Council of Federated Organizations
The Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) was a coalition of the major
NAACP
The prelude to the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi began after
After the war, Evers took a job as an insurance salesman. His travels took him to the poorest areas of rural Mississippi. His guilt over attempting to sell insurance policies to families who could barely afford food led to him joining the NAACP in the early 1950s. He soon became the organization's first field secretary in 1954. Friend, fellow veteran, and pharmacist, Aaron Henry also took up the reins of activism by founding and becoming the first president of the Clarksdale, Mississippi branch of the NAACP. Henry organized the local group to have two white men indicted for the kidnapping and rape of two young black girls. The men were acquitted, but getting an indictment at all was a major victory for the young organization. Evers also found organizing work frustrating throughout the 1950s. This work mainly included traveling throughout the state giving "pep talks" to local chapters and investigating racially motivated murders. Despite limited success, the theme of rivalry would reappear in these early stages. Evers, Henry, and fellow NAACP leader Amzie Moore would join the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL) in 1951 despite objections from the national NAACP office. In addition to joining what Henry called the "homegrown" NAACP, Evers and Henry traveled to New Orleans, Louisiana for the organizational meeting of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Roy Wilkins, national director of the NAACP, felt threatened by the charismatic leadership of the new organization's leader, Martin Luther King Jr. Evers objected to the national office's concerns on the basis that both organizations' goals were "identical", but respected the national leadership and opposed the SCLC's talk of an office in Jackson, Mississippi. Henry, however remained on the SCLC board and was soon elected state president in 1960. Ironically, this early rivalry would lead to the NAACP devoting more time and attention to its Mississippi chapters.[2]
SNCC
The reluctance of the NAACP to accept new ideas led Amzie Moore to a student conference in Atlanta in 1960. Moore, president of the
CORE
The SNCC and NAACP McComb project coincided with the early days of the
Growing need for unity
Several events set the context of the creation of the statewide COFO group. John Doar of the Justice Department arrived in Mississippi to begin investigating claims of people who were prevented from voting and found local support from Aaron Henry. As Freedom Riders converged upon Jackson, Mississippi, Henry and the Clarksdale NAACP attempted to set up a meeting with the Governor Barnett. On his refusal to meet with the civil rights group, they created the Clarksdale Council of Federated Organizations for the meeting. Under this new name, the active middle-class of Clarksdale would continue their ongoing voter registration drive. King briefly appeared in Jackson to make a speech in support of the Freedom Riders. This again worried the national NAACP office, but Evers reassured them that strong chapters in Mississippi would prevent the student movement from gaining local ground. Contrary to Evers' statement, the student movement soon swept through Jackson. Tougaloo College students joined with SNCC workers to create the Non-Violent Action Group to sponsor workshops on nonviolent philosophy, and hold local sit-ins and demonstrations. Evers and black Jacksonians viewed these "outsiders" with contempt. The conflict between the various groups was "generational, organizational, and ideological".[5]
Evers slowly warmed up to the dedication of the young activists of 1961-1962 and asked the national office for permission to endorse the
COFO
Nationally, many members of the Justice Department took a vengeful attitude towards the hostile southern states after the Freedom Rides. The Atlanta-based
The leadership of the new organization included President Henry, Program Director Moses, Assistant Program Director Dennis, and Secretary Carsie Hall, a Jackson attorney. The Presidency was supposed to rotate among the heads of each major organization, but Henry retained the role because "no one else seemed interested". Membership included all four national organizations and local groups like the RCNL, Jackson Nonviolent Group, and the Holmes County Voters League.[8] COFO staff members retained their organizational affiliation, with SNCC providing most of the workers. For the most part, the work of individual organizations also fell under the COFO umbrella. SNCC and CORE were especially bound by the friendship and close partnership of Moses and Dennis making their activities "indistinguishable". The coordinated effort made several key accomplishments. It legitimized the work of the younger students by bonding them to older and respected leaders. This opened long-established networks to SNCC and CORE workers. Moreover, coordination cut through age, economic, and organizational rivalries which had hindered mass efforts for years.[8][9]
As COFO's new staff began their organizing work throughout the state, they chose to concentrate mostly on the Mississippi Delta. This region held the highest black population of any in the state, and the
