productivity and capacity would be attributed to the national land reforms of 1958, maintained by the Assad regime but seldom meticulously planned economically and financially speaking.[21]
Role of government
Government involvement in agriculture was minimal prior to Syria's union with Egypt. Although state intervention in the agricultural sector increased following the union, the government avoided playing a direct role in cultivation. In 1984, private farmers tilled 74 percent of the cultivated land, cooperatives 25 percent, and public organizations (essentially state farms) 1 percent.
Government involvement arose indirectly from socialist transformation measures in various parts of the economy and directly from government efforts to fill the void in the countryside caused by land reform. As an example of the former, the Agricultural Cooperative Bank, a private bank established in the eighteenth century but inherited by the socialist regime, in the mid-1960s became the single source for direct production credits to farmers. The bank had limited funds and confined itself almost completely to short-term financing, the bulk of which went to cotton growers. Part of its lending was in kind—primarily seeds, pesticides, and fertilizers at subsidized prices. Although the bank appeared effective, there was insufficient credit through the 1960s and early 1970s for farmers who did not grow cotton and for long-term loans for such needs as machinery or capital improvements. In the mid-1970s, the flow of funds to the bank increased, thus allowing it to expand its lending to the agricultural sector. The bank became an important influence in shaping farmers' production decisions, particularly in cotton.
In the 1960s, government marketing organizations for the major agricultural commodities were established. The Cotton Marketing Organization, as noted, had a complete monopoly. Organizations for tobacco and sugar beets had purchasing monopolies, set the farm purchase prices, and supervised the processing and marketing of their respective commodities. An organization for grains set prices, purchased some of the farmers' surplus, and supervised the marketing of the remainder through private dealers. The government also set prices for several other agricultural commodities, most imports, and many consumer items.
Some economists attributed part of the stagnation in agriculture to the government's pricing of farm produce. Farm prices remained unchanged over long periods and by the 1970s and 1980s were quite low relative to world prices. Some smuggling out of farm products for sale in Turkey, Iraq, and Lebanon resulted as well as some black marketing in controlled commodities. Pricing also was not coordinated to achieve agricultural goals. Although the Ministry of Agriculture attempted to get farmers to increase wheat production, the government's desire to keep basic food costs low for urban consumers imposed low grain prices for farmers. The ministry also urged farmers to shift irrigated areas from cotton to wheat at the same time that the farm price of cotton was raised relative to that of wheat.
Aware of the problems, officials made efforts to improve pricing policy. By 1977 prices paid to farmers had risen substantially and favored grains and some industrial crops over cotton. In fact, the 1977 prices (when converted to dollars at the official exchange rate) paid to farmers for wheat, soybeans, and sugar beets were substantially higher (more than 100 percent for wheat) than the prices paid to American farmers for those products. In 1985 the government again raised procurement prices for a variety of crops. Prices for
When land reform was introduced, those receiving expropriated or government land were required to join
Officials expected cooperatives eventually to mitigate, if not eliminate, two serious agricultural problems. First, farmers tended to specialize in certain crops without practicing
Cropping and production
Commodity | Production in Tonnes (2013)[22] |
---|---|
Irrigated wheat | 2,186,788 |
Cow milk
|
1,527,993 |
Citrus fruits | 1,250,725 |
Rainfed wheat | 995,323 |
Olive oil | 842,098 |
Rainfed barley | 815,981 |
Sheep milk | 684,578 |
Potatoes
|
441,718 |
Sugar beet | 316,855 |
Grapes
|
306,736 |
Tomatoes
|
273,009 |
Apple | 256,614 |
Cotton | 169,094 |
Sheep meat | 163,874 |
Goat milk | 144,371 |
Lentil | 129,370 |
Yellow maize | 109,145 |
Chicken meat | 107,519 |
Irrigated barley | 94,939 |
Almonds
|
83,229 |
Apricot | 65,272 |
Cherry | 62,373 |
Pistachio | 54,516 |
Chickpea | 53,022 |
Fig
|
46,443 |
Beans
|
30,990 |
Tobacco | 15,817 |
Goat meat | 13,744 |
Fish | 7,465 |
Palm
|
4,039 |
Honey | 2,896 |
Wax | 166 |
Because only about 16% of the cropped area was irrigated, the output of agriculture (both plant and animal) was heavily dependent on rainfall. The great variation in the amounts and timing of rainfall can immediately cause very substantial shifts in areas planted, yields, and production, but the effect on livestock is less predictable. When drought is unusually severe or prolonged, loss of animals may depress livestock production for several years. In 1984 crop production accounted for 72 percent of the value of agricultural output; livestock and animal products, 28 percent. Livestock alone, not counting products such as milk, wool, and eggs, were 11 percent of the total.
