Nicolae Fleva
Nicolae Fleva | |
---|---|
Romanian Minister of Agriculture and Royal Domains | |
In office April 11, 1899 – June 7, 1900 | |
Preceded by | Dimitrie Sturdza |
Succeeded by | Nicolae Filipescu |
Personal details | |
Born | 1840 Râmnicu Sărat |
Died | August 4, 1920 Jideni or Focșani | (aged 79–80)
Nationality | Wallachian, Romanian |
Political party | National Liberal Party Conservative Party Conservative-Democratic Party |
Nicolae Fleva (Romanian pronunciation: between 1884 and 1886.
After beginnings with the
Fleva returned into the National Liberal camp when he was refused a leading role in Conservative cabinets, and, in 1895–1896, was the
Biography
Origins and early career
The future politician was born in the Wallachian town of
In youth, Nicolae Fleva attended the Saint Sava College, Bucharest, and graduated in law at the University of Naples (1867).[6] Upon his return to Romania, Fleva spent a period tending to his lands in Putna County, pursuing interests in agriculture and horse breeding: he judged in ploughing contests at local fairs, and received a silver medal for his mare Diditia.[7] Fleva brought professional harness racing to Romania, and received honorable mention for his own contribution to that sport.[8]
In addition to building a legal career, and becoming one of the most successful legal professionals of the 1870s,[9] Fleva created a trademark and highly unconventional political style. Described by contemporaries as possessing a warm and engaging voice,[10] he relied on patriotic-themed oratory, and reportedly could speak for four hours on end without accepting interruptions.[11][12] He notoriously organized electoral National Liberal rallies in front of patriotic landmarks, such as the Michael the Brave Monument in University Square.[11] With time, Fleva became known to his supporters as Tribunul, "the Tribune",[1][13] or variations of that nickname.[14] Writing in 2011, journalist Maria Apostol called him "one of the most controversial political figures in the history of Romania."[11] Fleva himself did not preoccupy himself with his colleagues' resentment of his conduct, publicizing his motto: "I'd rather have enemies who respect me than friends who despise me."[11]
One of the first causes involving Fleva, as a young figure in the
The period saw him joining a defense team for soldiers and civilians prosecuted for their roles in the "
Fleva was again sent to the Assembly after the 1871 election, but this time represented Muscel County. His hold of the seat was contested by a rival politician, Potoceanu: in early 1875, just before the scheduled election the Assembly plenum ruled to remove Fleva from his position of deputy.[18]
1875 arrest and the "Mazar Pașa" coalition
Subsequently, Fleva played a part in the effort to unite a single liberal opposition against the
Carried by Fleva's oratory and by exposés in Alegătorul Liber,[20] the liberal campaigners entered the 1875 electoral race with confidence. The moment degenerated in national confusion, after supporters of the two sides organized brawl and a pro-Catargiu electoral agent was killed in public.[21] Citing concerns that Fleva was inciting Bucharest's populace, the Prime Minister ordered his arrest, and Fleva was detained in Văcărești Prison; the young politician was released in short time.[22] Welcomed back by "a delirious crowd",[6] he also took part in successfully defending the anti-conservative poet Alexandru Macedonski, who faced similar accusations.[23]
The signing of a commercial agreement between Romania and Austria-Hungary, her protectionist neighbor to the northwest, angered the anti-Austrian liberals, to the point where a liberal conspiracy began to emerge.[24] At this point in time, the liberal factions found support from Stephen "Mazar Pașa" Lakeman, who, as a loyal subject of the British Kingdom, may have intended to steer Romania away from its Austrian commitments.[25] Fleva was personally involved in the negotiations presided upon by Lakeman, which resulted in the formation of a single National Liberal Party.[26] His name features among those of 25 members of the party's "Steering Committee", on a list published by Rosetti's Românul in June 1875.[27]
By March 1876, Catargiu fell out of favor with Carol, who reportedly decided that, as candidate for the premiership, Brătianu was "reasonable and humble".[28] This followed a winter of National Liberal agitation, with renewed plans for a Romanian Republic, and then an understanding between the two sides, brokered by Romanian Police chief Ion Bălăceanu.[29] Nicolae Fleva returned as National Liberal deputy in the early elections of 1876, and was reconfirmed in 1879.[6]