Worker recruitment, and new registration activities around the state, created a stir among the white population. Though this caused fear among the local blacks and civil rights workers, it did not slow the activities. Violence continued as boycotts of businesses began in Jackson, Clarksdale, and Greenwood. Gun ownership was a way of life in rural Mississippi. The nonviolent "outside" organizers had to learn to reconcile this fact with their nonviolence. After brutal attacks on workers, including the very visible and vocal Hamer and Ed King (a white chaplain at Tougaloo College), nonviolent subscribers came to accept armed self-defense as necessary and even compatible with the nonviolent philosophy. A 1963 NAACP newsletter stated, "We will never strike the first violent blow. We point out to our white attackers that in the future… you are going to get your lick right back."[11]
The violence reached new heights and again gained national attention on June 12, 1963. Shortly after midnight, Evers who for many symbolized the Mississippi movement, was assassinated in his driveway after returning from a rally. Minor rioting after his funeral was followed by an increase in sit-ins and protests throughout the state. This was met with more violence by whites. In an attempt to avoid frustration, COFO workers organized the
This new boldness contributed to two very different actions. COFO planners began to discuss a mass influx of volunteers for actual voter registration in the summer of 1964. In response to these activities and rumors of more actions, the
Freedom Summer
White violence became more intense as the summer approached. Volunteers were recruited from mostly northern, white campuses. They became voter registration canvassers and Freedom School teachers. CORE staff members
The following day, Chaney, Schwerner, and Goodman traveled to Neshoba County to investigate the church fire. The trio was arrested following a traffic stop outside Philadelphia, Mississippi, for speeding, escorted to the local jail and held for several hours.[14] As they left town in their car after being released, the trio were followed by law enforcement and others. Before leaving Neshoba County their car was pulled over and they were abducted, driven to another location, and shot at close range. Their bodies were then transported to an earthen dam where they were buried.[14] They were only discovered two months later thanks to a tip-off. During the investigation, it emerged that members of the local White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the Neshoba County Sheriff's Office and the Philadelphia, Mississippi Police Department were involved in the incident.[14] Their arrest, kidnapping, and murder were intended to intimidate the incoming volunteers. Instead, it invigorated the already determined 'outside agitators' and brought international attention to the state.[15]
The summer newcomers included experienced activists like Stokely Carmichael. He became the head of the Greenwood summer project. Summer projects in Greenwood and other parts of the state created Freedom Schools mostly in the homes of local people to supplement the lack of black schools in the area. It was believed that education would create more and well-informed voters. Forty-one Freedom Schools, with over 2100 students, were held around the state. In these schools, teachers discussed current topics with their students who in turn produced newspapers. In many parts of the state, these "Freedom Papers" were the only source of civil rights news. As well as the debate over white volunteers, another rivalry existed among the volunteers. Voter registration was considered the most sought after job. Many of these "lucky" workers considered Freedom School teachers to be beneath their position. Some viewed the teaching jobs as "woman's work." These small rivalries contributed to already strained feelings exacerbated by the ongoing violence.[16]
MFDP
COFO leaders decided before the Freedom Vote that the Democratic Party was their best inroad to political power. At a meeting on March 15, 1964, it was decided that an alternate party should be formed to challenge the regular state delegation to the Democratic National convention to be held on August 24. This was the birth of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). By July, the summer project's focus began to shift toward preparations for the convention. Moses sent notice to workers throughout the state that, "everyone who is not working in Freedom Schools ... devote all their time organizing for the convention challenge". On August 6, the MFDP held a statewide convention in Jackson (two days after the discovery of the bodies of Chaney, Schwerner, and Goodman). The delegation of sixty-eight was formed with Henry as chairman, and Ed King as vice-chair, with the aim of convincing the Credentials Committee of the unjust practices of the regular state delegation, and that the MFDP was the true Mississippi delegation. Moses felt that the mostly middle-class representatives of Jackson looked down on Hamer and the delegation's poorer, rural members.[17]
Former Governor Barnett was the first member of the regular Democratic Party to express his concerns. He stated that blacks were "unqualified to vote" and that "we don't believe in having ignorant people elect our officials." Delegations from other southern states threatened to walk out of the convention if the MFDP were seriously entertained. President
Dissatisfaction