In 1984, crop production amounted to LS 13.6 billion. The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) valued Syrian 1985 production at US$1.1 billion. Grains contributed 15 percent to the value of total crop production in 1984, in contrast to 41 percent in 1974. Industrial crops remained 20 percent of the total. Fruits rose from 15 to 25 percent of the total, and vegetables rose from 16 to 35 percent. In 1984, grain continued to be planted on 66 percent of the cultivated land, consistent with the mid-1970s percentage.
Fluctuations in rainfall resulted in major variations in crop production throughout the 1980s. In 1980, wheat was planted on 1.4 million hectares, yielding 2.2 million tons—the largest wheat harvest since the early 1960s. In 1984, wheat planted on 1.1 million hectares produced only 1.1 million tons. In 1980 and 1984, barley was planted on 1.2 million hectares, but production fell from 1.6 million tons in 1980, the peak year, to 303,500 tons in 1984, revealing the impact of the drought on rain-dependent crops. In 1985 wheat and barley crops rebounded to 1.7 million tons and 740,000 tons, respectively. In 1984, Syria grew a record 60,000 tons of corn.
Earlier stagnation of agricultural output meant primarily stagnation of grain production. Instead of exporting wheat, in the 1980s Syria became a net importer. In 1985, Syria imported 1.4 million tons of wheat, worth more than LS 800 million. In addition, cereal imports rose from LS 368 million in 1982 to LS 1.6 billion in 1984, amounting to 56 percent of the LS 2.85 billion bill for food imports that year.
During the 1970s and 1980s, the government encouraged greater grain production by providing improved high-yield seeds, raising prices paid to farmers, and urging shifts toward wheat growing on some irrigated land formerly planted in cotton. Its intent was to raise grain output at least to self-sufficiency to ease the pressure on the balance of payments. Beginning in the late 1970s, the government showed increased interest in improving rain-fed agriculture and acquired funding from the World Bank, International Fund for Agricultural Development, and the UN Development Program for a US$76.3 million project to expand food production and raise the
In the 1980s, vegetables and fruits exhibited the fastest growth rates of the various crops, although they started from a low base. Urbanization and rising incomes spurred cultivation of these products, which were also generally exempt from official price control. Fruits and vegetables were grown primarily in the northwest and coastal plain in irrigated fields and where rainfall and groundwater were greatest. However, Syria lagged considerably behind Lebanon in cultivation of fruits and vegetables in similar terrain, and seasonal fruits were consistently smuggled in from Lebanon in the 1980s.
During the
Cotton
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Syria has produced cotton since ancient times, and its cultivation increased in importance in the 1950s and 1960s. Until superseded by petroleum in 1974, cotton was Syria's most important industrial and cash crop, and the country's most important foreign exchange earner, accounting for about one-third of Syria's export earnings. In 1976, the country was the tenth largest cotton producer in the world and the fourth largest exporter. Almost all the cotton was grown on irrigated land, largely in the area northeast of Aleppo. Syrian cotton was medium staple, similar to cotton produced in other developing countries but of lower quality than the extra-long staple variety produced in Egypt. The cotton was handpicked, although mechanical pickers were tried in the 1970s in an attempt to hold down rising labor costs.
Cotton production (cotton lint) rose from 13,000 tons in 1949 to 180,000 tons in 1965. However, land reform and nationalization of the cotton gins precipitated a sharp decline in output in the next few years. Beginning in 1968 and during the 1970s annual lint production hovered around 150,000 tons. However, in 1983 and 1984, Syria enjoyed a record cotton crop of 523,418 tons, and the third highest yield in the world, estimated at 3 tons per hectare. To a large measure, this increase was attributable to the government's raising cotton procurement prices by 44 percent in 1981–82, and by another 20 percent in 1982–83.
Although the area under cotton cultivation has declined since the early 1960s, yields have increased as a result of improved varieties of seed and increasing amounts of fertilizer. The area planted dropped from over 250,000 hectares in the early 1960s to 140,000 hectares in 1980. In response to the jump in procurement prices by 1984, it increased to 178,000 hectares. As domestic consumption of cotton increased in the 1960s and 1970s, the government built several
The government's goal of expanding and diversifying food production created intense competition for irrigated land and encouraged the practice of
References
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- ^ Nazier Madi (9 December 2019). "Cultivating a Crisis: The Political Decline of Agriculture in Syria" (PDF). European University Institute.
- ^ "Syria - AGRICULTURE". www.country-data.com. Retrieved 2023-05-09.
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- ISBN 9780521806237, retrieved 2023-05-09
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- ^ Ula, enab10 (2020-11-26). "Has Syrian regime government contributed to creating informal housing areas in Damascus?". Enab Baladi. Retrieved 2023-05-09.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ "لمحة عن الزراعة في سورية ومساهمتها في الاقتصاد الوطني". GCSAR Research Centers (in Arabic).
- ^ "Survey of Syrian farmers reveals agriculture should be kick-started now despite huge destruction". FAO. 3 April 2017.
- ^ "Agriculture in Syria". indexmundi.
This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Country Studies. Federal Research Division.