The new Premier, Ion Brătianu, promoted Fleva to a position of influence in the party: with Eugeniu Stătescu and Mihail Pherekyde, Fleva controlled the grassroots campaign against non-liberals.[6] With fellow deputy Pantazi Ghica, he organized a prolonged inquiry by Parliament into the activities of former ministers. From July to December 1876, his Informative Commission toured the country, verifying some 140 dossiers of secret correspondence, organizing house searches, and publishing a 964-pages report.[30] He was at the time collecting support for a motion to sue Catargiu for damages, years after Catargiu had quelled the riots in Bucharest.[6] Such initiatives embarrassed the more moderate liberals (led by Kogălniceanu and Epureanu), outraged the conservative press, and were ultimately defeated in Parliament.[31]
Despite being engaged at the core of liberal politics, Fleva defended former
New-generation liberal and mayoral election
Fleva's term as deputy also coincided with historical events relating to the Russo-Turkish War and Romanian independence. On May 9, 1877, he inquired Foreign Minister Kogălniceanu about the Russian attack on the Ottoman Empire; Kogălniceanu confirmed that Romania considered itself independent from her Ottoman sovereign.[6][35] Although taken by some to mean that Romania was free as of May 9, this carefully staged discussion was rather a preamble to the actual independence declaration of May 10.[35]
Having also presented himself in elections for the Bucharest Communal Council, Fleva became one of three assistants to Mayor C. A. Rosetti, whose mandate coincided with the first year of Romania's war.[36] Also then, Fleva, Carada, Stătescu and other members of Rosetti's faction were elected officers of the "Citizens' Guard", a paramilitary organization.[37] Their activity there was reported with alarm by the conservative gazette Timpul: "The city's Guard [...], following its earlier establishment as an armed force with commanders elected from within its own ranks, all of them improvised officers wearing [...] insignia designed during times of revolution, officers with no military skill, no discipline and no title [...], not only does it not represent any sort of guaranteed safety, but, what is more, could always turn itself into a dangerous element of social upheaval."[37]
Around 1880, when the anti-liberal pole was organizing itself into the
As scholar Marius Turda notes, the objections were partly justified, since the new generation brought with it less credibility and more corruption.[40] Fleva may even have been partly responsible for sacking Eminescu from the office of librarian, back when the National Liberals first began evaluating the loyalties of public servants.[41] However, Eminescu's expanding xenophobia caused disquiet in Conservative circles, since many Conservative leaders were of noted Greek or other non-Romanian origin.[42]
The interval witnessed renewed republican agitation, during which Nicolae Fleva openly sided with revolutionary politics. In 1883, when members of his party hoped to obtain Carol's resignation, he instructed the public about the right of revolution. His speech was reviewed in 2012 by academic Codrin Liviu Cuțitaru as a classic misinterpretation of that principle, since it validated a permanent "state of revolt" among those who felt disenfranchised.[43] Fleva's position as deputy was reconfirmed in the 1883 national elections, and again in the 1884 vote.[6] These were the first-ever elections to be carried under a new electoral law, pushed by the core group of National Liberal, and extending representation and disestablishing the 4th Electoral College.[44] By then, the "Tribune" had his fief in Bucharest, and his appeal there propelled him to the office of Mayor during the local election of 1884.[11] However, he also benefited from Eugeniu Stătescu's withdrawal from the National Liberal caucus, which propelled Fleva to head of the electoral list.[45] Fleva did not replace an active Mayor, but rather took his seat from an interim bureau, presided upon by M. Török.[46]
Fleva's own team of Councilors included 6 public figures, among them civil engineer
United Opposition
Fleva's time in National Liberal politics ended while he was still Mayor, under an Ion Brătianu cabinet. Known to his adversaries as "The
Fleva soon became the main accusatory voice, producing evidence which incriminated two National Liberal policy-makers: Emil Costinescu and Pherekyde. The latter, an expert shot, provoked Fleva to a duel by pistol, injuring his right hand.[51] Fleva's personal quarrel with Brătianu reached its peak with another such duel. Brătianu was the one to provoke Fleva, when the latter described the cabinet as a collection of "shadows"; Fleva's shot missed its target and then Brătianu's bullet hit him near the heart, but he luckily survived.[52]
The period witnessed the birth of a new political conglomerate, called "Liberal Conservative Party": the Conservatives, alongside the dissenting "Sincere Liberals", plus the Moldavian "Fractionists".[53] Political trouble ensued. The monarch, who now trusted Brătianu above all other politicians, refused to apply his prerogative, and would not rotate between the two dominant factions.[54]
With former enemy Catargiu, Fleva signed a manifesto against Carol, in which they alluded to the possibility of an anti-monarchical rebellion.