Bitterness set in after the convention. The middle class was even more resentful of their poorer representatives in the COFO leadership. Many workers later saw the convention as the beginning of the split between the political sides of the movement and the more militant activists. SNCC worker Cleveland Sellers noted that after the convention, the "movement was not for civil rights, but for liberation". Moses especially came to resent the Democratic Party. He felt it was willing to allow poorer blacks to receive benefits from civil rights legislation, but not participate in decision-making.[19]
Despite what many saw as a failure at the Atlantic City convention, the MFDP continued to gain support in Mississippi. Many middle class and "established" black leaders blamed SNCC (which they equated with COFO) for the lack of compromise. Northern liberals who were a key source of funds shifted their support to the now independent MFDP. Closter Current, director of branches for the NAACP, complained to Wilkins that COFO was stealing the NAACP's territory, and that SNCC was turning the young people against them. In November, the state branch withdrew its support from COFO. Henry remained COFO president and was confronted at the state convention the following month. He complained that the NAACP had been excluded from the planning of many activities and was called "only after people were in jail". He also stated that the casual dress and attitude of the COFO staff were offensive to traditional leaders. Hamer responded that local decision-making had been a priority and that the casual dress is what attracted the young people.[20]
Moses was extremely disillusioned after the convention. The success of the MFDP did not encourage him. He felt that the party was "following national programs" (continued attempts at voter registration, party conventions), and was alienating the poorer portions of the population. He resigned from COFO in late 1964 and left the state in early 1965. Dennis had also grown bitter after the convention and the murders of Chaney, Schwerner, and Goodman. He began to question if COFO's tactics were effective given the high costs and limited gains that could be seen. He returned to New Orleans in early 1965, where he attempted to continue work with CORE. He soon quit and opened his own law practice. With the MFDP taking over most political activities, the remaining COFO staff began to sponsor medical services, and provide legal assistance in rural areas. This stretched the already thin funds even more. The ongoing SNCC debate over the role of white volunteers and staff weakened its organization in the state, which in turn weakened an already splintering COFO. At a SNCC executive committee, Jim Foreman called for the dismantling of COFO citing the withdrawal of the NAACP, and the growing political influence of the MFDP. He also raised concerns about the low morale, and the lack of active projects and effective leadership after Moses' departure. COFO's July state meeting in Tougaloo was its last. Members voted to abolish the organization. Staff members were offered positions with the MFDP, which would also take up the remaining projects. CORE and SNCC became less active in the years following COFO's demise. Disagreements, although present from the beginning, seemed to get most of the attention after the return of the MFDP delegation. Like Moses, many workers believed that the abolition of the COFO coalition was a mistake. He felt that it was the only organization to represent the entire black community in Mississippi.[21]
Historiography
There seem to be two views among historians and researchers concerning the role of COFO in Mississippi – the "national" view and the "local" view. The national view is demonstrated in Taylor Branch's Parting the Waters. In his account, Wiley Branton presents the idea of COFO at the VEP Clarksdale meeting solely for the purpose of distributing funds. This explains how COFO as an organization was so easily lost in the activities of the early 1960s. Most historical accounts focus on SNCC's work and the MFDP's trip to the Atlantic City convention. Others have acknowledged its existence but merely stated that SNCC and CORE worked together under the auspices of COFO. In the mid-1990s, two now standard works were written about the Mississippi efforts. John Dittmer's Local People and Charles Payne's I've Got the Light of Freedom brought to life the contributions of local activists and indigenous leadership. Dittmer acknowledges the traditional view, but makes clear that many participants opposed this notion. Moses and Dennis in particular felt that COFO's primary function was to provide native Mississippians with their own organization, something that they could control. Payne so wholly incorporates the "local view" into his work that he barely mentions the influence of VEP funds in COFO's creation or maintenance. Likewise, in their autobiographies, Henry and Moses view the founding of COFO as an effort to unify all the organizations within the state and make no mention of outside influences. In the context of the wider Mississippi Movement, COFO can only be viewed as a logical and necessary step towards accomplishing common goals. Like the whole Civil Rights Movement, COFO's ultimate effectiveness is debated, but for a time, it brought together rivals and people of competing philosophies to build a better society.[22]
References
- ^ Payne, 1995, p. 13.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 33, 49, 78, 160; Payne, 1995, pp. 51-60.
