De-Stalinization

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v t e

De-Stalinization (

.

(CPSU).

Terminology issues

The term de-Stalinization is one which gained currency in both Russia and the Western world following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, but was never used during the Khrushchev era. However, de-Stalinization efforts were set forth at this time by Khrushchev and the Government of the Soviet Union under the guise of the "overcoming/exposure of the cult of personality", with a heavy criticism of Joseph Stalin's "era of the cult of personality".^[2] However, prior to Khrushchev's "Secret Speech" to the 20th Party Congress, no direct association between Stalin as a person and "the cult of personality" was openly made by Khrushchev or others within the party, although archival documents show that strong criticism of Stalin and his ideology featured in private discussions by Khruschchev at the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.^[2]

"Silent de-Stalinization"

De-Stalinization meant an end to the role of large-scale

Anastas Mikoyan, a close ally of Khrushchev, played a significant role in the early de-Stalinization process. In March 1954, he called for the rehabilitation of the poet Yeghishe Charents, a victim of the Purges, in a speech in Yerevan in his native Armenia.^[7][8] He subsequently played a leading role in the rehabilitation of political prisoners, and worked with Lev Shahumyan (son of Bolshevik revolutionary Stepan Shahumyan) and Gulag returnees Alexei Snegov and Olga Shatunovskaya to convince Khrushchev of the necessity of denouncing Stalin.^[9][10] In December 1955, Khrushchev proposed that a commission be set up in order to investigate Stalin's activities on behalf of the Presidium. This investigation determined that out of the 1,920,635 arrested for anti-Soviet activities, 688,503 (35.8 per cent) were executed.

Khrushchev's "Secret Speech"

PUWP

While de-Stalinization had been quietly underway ever since Stalin's death, the watershed event was Khrushchev's speech entitled "

, people who had supported communism before the revolution, many of whom Stalin had executed as traitors. Khrushchev also attacked the crimes committed by associates of Beria.

Motivation

One reason given for Khrushchev's speech was his moral conscience; Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn said that Khrushchev spoke out of a "movement of the heart". This, the Communists believed, would prevent a fatal loss of self-belief and restore unity within the Party.^[11]

Historian Martin McCauley argues that Khrushchev's purpose was to "liberate Party officials from the fear of repression". Khrushchev argued that if the Party were to be an efficient mechanism, stripped from the brutal abuse of power by any individual, it could transform the Soviet Union as well as the entire world.^[12]

However, others have suggested that the speech was made in order to deflect blame from the Communist Party or the principles of Marxism–Leninism and place the blame squarely on Stalin's shoulders, thus preventing a more radical debate.^[11] The publication of this speech caused many party members to resign in protest, both abroad and within the Soviet Union.^[11][6]

By attacking Stalin, McCauley argues, he was undermining the credibility of Vyacheslav Molotov, Georgy Malenkov, Lazar Kaganovich and other political opponents who had been within "Stalin's inner circle" during the 1930s more than he had been. If they did not "come over to Khrushchev", they "risk[ed] being banished with Stalin" and associated with his dictatorial control.^[12]

On the other hand, historian A M Amzad argues that the speech was "deliberate" and "was designed to determine Khrushchev's political fate", as, according to him, necessary initiatives were already taken "to resolve the ills of Stalin's dictatorship".^[13]

Changes

Prisons

The

For those who remained, Khrushchev attempted to make the Gulag labour system less harsh, by allowing prisoners to post letters home to their families, and by allowing family members to mail clothes to prisoners, which was not allowed under Stalin.[18]

Renaming of places and buildings

Khrushchev renamed or reverted the names of many places bearing Stalin's name, including cities, territories, landmarks, and other facilities.^[19] The State Anthem of the Soviet Union was purged of references to Stalin, and so were the anthems of its republics. The Stalin-centric and World War II-era lines in the lyrics were effectively excised when an instrumental version replaced it. The Joseph Stalin Palace of Culture and Science in Warsaw, Poland was renamed in 1956. Stalin Peak, the highest point in the USSR, was renamed Communism Peak. After the collapse of the USSR, the mountain was renamed Ismoil Somoni Peak. In East Germany, Stalinstadt was renamed to Eisenhüttenstadt in 1961. In Moscow, the Moscow Metro station Stalinskaya on the Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya line was renamed to Semyonovskaya.^[20]

Removal of monuments

Following the momentum of these public renamings, the Soviet government dismantled hundreds of

, was taken down in November 1962.

Relocation of Stalin's body

The process of de-Stalinization peaked in 1961 during the

Foreign policy changes after Stalin

In the aftermath of the Stalin era, Khrushchev defined Soviet foreign policy during the Cold War. The biggest change to foreign policy dealt with "uncommitted nations". There were two types of neutrality according to the Soviets, those by ideology and those by circumstance.^[24] Many of the nations that were neutral came from both of these groups and were former colonies of European powers. During Stalin there was no room for neutral countries and the idea of neutral powers came about under Khrushchev.^[24] Khrushchev's biggest contribution to foreign policy is taking advantage of other aspects of de-Stalinisation to try to show the world a different Soviet Union more in line with traditional socialist ideals in Lenin era.^[25]

Extent of de-Stalinization

Contemporary historians regard the beginning of de-Stalinization as a turning point in the

.

De-Stalinization has been considered a fragile process. Historian Polly Jones said that "re-Stalinization" was highly likely after a brief period of "thaw".[2] Anne Applebaum agrees: "The era which came to be called the 'Thaw' was indeed an era of change, but change of a particular kind: reforms took two steps forward, and then one step—or sometimes three steps—back."^[26]

See also

• Anti-Stalinist Left
• Decommunization
• 1956 Georgian demonstrations
• History of the Soviet Union (1953–1964): de-Stalinzation and the Khrushchev era
• Lenin's testament
• Neo-Stalinism
• The Battle of Stalingrad (film)
• The Fall of Berlin (film)
• The Third Blow
• The Stalinist Legacy
• The Unforgettable Year 1919

References

Further reading

• Media related to De-Stalinization at Wikimedia Commons
• The dictionary definition of de-stalinization at Wiktionary
• Dobson, Miriam. "The post-Stalin era: de-Stalinization, daily life, and dissent." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 12.4 (2011): 905–924. online
• Filtzer, Donald. Soviet Workers and De-Stalinization: The Consolidation of the Modern System of Soviet Production Relations 1953–1964 ( Cambridge UP, 2002).
• Jones, Polly, ed. The dilemmas of de-Stalinization: negotiating cultural and social change in the Khrushchev era (2006).
• McClarnand, Elaine. "The Politics of History and Historical Revisionism: De-Stalinization and the Search for Identity in Gorbachev's Russia, 1985–1991." History Teacher 31.2 (1998): 153–179. online
• Mëhilli, Elidor. "Defying de-stalinization: Albania's 1956." Journal of Cold War Studies 13.4 (2011): 4–56. online