As Mayor, Nicolae Fleva was noted for setting up Sfântul Anton Market (near
1887–1888 riots
Such controversies reflected Nicolae Fleva's ongoing conflict with government: in 1887, he was again publicly asking King Carol not to endorse Ion Brătianu's agenda.
The electoral start of 1888 brought an explosive situation. All opposition forces, including Fleva's group, reached most of their electoral goals, even though the government remained in place.[68] On March 14, when Carol returned from a visit to Berlin, Fleva, with Catargiu, Blaremberg and various others, instigated a riot which began at Orfeu Hall, Bucharest. Under their supervision, the crowd trying to occupy the building and make it an anti-government fief found its access blocked by pro-government men (soldiers, mounted Gendarmes, police or simply National Liberal militants).[69] A chase followed through the city center, and the rioters attempted to make their way into the (old) Royal Palace, to demand that the king dispose of Brătianu. The king watched on, impassively.[69][70]
The events were viewed with astonishment by the third parties at Junimea. Its elder Petre P. Carp reported his horror at seeing soldiers attacking people who had done "absolutely nothing".[69] The United Opposition protest of March 15, which accused Brătianu of carrying out a "massacre", was signed by Junimists Marghiloman and Iacob Negruzzi, although not by Carp.[69][71]
The same day, all opposition forces staged a March of Mourning to the Assembly Palace, but again the road was barricaded by armed forces. The deputies were allowed access into the hall, but the ceremony was interrupted when a rifle or a pistol was mysteriously shot, killing one of the ushers present. The deputies panicked before troops stormed in, and Carp was found standing near the dead body, engaged in a row with the National Liberals' Dimitrie Sturdza.[69] A version of the events, promoted by journalist and memoirist Constantin Bacalbașa, points to a government conspiracy. According to Bacalbașa, I. Brătianu's men had paid a Sergent Silaghi to aim his gun at Fleva; the usher was shot by accident.[11][69][72]
In the end, Fleva and Filipescu were both arrested.[11][56][69][73][74] Fleva stood accused of inciting the riots, and even suspected of the murder: police alleged that a gun had been found on his person,[11] but other reports state that none of the deputies was armed.[69][73] Carp himself took the stand against government actions, denouncing a cover-up attempt.[74]
Theodor Rosetti cabinet
In short while, a mainly Junimist cabinet headed by Theodor Rosetti was to take over. This was Carol's own choice of Prime Minister: the king recognized the National Liberal crisis, but adamantly refused to follow the United Opposition agenda.[54][70] Fleva was promptly released from Văcărești, and again delivered to the enthusiastic crowds.[75] More disturbance soon followed. The Bărăgan Plain peasantry was rising up in revolt, believing that Rosetti was going to quash a National Liberal plan for extensive land reform. Their attack on private property was severely punished by the authorities.[76]
Nicolae Fleva was subsequently approached by Carp with an offer to head Internal Affairs. Legend goes that there was a debate among them, concerning the sanctity of free suffrage, which governments in power tended to ignore. Fleva reportedly accepted Carp's initial offer, on condition that the Junimists hold free elections; the latter's reply was: "No free elections! But we'll get real elections!"
Fleva himself acknowledged that the split had occurred: leaving behind the United Opposition, he presented himself as an independent in the 1888 race for the Bucharest City Hall. A number of local guilds, including the
Slowly, Fleva returned into the National Liberal fold. In 1890, he voted against prosecuting I. Brătianu for alleged mismanagement of the country, and also against Panu's proposal to reestablish the League of Resistance.[81] Leaving Panu behind, he and D. Brătianu rejoined the National Liberal directorial committee.[82] Fleva was a National Liberal candidate to the Assembly of Deputies in the election of January 1891. He won the second available seat for that constituency, benefiting from months of Junimist and Conservative infighting.[83]
Fleva's return as a National Liberal doctrinaire was facilitated by I. Brătianu's death in 1891. He was persuaded by the new party leader, Dimitrie Sturdza, and his platform, the "Program of Iași" (November 1892). It promised to support the gradual introduction of universal male suffrage and proportional representation.[84] However, Fleva failed to persuade Sturdza that the party should come to power by rebellion. King Carol firmly supported the Conservative administration, again headed by Catargiu. Finally, Premier Catargiu was denounced by Fleva for ordering a clampdown on the republican newspaper, Adevărul.[85]
Interior Minister
During that time, Fleva was especially interested in the fate of Romanians living in Transylvania or in other parts of Austria-Hungary, many of whom were complaining about government abuse and Magyarization policies (Transylvanian Memorandum). Representing Romania at a peace congress in Rome, Fleva spoke positively about the demands of Romanian Transylvanian students, and obtained from the international representative a resolution favoring respect for national rights.[86] He built contacts with Austria-Hungary's Romanian National Party and the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians, being a special guest at their 1894 banquet in Bucharest.[87] Also that year, Fleva donated books to the Romanians of Bukovina region, through their Society for Romanian Literature and Culture.[88]
Fleva was again in Parliament in December 1894, when he narrowly lost the elections for Assembly Vice President.[89] He had a notoriously tense relationship with Eugeniu Carada, who, as the National Liberal's economic adviser, had helped establish Romania's National Bank. In February 1894, Fleva upset Carada by running for National Bank Censor, with support from the Conservatives and the Junimists.[90] Like the other National Liberal deputies, Fleva resented the ultra-capitalist Law on Mining, passed by the Conservative majority. However, he distanced himself from those deputies who resigned in protest against the bill: when he did hand in his resignation, it was rejected by his Conservative friends, including Filipescu.[91]
In October 1895, Fleva came to lead Internal Affairs, within Sturdza's National Liberal cabinet. Once appointed by Carol, the government had to be confirmed by an election, and, sources attest, Fleva served his democratic ideal by ensuring that the 1895 election was carried without fraud.[56][92]
At the time, Nicolae Fleva's perceived demagogy was a subject of amusement: painter-aristocrat
Fleva's involvement in popular causes was turning into a liability. His reintegration by the National Liberal Party effectively split the movement into two competing factions: the "Flevists", or "Liberal Democratic Party", represented the middle class and petite bourgeoisie vote; the "Sturdzists" mainly brought together landowners and bankers.[94] The Prime Minister, notorious for his lack of authority,[95] and his Internal Affairs subordinate despised each other, particularly since Fleva realized that Sturdza would never apply the "Program of Iași".[94]
According to some, Fleva's fight against government abuse was what caused his fall during a cabinet reshuffling, only three months after electoral victory.[92][96] C. Bacalbașa notes that Fleva first attracted his colleagues' hostility when he inspected first-hand, and punished, the damage done by government representatives in the village of Spineni.[97] Sturdza interpreted this work as a sign of disloyalty, and the National Liberal paper Voința Națională made a show of Fleva, publishing allegations about his conduct in both public and private.[92] In what was virtually an unprecedented gesture, Titu Maiorescu, who had become leader of the opposition, denounced such mudslinging from the Assembly's rostrum.[92]
Fodder scandal and 1897 split
Fleva was eventually faced with accusations that, while in office, he had secretly engaged in contraband.[11][92] Iepurescu, a Giurgiu County representative, questioned the Minister's provisions against fodder shortages. Iepurescu's story was that, against the specialists' advice, Fleva had ordered massive imports of hay for national or ministerial use.[11] Some, beginning with Maiorescu, have questioned whether Iepurescu himself was a man of character.[92] Fleva asked to present his version with a speech in Parliament, programmed for January 13, 1896. On January 12, Sturdza confirmed that Fleva had lost his office, implying that his activity during the elections was under scrutiny; when the Assembly began preparing procedures to oust him, Fleva became enraged, denouncing the National Liberal Party as an occult organization.[92] He is believed to have coined the term Oculta ("The Occult [Faction]"), which was subsequently used to designate the secretive triumvirate of National Liberal figures, allegedly Sturdza's puppet-masters: Carada, Pache Protopopescu, Gogu Cantacuzino.[95][98]
The next day, instead of the scheduled pro domo, the Assembly registered his resignation.[92] Founding the independent newspaper Dreptatea, Fleva turned on his former colleagues in power. In early 1896, he attacked Sturdza for his external policy, creating a scandal about the selective sponsoring of Aromanian schools throughout the Balkans.[99] In his anti-Sturdza campaign, Fleva approached the country's breakaway socialist clubs. Some socialists did join his faction, but others condemned him for not supporting the immediate adoption of universal suffrage.[100]
Fleva's disaffiliation with the National Liberals grew once Sturdza and his ministers intervened in Orthodox Church affairs—deposing Metropolitan-Primate Ghenadie Petrescu. Fleva took Ghenadie's side. Especially for the purpose, he set up a new anti-government coalition with the Conservatives, and lend a hand to the eventual fall of Sturdza's cabinet in November 1896.[101] During the incidents, Fleva reunited with his old friend Alexandru Macedonski, by then a maverick conservative; his articles in support of Ghenadie were published by Macedonski's political-literary review Liga Ortodoxă.[23] Also joining Fleva's group were the former socialists George A. Scorțescu, who published Evenimentul newspaper, and Anton "Toni" Bacalbașa.[102] Pushing for a return to power, Fleva sought to align himself with the king's external policy. Toning down his support for Transylvanian agitation, he published a salute to Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph, who was visiting Bucharest.[103] Despite such overtures, the outgoing Sturdza received a formal promise from his many adversaries that Fleva would never again be granted ministerial office.[104]
Subsequently, the parliamentary Flevists (described by one Transylvanian observer as "Mr. Fleva and seven of his comrades") reluctantly voted in favor of some National Liberal laws, but aimed most of its activities against Sturdza's cabinet.[105] In February 1898, Fleva was the only parliamentarian to vote against the national debt-conversion project, as advanced by Finance Minister Gogu Cantacuzino.[106] In tandem, a second dissident faction, formed around Petre S. Aurelian and Drapelul newspaper, and likewise attached to electoral reform projects, took still more voters away from the National Liberal Party. Instead of courting the Flevists, Sturdza managed to prolong his hold on power by attracting back some of the Drapelul men, including some 13 deputies.[105]
Agriculture Minister
The Conservative and Junimist factions preserved Fleva in their camp, making him more or less concrete promises about a return to high office.[107] In their name, Fleva carried out street battles with the Sturdza party, and, with Maiorescu and others, established a "Committee of Resistance" (against the Strudza government).[108] A classically trained scholar, Maiorescu expressed disdain for all the liberal subgroups, as sciolistic upstarts. In a letter of June 1898, he made special note of these developments: "All the Liberals, the Drapelul men and of course the Flevists too, are utterly ignorant (except for Sturdza and Beldiman [...]) and enrich themselves through politics. [...] Stătescu or Lascăr, or Costinescu, or Fleva [...] might even be looking to find Camões among their contemporaries".[109] Historian Ion Bulei, who sees Maiorescu's text is a cruel satire, also writes that it addresses a deeper reality: "if the doctrinaire level of all Romanian politicians was rather base in what was Old Romania, the liberals' was yet more base. Between the practical accomplishments of the National Liberal Party and the level of its intellectual preoccupations, there was always disharmony."[109]
Reputedly, Fleva officially joined the Conservative Party in 1899,
However, the election itself dampened his ministerial ambitions: in Slatina, the peasant voters were allegedly instigated to rebel by the political boss Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești, leading to a massacre. Probably called upon as an arbiter by Bogdan-Pitești, Fleva visited the area and conducted an inquiry.[113] As a consequence of the government's mistakes in handling the crisis, Fleva is said to have considered resigning.[114]
This new mandate was soon touched by another controversy involving fodder supplies. With drought on the horizon, Fleva again ordered imported hay, much more than was needed, and any excess amount was destroyed by rainfall.
Ambassador and Conservative-Democrat
In February 1901, Nicolae Fleva was made the Romanian Ambassador to Italy—a position he maintained until July 1909.[56] As one of his activities there, Fleva officially represented Romanian interests during the creation of an International Institute of Agriculture, and signed its founding document in 1905.[2] During those years, Fleva was also indulging his passion for horse racing. After 1905, when a replica of Longchamp Racecourse was eventually built in Bucharest (on grounds now occupied by House of the Free Press), he became one of the regular visitors.[119]
While still involved in European diplomacy, Fleva was attracted into the Conservative-Democratic Party. This new force rallied around his old colleague Take Ionescu, who, like Fleva himself, had divided his earlier career between the two main parties. Described by the press as Ionescu's right hand,[1] Fleva ran in the Assembly elections of 1908, as top of the Conservative-Democratic list for Bucharest. His campaign was unusually supported by Caragiale, who had turned Conservative-Democrat, and who spoke directly to the regular voters about Fleva's merits.[120] Fleva received most votes (1,223), and propelled his party into the top position.[121]
After taking his seat, he returned to national attention, investigating cases of corruption cited against both of the major parties. In November 1911, he demanded an official scrutiny into the public contracts signed over by the new Petre P. Carp Conservative administration. He looked over
By January 1912, Fleva's relationship with the Conservative-Democrats had turned into hostility. He quit the party, which had by then allied itself to the National Liberals, noting that Ionescu no longer stood for the initial goals: updating the 1866 Constitution and promoting land reform.[1] A year later, a Conservative—Junimist—Conservative-Democratic alliance was in power, with Titu Maiorescu as Prime Minister. Fleva took to the dissident Conservative club of Grigore G. Cantacuzino, which published the gazette Seara. This notoriously bawdy and violent paper was mounting a campaign against Interior Minister Alexandru Bădărău; Fleva joined in, with a claim that Bădărău was demented.[124] The cause reunited Fleva with Bogdan-Pitești, his 1899 rival, who had returned to public life as Seara's editorial manager. In 1913, when Bogdan-Pitești was taken to court by the financier Aristide Blank, Fleva headed the defense team. They lost, and Bogdan-Pitești was found guilty of attempted blackmail.[125]
World War I controversies and death
Fleva was again a member of the Assembly in the
As time progressed, Fleva became more sympathetic to the "
As his critics claim, Fleva's determination did not outlast the "morning dew": Bussche and his Romanian agent, the Slatina revolutionist-turned-Germanophile Bogdan-Pitești, increased the stakes.
From the pro-Entente camp, but also from among his own circles, accusations surfaced that Fleva had in fact become an
Fleva survived the war and the Central Powers' two-year-long occupation of southern Romania. He died on August 4, 1920, either in Jideni (now part of Râmnicu Sărat)[136] or in Focșani.[11] He was by then noticeably poor, and largely forgotten by the general public.[137]
Notes
- ^ a b c d (in Romanian) Correspondent, "Scrisoare din București", in Românul (Arad), Nr. 14/1912, p.4 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ a b (in French) "Convention", in Mémorial du Grand-Duché du Luxembourg. Memorial des Grosherzogtums Luxemburg, Nr. 56/1909, p.856 (digitized by Legilux); Charles I. Bevans (ed.), Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America (1776–1949). I: Multilateral (1776–1917), United States Department of State, Washington, 1968, p.439
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.122-123
- ^ Bibliotecar, "Testimonii identitare", in Străjer în Calea Furtunilor, Nr. 6, December 2009, p.77. See also Ornea (1998), p.193-194
- ^ (in Romanian) Mihai Sorin Rădulescu, "Familia unui aghiotant regal", in Ziarul Financiar, May 21, 2009
- ^ a b c d e f g h Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123
- ^ Ionescu de la Brad, p.519, 533
- ^ Ionescu de la Brad, p.534
- ^ a b c Mugur Isărescu, Surica Rosentuler, Sabina Marițiu, Restitutio 3. Viața și opera lui Eugeniu Carada, National Bank of Romania, 2003, p.25
- ^ Boia (1973), p.79; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q (in Romanian) Maria Apostol, "Primari de legendă. Dezastruoasa guvernare a primarului-tribun acuzat de crimă", in Adevărul, April 16, 2011
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Ion Luca Caragiale, Un interview (wikisource)
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.72, 206, 220, 230, 247, 260, 266, 268; Boia (2010), p.94; Durnea, p.40; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.125; Rusu Abrudeanu, p.112-113
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Mihai Sorin Rădulescu, "Un pictor fin de siècle" Archived 2012-08-11 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 17/2009
- ^ (in Romanian) "Romani'a. Adunarea Deputatiloru. Siedinti'a de la 3. decembre 1870", in Federatiunea, Nr. 131/1870, p.511-512 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ a b c (in Romanian) Bogdan Jitea, " 'Republica de la Ploiești' așa cum n-a văzut-o Caragiale", in Historia online edition; retrieved November 5, 2011
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.68, 123
- ^ (in Romanian) "Romani'a", in Federatiunea, Nr. 19-20/1875, p.60 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ a b Boia (1973), p.79
- ^ Boia (1973), p.79-80
- ^ Boia (1973), p.80
- ^ Boia (1973), p.80; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123
- ^ OCLC 7431692
- ^ Boia (1973), p.78-79
- ^ Boia (1973), p.80-81
- ^ Boia (1973), p.78, 80-81; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123
- ^ Boia (1973), p.80; (in Romanian) Cosmin Lucian Gherghe, "Geneza liberalismului din România", in the University of Craiova Revista de Științe Politice, Nr. 18-19/2008, p.127
- ^ Boia (1973), p.82
- ^ Boia (1973), p.81-83
- ^ Bulei (1973), p.28-30
- ^ Bulei (1973), p.25, 27-28, 29-30
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.115
- ^ I. E. Torouțiu, notes to Alexandru Dimitrie Xenopol, Istoria ideilor mele (wikisource)
- ISBN 1-55753-065-3
- ^ România Liberă, May 28, 2009
- Familia, Nr. 22/1877, p.261 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ a b Maria Totu, "Garda civică în războiul de independență", in Magazin Istoric, September 1970, p.80
- ^ Ornea (1998), p.193-194; Turda, p.195-196
- ^ a b (in Romanian) George Virgil Stoenescu, "La început a fost Carada", in Revista 22, Nr. 1057, June 2010
- ^ Turda, p.195
- Familia, Nr. 3-4/1937, p.7 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Ornea (1998), p.194
- ^ Dilema Veche, Nr. 416, February 2012
- ^ Radu, p.134-135
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.96
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Corneliu Șenchea, "Scandalurile mondene de odinioară (III) – Duiliu Zamfirescu, un hidalgo întârziat" Archived 2014-04-07 at the Wayback Machine, in Historia online edition; retrieved November 5, 2011
- ^ Time Out Bucharest, April 2, 2008
- ^ Boia (1973), p.84; Radu, p.134-136, 137
- ^ Radu, p.133-137
- ^ a b Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.80-81
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.40
- ^ (in Romanian) Daniela Cârlea Șontică, Andrei Oișteanu, "De la sfadă la spadă", in Jurnalul Național, January 16, 2006
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.80
- ^ , Nr. 13/2001
- ^ a b c (in French) Valentin Bodea, "La Maison Robescu", in the V. A. Urechia Library Axis Libri, Nr. 4, September 2009, p.29
- ^ a b c d e f g Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.45
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.171
- România Liberă, June 2, 2007
- ^ (in Romanian) Ion Bulei, "File din galopul vremii", in Ziarul Financiar, April 6, 2007
- ^ (in Romanian) Cristian Teodorescu, "Amintiri din viitorul secolului 19 românesc" Archived 2012-06-03 at the Wayback Machine, in Cotidianul, December 30, 2005
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.25-26
- ^ (in Romanian) Zoltán Györke, "Instituția prefecturii în perioada interbelică (1923–1938). Proiecții legislative" Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine, in Revista Transilvană de Științe Administrative, Nr. 3/2010, p.81-82
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.50-51
- ^ a b (in Romanian) "Vârsta de aur a avocaturii românești", in Evenimentul Zilei, July 3, 2006
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.42-44
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.42
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.53-54
- ^ a b c d e f g h (in Romanian) C. Gane, "Mineriada din timpul lui Carol I (13-15 martie 1888)", in Historia online edition; retrieved November 5, 2011
- ^ a b Cristescu, p.64
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.62
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.63-64
- ^ a b Bacalbașa, p.64
- ^ a b Ion Bulei, "P. P. Carp – un aristocrat al politicii românești", in Magazin Istoric, December 1999, p.28
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.67-68; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124
- ^ Cristescu, passim
- România Liberă, July 26, 2007
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.71-72
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.76, 107
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.73
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.114-115, 117, 119
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.120
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.126, 128
- ^ Radu, p.138
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.152
- ^ Crișan, p.31-32
- ^ Crișan, p.173
- ^ (in Romanian) "Din Bucovina", in Transilvania, Nr. 3/1894, p.67 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- Universul Literar, Nr. 47/1894, p.2 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.174-175
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.176-177
- ^ a b c d e f g h (in Romanian) Ion Cristoiu, "În materie de lucrătură, politicienii de azi sunt bieți copii", in Adevărul, May 30, 2010
- ^ (in Romanian) Ion Luca Caragiale, Iarăși promisia D-lui Fleava (wikisource)
- ^ a b Radu, p.141
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Nicolae Ioniță, "Portrete ale oamenilor politici români de la sfârșitul secolului al XIX-lea în documente diplomatice germane" Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine, in the University of Galați Anale. Seria Istorie, Vol. VII, 2008, p.154
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124; Bacalbașa, p.193, 195-196
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.195-196
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.98, 99, 141, 174, 195, 221, 229-230
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.196-197, 198, 199
- ^ I. C. Atanasiu, Pagini din istoria contimporană a României: 1881–1916. I. Mișcarea socialistă: 1881–1900, Editura Adevĕrul, Bucharest [n. y.], p.52, 151-157, 160, 281, 323-324, 345, 401
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.205-211, 212, 218-221; (in Romanian) Paul Brusanovski, "Structura constituțională a Bisericii Ortodoxe Române. Repere istorice" Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine, in INTER. Revista Română de Studii Teologice și Religioase, Nr. 1-2/2007, p.245-246
- ^ Durnea, p.40, 42
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.214
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.221
- ^ a b (in Romanian) "Situația în România", in Tribuna Poporului, Nr. 73/1898, p.1 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ (in Romanian) "Scrisoare din București", in Tribuna Poporului, Nr. 36/1898, p.174 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.230, 254, 261
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.246-247
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Ion Bulei, "Liberalismul în lume și la noi (II)" Archived 2011-09-06 at the Wayback Machine, in Cadran Politic, Nr. 10, January 2004
- ^ Durnea, p.40; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124
- ^ Familia, Nr. 16/1899, p.192 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.123, 124
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.265-266
- ^ (in Romanian) "O jale in România", in Tribuna Poporului, Nr. 114/1899, p.2 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.269; (in Romanian) Simona Vasilache, "Viitorul și trecutul", in România Literară, Nr. 49/2009
- ^ Bacalbașa, p.267
- ^ Iancu, p.59
- ^ Iancu, p.59-61
- ^ (in Romanian) Andrei Crăciun, Adi Dobre, "Povestea unei lumi dispărute: cursele de cai din România", in Evenimentul Zilei, October 21, 2008
- ^ (in Romanian) Ion N. Nastasia, "I.L. Caragiale orator și om politic" Archived 2014-04-07 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 6/2001
- ^ (in Romanian) Nicolae N. Pața, "Rezultatul alegerei de deputați din Capitală", in Democrația, Nr. 15-16/1908, p.27 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
- ^ Georgeta Filitti, "România acum o sută de ani", in Magazin Istoric, November 2011, p.61
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Cătălin Fudulu, "Afaceri cu tramvaiele bucureștene (V)", in Ziarul Financiar, January 20, 2010
- ^ (in Romanian) Barbu Cioculescu, "Din viața lui Mateiu I. Caragiale: Șeful de cabinet" Archived 2012-08-04 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 14/2001
- ^ a b Rusu Abrudeanu, p.114
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Radu Milian, "Dezbateri parlamentare și de presă din România în perioada neutralității (1914–1916)", in Revista Crisia, Vol. XL, 2010, p.268
- ^ Boia (2010), p.94; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124
- ^ a b (in Romanian) Carmen Patricia Reneti, "Relații româno-germane în anul 1914", in Revista de Istorie Militară, Nr. 1-2/2010, p.38
- ^ Rusu Abrudeanu, p.113
- ^ Rusu Abrudeanu, p.113-114
- ^ Boia (2010), p.94, 194
- ^ a b Boia (2010), p.94
- ^ Boia (2010), p.94, 194; Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124-125; Rusu Abrudeanu, p.113-114, 116, 485
- ^ Boia (2010), p.193-194
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124-125
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.122
- ^ Gheorghe & Șerbu, p.124-125; Rusu Abrudeanu, p.112
References
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