- ^ Moses and Cobb, 2001, pp. 35-45.
- ^ Branch, 1988, p. 390; Dittmer, 1994, pp. 92-95, 117; Moses and Cobb, 2001, p. 61.
- ^ Henry and Curry, 2000, pp. 105-109; Branch, 1988, p. 557; Dittmer, 1994, pp. 117-118, 123.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, p. 122; Henry and Curry, 2000, pp. 107, 115; Moses, 1994, p. x; Payne, 1995, p. 62.
- ^ Branch, 1988, p. 479, 635.
- ^ a b Henry and Curry, 2000, p. 119. The SCLC did join although it was not very active in Mississippi at the time. The state branch of the NAACP joined, but not the national branch.
- ^ Moses and Cobb, 2001, p. 61.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 125-128, 133-134; Polletta, 2000, p. 398.
- ^ Dirks, 2007, pp. 73, 84; Payne, 1995, pp. 208-210.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 166, 200-208; Dirks, 2007, p. 84; Moses and Cobb, 2001, p. 73.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 208-214, 232-236.
- ^ a b c "General Article: Murder in Mississippi". American Experience. PBS. Retrieved 14 November 2016.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 243-246; Sturkey, 2010, p. 355.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, p. 252; Payne, 1995, p. 305; Sturkey, 2010, p. 351.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, p. 237; Marsh, 1997, pp. 33-35; Polletta, 2000, p. 394.
- ^ Branch, 1998, pp. 448-449, 469; Marsh, 1997, pp. 37-44; Polletta, 2000, pp. 393-395.
- ^ Marsh, 1997, pp. 40-44; Payne, 1995, p. 340.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 341-343; Payne, 1995, p. 375.
- ^ Dittmer, 1994, pp. 326-335, 343-344.
- ^ Branch, 1988, p. 635; Dittmer, 1994, p. 118; Polletta, 2000, p. 383; Sturkey, 2010, p. 350.
Bibliography
- Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954- 1963. New York: Simon & Schuster Inc., 1988.
- Branch, Taylor. Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963-1964. New York: Simon & Schuster Inc., 1998.
- Dirks, Annelieke. "Between Threat and Reality: The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Emergence of Armed Self-Defense in Clarksdale and Natchez, Mississippi, 1960-1965." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 1 (2007): 71–98.
- Dittmer, John. Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994.
- Henry, Aaron and Constance Curry. Aaron Henry: The Fire Ever Burning. Jackson, Ms: University of Mississippi Press, 2000.
- Marsh, Charles. God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997.
- Moses, Robert P. and Charles E. Cobb. Radical Equations: Math Literacy and Civil Rights. Boston: Beacon Press, 2001.
- Payne, Charles M. I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.
- Polletta, Francesca. "The Structural Context of Novel Rights Claims: Southern Civil Rights Organizing, 1961- 1966." Law & Society Review 34 (2000): 367–406.
- Sturkey, William. "'I Want to Become a Part of History': Freedom Summer, Freedom Schools, and the Freedom News." Journal of African American History (2010): 348- 368.
Further reading
- Burner, Eric R. And Gently He Shall Lead Them: Robert Parris Moses and Civil Rights in Mississippi. New York: New York University Press, 1994.
- Johnston, Erle. Mississippi's Defiant Years: 1953- 1973. Forest, MS: Lake Harbor Publishers, 1990.
- McAdam, Doug. Freedom Summer. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.
- Rachal, John R. "'The Long, Hot Summer': The Mississippi Response to Freedom Summer, 1964." The Journal of Negro History 84 (Autumn, 1999): 315- 339.
- Silver, James W. Mississippi: The Closed Society. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1966.
- Umoja, Akinyele O. "1964: The Beginning of the End of Nonviolence in the Mississippi Freedom Movement." Radical History Review 85 (2003): 201–226.
- Watson, Bruce. Freedom Summer. New York: Penguin Books, 2010.
External links
- Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive