Alexandru Drăghici

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Alexandru Drăghici
Romanian Minister of the Interior
In office
May 28, 1952 – September 20, 1952
Preceded byTeohari Georgescu
Succeeded byPavel Ștefan
Romanian Minister of State Security
In office
September 20, 1952 – March 19, 1957
Preceded byNone
Succeeded byNone
Romanian Minister of the Interior
In office
March 19, 1957 – July 27, 1965
Preceded byPavel Ștefan
Succeeded byCornel Onescu
Personal details
Born(1913-09-27)September 27, 1913
Tisău, Buzău County
DiedDecember 12, 1993(1993-12-12) (aged 80)
Budapest
NationalityRomanian
Political partyRomanian Communist Party
SpouseMárta Czikó
Signature

Alexandru Drăghici (Romanian pronunciation:

Interior Minister in 1952 and from 1957 to 1965, and State Security Minister from 1952 to 1957. In these capacities, he exercised control over the Securitate secret police during a period of active repression against other Communist Party members, anti-communist resistance
members and ordinary citizens.

An industrial worker by profession, Drăghici made his entry into the underground communist movement around the age of twenty. He was arrested for illegal political activity, and spent time in prison before and during World War II. He was close to

Romanian communist regime
was officially established.

Drăghici was infamous especially for the various campaigns he initiated against selected groups that resisted

Roman Catholic and Romanian Orthodox
.

Both Gheorghiu-Dej and Drăghici opposed

overthrow of communism, he lived his final years in Hungary with his family, despite Romanian efforts to have him extradited. Shortly before his death, a trial held in absentia
convicted him of incitement to murder.

Biography

Origins and early activity

Drăghici was born into a peasant family in the Tisău Commune, Buzău County.[1] He attended four grades of primary school and four years of vocational school, becoming a locksmith and mechanic for the Romanian Railways (CFR).[2][3] In 1930 or 1934 he joined the banned Communist Party (PCR, later PMR).[3] From 1931, he took part in rail workers' strikes, being one of the communist youth leaders at the Bucharest railway yards.[4]

Being part of the PCR's proletarian wing, he quickly ran into trouble for illegal political activity. He was arrested in 1935 and tried in the 1936 Craiova Trial alongside future rival Ana Pauker, receiving a sentence of 9 years and 3 months imprisonment and being labeled a "notorious communist". He spent time at Doftana, Jilava, and Caransebeș prisons before being transferred in April 1944 to the prison camp at Târgu Jiu.[2][5] While incarcerated, he joined the PCR nucleus formed around future leader Gheorghiu-Dej, while at the same time becoming a rival to Gheorghiu-Dej's successor, Nicolae Ceaușescu. For decades, Gheorghiu-Dej played one against the other, as a method of controlling each potential rival.[6] Drăghici, who enjoyed prison seniority over Ceaușescu, was for a while Gheorghiu-Dej's cellmate, and allegedly acted as his personal servant.[7]

Drăghici was freed right after the

King Michael Coup in August 1944.[2][5] By March 1945, he had been assigned to service the PCR's central committee (CC). He took up office as head of its Youth Bureau, working alongside G. Brătescu, the future historian of medicine, and C. Drăgan.[8] As recalled by Brătescu, Drăghici had a conflict with party boss Vasile Luca, who objected to the idea of incorporating the Workers' Youth into the Bureau, and who singled out Drăghici for his incompetence in controlling "Progressive Youth" organizations during the 1930s.[9] Also according to Brătescu, Drăghici played a role in increasing the PCR's control over student activists, and then in persecuting non-communist fraternal bodies such as YMCA Romania.[10]

Benefiting from his CFR and Caransebeș pedigree at a time when Gheorghiu-Dej's faction turned into a

Holocaust in Romania. Researchers note that the Bucharest section, where Drăghici had been assigned, sentenced surprisingly few people (187, compared to the 668 sentenced in Cluj), and the punishments were generally lighter.[13]

At the PMR's political and administrative section, Drăghici was adjunct (until August 1948) and director (1948–1949).

Great National Assembly until 1968. He was president of the latter body from December 1949 to January 1950, and sat on its presidium from 1965 to 1968.[12]

In 1949–1950,

1929 Strike).[16] In 1950 he was promoted directly from common soldier to major general and named head of the Interior Ministry's political directorate.[17] From 1951, he was also adjunct to the Interior Minister, and from 1950, he sat on the party's organizational bureau. The last three posts all expired in May 1952.[12]

First ministerial posts

Drăghici's first stint as Interior Minister came from May to September 1952,

Danube – Black Sea Canal.[18] The Interior Minister encouraged torture and inhumane treatment of political prisoners, as well as death sentences.[18] An early case was that of Remus Koffler, the disgraced PCR financier. Under Gheorghiu-Dej's watch, Drăghici organized Koffler's interrogation, which involved daily beatings and humiliation.[19]

Additionally, Drăghici took precautionary violent measures against the emerging

Romanian Social Democrats who had refused to align themselves with the communists. According to one account, he approached their imprisoned leader, Ioan Flueraș, promising freedom for him and all his colleagues in exchange for a public penance. Flueraș was killed in prison just days after, allegedly because he refused that bargain.[22] Drăghici's term saw the prosecution of Oana Orlea and other teenagers accused of counterrevolutionary activities. However, the Minister was also in contact with self-exiled musical celebrity George Enescu, Orlea's uncle, and may have hinted that Orlea could be released should Enescu return home.[23]

Drăghici was promoted to lieutenant general in 1952 and colonel general in 1955.[12] At the May 1952 party plenum, Drăghici was elected a supplementary member of the politburo (together with Ceaușescu and Dumitru Coliu),[24] sitting as full member from 1955 to July 1965.[12] From 1954, he was assigned to supervise the politburo's own involvement in police work,[25] and drafted a list of "our most dangerous compatriots who have settled abroad", including those of the Romanian National Committee government-in-exile—one of them, Aurel Decei, was later kidnapped by Securitate operatives in West Berlin.[26]

Drăghici served as State Security Minister from 1952 until March 1957.[27] In this position, he collaborated closely with Gheorghiu-Dej and Iosif Chișinevschi to orchestrate the judicial murder of estranged PCR ideologist Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu,[2][28] as well as spearheaded brutal campaigns of terror against the populace. Backed by Gheorghiu-Dej, Drăghici orchestrated a long series of trials and frame-ups.[2] The party leader placed his trust in Drăghici, who was even given the task of spying on Gheorghiu-Dej's actress daughter, Lica Gheorghiu.[29]

Under Drăghici's auspices, Gheorghiu-Dej used the Securitate to impose his own political line.[2][30] His political liaison, General Evghenie Tănase, would later accuse the new ministry chief of working to replace the entire Securitate officers corps. The measure, inspired by Gheorghiu-Dej's latent nationalism, was intended to show the Soviet Union that "advisers" on security matters were no longer required.[31] Sources of the day have it that Drăghici wanted "only those with special responsibilities" to be interviewed by the Soviet advisers, and only within the framework of "conventional provisions".[32]

Together, Gheorghiu-Dej and his minister produced the so-called "Meges Case", a purge of the

Romanian Roman Catholic community. Gheorghiu-Dej recommended his minister to come up with indictments of the Catholic leaders as agents of "foreign, hostile, circles"; Drăghici's order to his police forces, written in ungrammatical Romanian, was to try the Catholics behind closed doors, and then publicize the verdict.[33] The repression resulted in the torture and death of missionary Vladimir Ghika.[33] Also then, Drăghici was involved in the persecution of anti-communist Romanian Jews, especially Zionists. He approved the arrest of barrister Vișinescu, an ethnic Romanian, probably as retribution for his defense of a Jewish woman.[34]

As two of Gheorghiu-Dej's supporters, Drăghici and his subordinate, Ion Vincze, were instrumental in the liquidation of Ana Pauker's inner party faction.[35] Pauker and Luca stood accused of atrocities, but the claims were cherry-picked so that Drăghici's own contributions would not be brought to light.[36] Following the purge, he took up a luxurious residence on Șoseaua Kiseleff, and the Paukers, who lived nearby, were forced to move out.[37] Drăghici was himself involved in the surveillance of Pauker family members, including his former colleague Brătescu. Records of the PCR-PMR sessions show that he considered Brătescu a camouflaged fascist.[38]

Drăghici vs. de-Stalinization

At the same time, in 1954, work on the Canal and other labor camps was halted, and beatings in prison outlawed.[39] The Securitate was again on the alert just two years later, when de-Stalinization was officially introduced by the Soviet Union. When Romanian intellectuals first heard rumors about Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech, and began questioning Romania's own Stalinism, Drăghici extended secret police surveillance to the academic field.[40]

The echoes of de-Stalinization were still faint in Romania, and Gheorghiu-Dej himself was never touched by it. In compensation, Ceaușescu spoke against Drăghici during a series of meetings in March 1956, accusing him of taking advantage of his relations with the leader to bring the party under Securitate control. Ceaușescu presented himself as a liberal in contrast with the brutality of the secret police under the command of Drăghici, who was labeled as "fanatical" and "merciless" by political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu.[2][41] Cautiously, Ceaușescu took distance from the more virulent of Drăghici's critics. So did party boss Emil Bodnăraș, who still made a point of criticizing Drăghici for not sharing his intelligence data with the CC plenum, suggesting to limit Drăghici's monopoly over the Romanian secret agencies.[32]

Others were more rebellious. Veteran communist

Marxist-Leninist ideologue, who challenged the politburo about the decade of repression and murder. Drăghici, again supporting Gheorghiu-Dej, informed Constantinescu that he was only incriminating himself,[43] an assessment equally supported by Ceaușescu.[32]

While the party leadership, Gheorghiu-Dej included, reprimanded Constantinescu for being "

un-party-like", Drăghici demanded a more serious verdict, that of "anti-party and fractionist" activity.[44] Still, researchers note, the confrontation evidenced that the special relationship between the communist leader and his minister had passed the test of time.[32]

Later that year, both Drăghici and Ceaușescu were part of a high command during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, charged with suppressing unrest by any means necessary, including ordering security forces to open fire.[45] Like other Securitate overseers, Drăghici was suspicious of Bolyai University cadres and Hungarian Romanian students. In his opinion, the university promoted deviation from the party line, and "the ideas of Imre Nagy"—on such grounds, the academic institution was infiltrated by the Securitate, and ultimately shut down.[46] With his approval, the Securitate also began exercising tighter control over the Hungarian Autonomous Region.[47] Nevertheless, when the revolution leaders were arrested and brought to Romania, Drăghici was the only involved party who objected to their being sent to Moscow, which earned him sympathy from the Hungarian government in the early 1990s.[1]

Drăghici's political peak

Gheorghiu-Dej's 60th birthday, November 1961. Drăghici (back row, middle) and Ceaușescu (back row, right) flanking the communist leader

In 1957, Drăghici again became Interior Minister, remaining until July 1965.[48] His reappointment was a calculated move on Gheorghiu-Dej's part: the cabinet was Romanianized through reshuffling, and rebels such as Constantinescu were sidelined.[49] The first priority on Drăghici's agenda was dealing with the "Hungarian nationalists" or "Magyar chauvinists". During May 1957, he told his subordinates that the Autonomous Region was riddled with saboteurs and collaborators of the anti-communist Ioan Faliboga, and implicitly accused local police of being too lenient.[50] He also chided his subordinates for not purging "hostile elements" from among the Hungarian teaching staff, and called for a trial of community leaders Bishop Márton and Pál Fodor. In his words, these figures were guilty of "conspiracy with the evident purpose of destabilizing the democratic-popular regime."[51] With Drăghici's consent, Bishop Márton was placed under house arrest, but the threat of popular revolt was high, and CC representative János Fazekas had to negotiate a deal with the protesters.[52]

Drăghici began issuing new directives, which state his purpose of placing the Securitate under full party control (in effect, under Gheorghiu-Dej's command), and further away from Soviet influence.[53] Part of Drăghici's activity was focused on overturning the contributions of his predecessor, Pavel Ștefan, who had allowed prosecution to open a case against the wardens at Salcia labor camp. These had been found guilty of murdering at least 63 prisoners in their care, and of torturing many others.[54][55] Drăghici intervened with his superiors, claiming that the court's ruling was exaggerated.[55] He obtained, in 1959, an early release for all of his former employees at Salcia. They were reemployed, with back-pay, and granted a month's vacation at the state's expense.[54]

The late 1950s saw the virtual liquidation of the anti-communist partisans; part of Drăghici's responsibilities included commanding troops to combat that guerrilla force.[39] In December 1957, he expressed dissatisfaction that the Securitate had not yet been able to capture one agent of American or British Intelligence, and not even one working for their "instruments" (KYP, MAH, Mossad). This may have prompted his staff to fabricate espionage cases against suspected dissidents.[56]

The Securitate and other police forces were left to deal with independent anti-communist cells, whose sabotage actions embarrassed the Romanian communist government. Drăghici was involved in destroying the "Ioanid Gang", a small group of Jewish Romanian dissidents who had robbed the National Bank, and may even have forced them to act in the filmed reenactment.[57] According to the prosecution in that case, when apprehended, the Ioanids were preparing the assassinations of Drăghici and Leonte Răutu, the latter of whom was tasked by the party with controlling the Jewish community from within.[58] During August 1959, Drăghici, Nicolae Doicaru and Stasi agents managed to kidnap Oliviu Beldeanu, known for his 1955 attack on the Romanian embassy in Bern, Switzerland.[59]

Against the religious revival

The Ministry's attention was focused especially on the

Justinian.[61] On Drăghici's recommendation, the state nationalized some monastery lands, shut down seminaries, and barred women under 50 from joining the nunneries.[62] According to Church historiographer Iustin Marchiș, Drăghici's campaign resulted in the expulsion of at least 5,000 monks and nuns.[63]

Drăghici is said to have personally ordered the brutal incarceration of

Aiud prison.[67]

Repression against the Orthodox revivalists was at the top of Drăghici's agenda even in later years. Citing one of his reports for 1962, Iustin Marchiș states: "Drăghici [argued that] the only internal enemy still confronting the people's democratic state was the Romanian Orthodox Church, led at the time by Patriarch Justinian Marina [...]. This fact, I believe, is a very important point to stress in debating with many of those who claim that the then-Patriarch or the Church leadership as a whole [...] did nothing [to resist the regime]."[63]

1964 nationalism

As the regime gained surer control over the country, Interior Ministry forces shifted from anti-resistance measures to less violent duties, and a substantial number of personnel were also freed up once political detainees were released in 1964.[68] Drăghici disowned his favorite Securitate man, Aranici, allegedly because Aranici would wear an unbecoming yellow shirt at committee meetings; the former leader of the "Gangs" section was sent to do menial police work in the provinces.[69]

Drăghici himself was given other political assignments. He was deputy prime minister from 1961 to 1965 and 1967 to 1968, and secretary of the CC from July 1965 to 1967. From 1965 to 1968, he was on the CC's executive committee and its permanent presidium.

Gypsy" nation, that the Soviet envoys were being excessively suspicious of their hosts, that SovRom-type companies had become the butt of jokes in the communist east, and even that the Soviets intended to annex Romania.[70]

Turning his attention to the condoned

apartheid regime.[72] Although Romania still condemned "Titoism", the speaker paid tribute to neighboring Yugoslavia's Eastern Bloc dissidence.[73]

The Romanian leadership registered with satisfaction the Declaration's genuine popularity, until Gheorghiu-Dej became aware that regular citizens were airing traditional

Russophobia, defined as "bourgeois nationalism" in standard communist rhetoric. According to historian Walter M. Bacon, Jr., Gheorghiu-Dej's attempt "to supplant 'bourgeois nationalist' feelings with 'socialist patriotic' ones" relied on a political program devised by Drăghici, but was "largely unsuccessful."[74]

Drăghici was also involved in the

US dollars from this source alone, and to have thus enriched the national budget.[76] As historian Marius Oprea notes, this initiative of his was the culmination of periodic antisemitic purges inside and outside the party structures.[76]

Downfall

Ceaușescu and other Communist Party leaders on a visit to the recently renamed Hungarian "Mureș" Autonomous Region (1965). Drăghici is front row, fourth from right

When Gheorghiu-Dej died in March 1965, Ion Gheorghe Maurer, Chivu Stoica, and Emil Bodnăraș, fearful of seeing Drăghici come to power, all backed Ceaușescu as the new leader.[2] Maurer also considered that Ceaușescu had stood up to Khrushchev, while Drăghici was seen as a loyal follower of the Soviet Union.[77] Bacon writes: "So powerful was the apparatus of terror that its chief, Alexandru Dr[ă]ghici, challenged Ceau[ș]escu for political power following Gheorghiu-Dej's death. It is a tribute to Ceau[ș]escu's political agility and confidence that he was able to both purge Dr[ă]ghici and launch a brief period of liberalization during the second half of the 1960s."[78]

As a preliminary step, Ceaușescu promoted Drăghici to second in command while placing a former subordinate in the Interior Ministry. This promotion actually marked the beginning of the end for Drăghici's career.[2][79] By talking about liberalization, Ceaușescu made predictable the neutralization of the two most prominent exponents of political repression and cultural dogmatism of the Gheorghiu-Dej era: Drăghici and Răutu, respectively.[80]

In late 1965 or early 1966, Ceaușescu asked

discarding the administrative regions, he supported a continued Hungarian autonomy.[84] The two figures still agreed on other national policy aspects, including natalism: they both supported the 1966 ban on abortions.[85]

Drăghici fell from power at the CC plenary of April 1968, when he came into conflict with Ceaușescu for supremacy within the party.[12] The plenary saw Pătrășcanu rehabilitated and Drăghici excluded from the party altogether.[2][86] Over the course of the year, he was removed from the CC's politburo and permanent presidium; from the deputy premiership; and from his officer's rank, being downgraded to a common soldier in the reserves.[12] However, he suffered no further consequences, perhaps because he knew too much compromising information.[18]

Sent in 1968 to head a state-run agricultural factory in Buftea, Drăghici retired in 1972. He was given a lavish pension as an older-generation party member and continued to reside in a luxurious Dorobanți villa.[1][2] In the 1980s, he was sometimes seen standing in line to buy groceries, a rigid expression on his face, his eyes averted.[87] Late in that decade, he was reportedly pleased by the increasing isolation and seeming self-destruction of Ceaușescu's regime.[88]

Later years and efforts at prosecution

The communist regime

fell in 1989 and in October 1991, after former political prisoners asked that the late 1960s case against Drăghici be reopened, he and his wife fled to Budapest to the flat of their daughter, who had moved there in 1988.[18][89] In its bid to join the Council of Europe, the Romanian government cited the Drăghici case (and the indictments of his colleagues Gheorghe Homoștean, Tudor Postelnicu, etc.) as evidence that "those who tortured opponents of President Ceaușescu" were indeed facing trial.[90]

In August 1992, the Romanian general prosecutor asked for Drăghici's extradition, but this was denied in December, as the statute of limitations had expired under Hungarian law.[18][89] However, Hungary's Justice Ministry specified that this was not their final word, and requested more information. In December 1992, the Romanian side renewed its extradition request, arguing that the 1989 revolution had suspended the statute of limitations, a legally dubious move. The request was again denied.[89]

In 1993 new charges were filed against Drăghici for the assassination he had ordered of one Ibrahim Sefit in Sibiu.[18] Sefit was a mentally-ill and alcoholic ethnic Turk from Ada Kaleh who, in 1954, created a disturbance and began swearing at Drăghici in a cafeteria where the latter was eating. The latter ordered his liquidation; Sefit was arrested and the same night taken to a forest by a team of four Securitate officers, shot, and buried on the spot.[91]

Found guilty of incitement to murder at a trial that began in May and sentenced

Lower Chamber (nominal successor to the Great National Assembly).[92]

Posterity

Drăghici was married to Márta Czikó, an

Roman Catholic family, was not religious either; their children were not baptized.[1]

Czikó, whose influence probably helped Pavel Aranici advance through the ranks,[21] was deeply disliked by Elena Ceaușescu, whose own career during the underground period had been far less impressive.[2][94] Through Márta's family, Drăghici was for a while related to Alexandru and Paul Ioanid, leaders of the "Ioanid Gang" and her husband's purported would-be assassins, who were two of the Securitate's most prominent victims. This connection embarrassed Drăghici, and was kept secret for a long time.[95]

With Gheorghiu-Dej, Ceaușescu, and Pauker, Drăghici is a main character in the 1998 novel Prizonier în Europa ("A Prisoner in Europe"), by

radio receiver while the other Romanian communists look on.[96]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e f g (in Romanian) Adriana Oprea-Popescu, " 'Am adus cenușa lui Alexandru Drăghici în România, ascunsă sub bancheta mașinii' ", Jurnalul Național, 3 February 2004; accessed April 19, 2012
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n (in Romanian) Biografiile nomenklaturii Archived 2012-03-05 at the Wayback Machine, at the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile site; accessed April 19, 2012
  3. ^ a b Grigore and Șerbu, p. 311; S. Neagoe, p. 248
  4. ^ Grigore and Șerbu, p. 311
  5. ^ a b c S. Neagoe, p. 248
  6. ^ Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 157
  7. ^ Neagoe-Pleșa, pp. 157, 158
  8. ^ Brătescu, pp. 184-88
  9. ^ Brătescu, p. 186
  10. ^ Brătescu, pp. 187-88, 189–90
  11. ^ Bottoni, p. 205; Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 150
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h S. Neagoe, p. 249
  13. ISBN 973-681-989-2
  14. ^ a b Banu and Banu, p. 11; S. Neagoe, p. 249
  15. ^ Tismăneanu and Vasile, pp. 257-61
  16. ISBN 978-973-50-2773-5
  17. ^ Banu and Banu, pp. 11-2; S. Neagoe, p. 249; Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 158
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h i (in Romanian) Mihai Pelin, "Alexandru Drăghici – biografia unui asasin", Gardianul, 19 May 2007; accessed April 19, 2012, at the 9am.ro site
  19. ^ (in Romanian) Stelian Tănase, "Koffler, cu K de la Kafka" Archived 2008-02-23 at the Wayback Machine, Cuvântul, Nr. 294
  20. ^ (in Romanian) Ruxandra Cesereanu, "Fortăreața fisurată a Securității" Archived 2012-06-15 at the Wayback Machine, Revista 22, Nr. 849; accessed May 8, 2012
  21. ^ a b (in Romanian) Marius Oprea, "Fiul bucătăresei (V)", Ziarul Financiar, 19 October 2007; accessed May 9, 2012
  22. 1 December University of Alba Iulia
    Annales Universitatis Apulensis, Series Historica, Nr. 10/I, 2006, pp. 129–30
  23. ^ (in Romanian) Iulia Popovici, "Istoria unor turnătorii", Observator Cultural, Nr. 439, September 2008
  24. ^ Tismăneanu, p. 131
  25. ^ Bottoni, p. 205
  26. ^ (in Romanian) Liviu Țârău, "Iuliu Maniu și Constantin I.C. Brătianu comemorați la Istanbul, în ianuarie 1956", Anuarul Institutului de Istorie George Barițiu, Vol. 40 (2001)
  27. ^ Grigore and Șerbu, p. 311; S. Neagoe, p. 249
  28. ^ Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 159; Tismăneanu, p. 301
  29. ^ Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 159
  30. ^ Banu and Banu, pp. 11–2
  31. ^ Banu and Banu, p. 12
  32. ^ a b c d Banu and Banu, p. 13
  33. ^ a b (in Romanian) Ondine Gherguț, "Monseniorul Ghika, un sfânt sub ciomege" Archived 2013-08-31 at the Wayback Machine, România Liberă, 22 August 2007; accessed May 9, 2012
  34. ^ (in Romanian) Teodor Wexler, "De ce am colaborat la redactarea volumelor Anchete și procese uitate", Observator Cultural, Nr. 101, January 2002
  35. ^ Bottoni, p. 115
  36. ^ E. Neagoe, p. 140
  37. ^ Brătescu, p. 267
  38. ^ Brătescu, pp. 288, 396
  39. ^ a b Grigore and Șerbu, p. 312
  40. ^ Pleșa, p. 222
  41. ^ Tismăneanu, pp. 147, 186
  42. ^ E. Neagoe, p. 145
  43. ^ Bottoni, p. 206; E. Neagoe, p. 151
  44. ^ E. Neagoe, pp. 156–57
  45. ^ Bottoni, pp. 225–26; Tismăneanu, p. 153
  46. ^ Bottoni, pp. 238–39
  47. ^ Bottoni, p. 240
  48. ^ Bottoni, pp. 205, 242–43; S. Neagoe, p. 248
  49. ^ Bottoni, pp. 242–43
  50. ^ Bottoni, pp. 246–47
  51. ^ Bottoni, p. 244
  52. ^ Bottoni, p. 262
  53. ^ Banu and Banu, pp. 14–5
  54. ^ a b (in Romanian) Corina Buțea, "Mărturii din lagărele de muncă de la Dunărea de Jos în epoca lui Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej" Archived 2012-06-18 at the Wayback Machine, University of Galați Studium. Revista studenților, masteranzilor și doctoranzilor în istorie, Nr. 1 (2011), p. 80
  55. ^ a b (in Romanian) Serenela Ghițeanu, "Infernul ascuns" Archived 2011-11-04 at the Wayback Machine, Revista 22, Nr. 1074; accessed May 8, 2012
  56. ^ Pleșa, p. 223
  57. ^ (in Romanian) Stelian Tănase, "Din subterană", Observator Cultural, Nr. 289, October 2005
  58. ^ Tismăneanu and Vasile, pp. 23, 103
  59. ^ (in Romanian) Gabriela Boeriu, Lucia Hossu Longin, "Ministerul Adevărului", Jurnalul Național, 4 March 2008; accessed May 9, 2012
  60. ^ a b (in Romanian) Serenela Ghițeanu, "Patimile lui Zahei", Revista 22, Nr. 964; accessed May 8, 2012
  61. ^ Enache, pp. 142–44, 150–51
  62. ^ Enache, pp. 150–51
  63. ^ a b (in Romanian) Nicolae Stroescu Stînișoară, Iustin Marchiș, "Biserica și represiunea" Archived 2009-03-08 at the Wayback Machine, Convorbiri Literare, June 2006
  64. ^ (in Romanian) Ștefan Cazimir, " 'Ce straniu poate fi destinul unui om!' " Archived 2011-08-12 at the Wayback Machine, România Literară, Nr. 6/2009
  65. ^ (in Romanian) Monalise Hihn, "În numele credinței", Jurnalul Național, 20 June 2009; accessed May 9, 2012
  66. ^ (in Romanian) Cornel Ungureanu, "Zaharia Stancu, în luptele cu 'înalta societate' " Archived 2010-06-11 at the Wayback Machine, România Literară, Nr. 15/2007
  67. ISBN 0-7546-3550-3
  68. ^ Grigore and Șerbu, p. 313
  69. ^ (in Romanian) Marius Oprea, "Fiul bucătăresei (VII)", Ziarul Financiar, 16 November 2007; accessed May 9, 2012
  70. ^ Banu and Banu, pp. 15–22
  71. ^ Banu and Banu, p. 19
  72. ^ Banu and Banu, p. 18
  73. ^ Banu and Banu, p. 21
  74. ^ Bacon, p. 172
  75. ^ (in Romanian) Marius Oprea, "O istorie cu spioni (V)", Ziarul Financiar, 22 February 2008; accessed May 9, 2012
  76. ^ a b (in Romanian) Marius Oprea, "Emigrarea: un reflex de păstrare a identității", Observator Cultural, Nr. 101, January 2002
  77. ^ Tismăneanu, p. 185
  78. ^ Bacon, p. 178
  79. ^ Bacon, p. 179; Neagoe-Pleșa, p. 159; Tismăneanu, p. 196
  80. ^ Tismăneanu, p. 194
  81. ^ Tismăneanu, p. 196
  82. ^ (in Romanian) "Cum l-a salvat Maurer pe Drăghici de la pușcărie", Jurnalul Național, 14 February 2004; accessed April 19, 2012
  83. ^ Bottoni, pp. 225–226
  84. ^ (in Romanian) Emanuel Copilaș, "Despre 'poporul muncitor unic' și locul minorităților naționale în cadrul 'națiunii socialiste'. Maghiari, germani și evrei în România lui Ceaușescu (I)" Archived 2014-03-24 at the Wayback Machine, Sfera Politicii, Nr. 158; accessed April 24, 2012
  85. ISBN 978-606-543-103-4
  86. ^ (in Romanian) Lavinia Betea, "Marele bal – reabilitarea lui Pătrășcanu și excluderea lui Drăghici", Adevărul, 16 December 2012; accessed December 16, 2012
  87. ^ (in Romanian) Christian Levant, "Ceaușescu decapitează Securitatea lui Gheorghiu Dej", Adevărul, 20 October 2007; accessed April 19, 2012
  88. ^ Brătescu, p. 396
  89. ^
    ISBN 0-7391-0592-2
  90. ISBN 92-871-2409-4
  91. ^ (in Romanian) Cicerone Ionițoiu, "Victimele terorii comuniste. Arestați, torturați, întemnițați, uciși. Dicționar S", pp. 182–83; Toma Roman Jr., "Exploatarea servitorului în comunism", Jurnalul Național, 5 July 2011; accessed April 20, 2012
  92. ^ (in Romanian) Romulus Rusan, "Intrarea în NATO a lui Alexandru Drăghici" Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine, Revista 22, Nr. 667; accessed April 24, 2012
  93. ISBN 978-973-8369-97-9
  94. ^ Tismăneanu, p. 205
  95. ^ Brătescu, p. 288
  96. ^ (in Romanian) Alex. Ștefănescu, "Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej ca personaj de roman" Archived 2014-03-24 at the Wayback Machine, România Literară, Nr. 17/1999

References

External links
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